e
•‘How APC agenda to foist Buhari,
Tinubu ticket on Nigeria failed’
•Says the calculations of the
opposition party on S/West, N/West
flawed
By Wale Akinola
Chief Tom Ikimi, the National
Chairman of the Third Republic
National Republican Convention
(NRC), was part of the process that
gave birth to the opposition party,
All Progressives Congress (APC), but
now in the ruling Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP). In this interview, Ikimi
speaks on his exit from the APC. He
also explains why the North should
wait till 2019 to return to power at
the federal level while pointing out
the flaws in the assumption that the
APC will win the forthcoming polls
overwhelmingly in the South-west
and North-west geo-political zones.
NIGERIA HAS NEVER BEEN ON EDGE
THE WAY IT IS SINCE 1993 AND
NEVER SO POLITICALLY DIVIDED
ON ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS LINES.
HOW DID WE GET TO THIS
FRIGHTENING STATE?
Following the overthrow of the Shehu
Shagari democratically elected
government in 1983 by General
Muhamadu Buhari, we had ten long
years of military rule before the
annulled June 12, 1993 election took
place. The build-up to that election,
contested by two popular national
political parties, the NRC and SDP,
saw three northern-born popular
presidential candidates, General
Shehu Musa Yar’Adua,
MallamAdamuCiroma, and
AlhajiUmaruShinkafi among others
summarily disqualified and taken
into detention.
In the circumstance, while it may be
convenient to characterize the June
12, 1993 election as the freest and
fairest, behind that facade rested
deep tribal resentment, mostly from
the North, of what had occurred. In
some other parts of the country,
mainly in the South West, protesters,
not necessarily confined to the
leadership of the SDP, found the
Abiola cause a convenient platform
on which to organize overt
resistance.
In the midst of all this restiveness
erupted among southern minority
elements, particularly in the Niger
Delta area, mostly for reasons of
apparent grievances. They
commenced challenging what they
described as a reckless plundering of
the natural resources from their
native soil – oil.
The coincidence of the sudden
deaths of General Abacha and Chief
MKO Abiola did not put the
firestorms sparked by these crisis to
rest. The emergence of General
Obasanjo, on the platform of the PDP
in 1999, by virtue of an arrangement
conceived and executed by his top
military colleagues did not really
fulfill the intention of the inventors
to assuage the anger of the South
West whose leading political figures
distanced themselves from
Obasanjo’s candidature.
Unfortunately the OBJ personal
agenda, which included a plot to
position himself for an indefinite
presidential reign, rather than work
to unite the country, created massive
asssault on the peace and orderly
progress of the new democratic
structure. OBJ was virtually forced
out of office. He departed with a
vengeance, ceding power to an ailing
successor, the late President Umaru
Musa Yar’Adua, from northern
Nigeria.
President Goodluck Jonathan
assumed the presidency in the
midst of escalating unrest and crisis
in his indigenous area, the Niger
Delta. Simultaneously, parts of
Northern Nigeria was gradually being
criss-crossed by Muslim religious
fundamentalist, who took advantage
of Nigeria’s extensive, porous
borders with neighboring Niger
,Chad and Cameroons. The sectarian-
fomented crisis in North Africa and
parts of the Middle East started
sipping through to Nigeria.
Although President Jonathan
successfully brought the Niger Delta
crisis to an end, political fortune
hunters as well as mischief makers
inside and outside the PDP invoked
the tribal card as a means of
challenging the President’s
legitimate second term bid. In the
circumstance, the genuine effort by
some of us to unite the opposition
in order to produce a strong
alternative political platform, which
should ensure a balanced polity with
adequate checks and balances was
suddenly hijacked by a crop of
desperate political contractors.
WHAT SHOULD WE BE DOING TO
BRING DOWN TENSION IN THE
POLITY AND SEND A SIGNAL THAT
THIS ELECTION IS NOT A DO-OR-
DIE AFFAIR?
The nation is currently gripped in
the reality of the struggle for the
presidency. This has generated a
heat of its own. Otherwise, tension
in the polity basically the product of
intra party differences, has been
simmering all along. That was not an
end product of the quest for the
presidency.
The lack of consolidated internal
party democracy is the bane of all
the parties in various degrees of
complexities. Party primaries
conducted by the two leading
political parties have not been the
best examples and INEC monitoring
of the primaries was ineffective. The
PDP, despite its long tenure as the
party in power, has suffered
fundamental stress emanating not
only from the sudden adjustments to
its national leadership but also the
loss of cohesion in the ranks of its
governors.
A number of governors, who left the
party, are now engaged in do-or-die
battles for survival. Similarly, the
APC, recently born out of a
successful amalgamation of major
opposition parties, has not been
able to retain its appeal or freshness
following its leadership hijack by
some desperate individuals as well
as its final contamination by the
influx of the break away PDP
governors. While those who lost out
in their party primaries are gradually
coming to terms with the reality, at
this point in time, only the
prospects of a free and fair election
conducted by an unbiased umpire
can bring down the tension.
Nigeria is a vast and vibrant nation
and, with the rather high stakes in
the 2015 elections, the crucial role
of the media no longer rests with
the print press only but also with
the influence of radio and television
as well as an increasing viral social
media. With the proliferation of
smart phones in the country,
estimated at about one hundred
million, the social media has
emerged as a key factor in molding
the disposition of our people.
Therefore, moderating the
dissemination of volatile materials
will help in bringing down the
tension. The peace pact, recently
signed by the presidential
candidates as well as some
governorship candidates in some
states, seems to be a mere public
relations exercise as the frequency of
its breach by some elements make
nonsense of the high profile
launches.
THE LATEST BID FOR THE
PRESIDENCY APPEARS TO HAVE
RUPTURED THE NORTH/SOUTH
SOUTH POLITICAL FRIENDSHIP
THAT DATES BACK TO THE FIRST
REPUBLIC. WHAT WENT WRONG?
In October 1963, Nigeria proclaimed
itself a Federal Republic.
Parliamentary elections were held in
the country in December 1964. The
election saw most parties run as
part of alliances. The NNA, Nigerian
National Alliance, was led by the
NPC, the Northern Peoples Congress,
whose national stature was only
guaranteed by a formation that
included southern minority parties.
These were the Nigerian National
Democratic Party, the Midwest
Democratic Front, the Dynamic Party
and the Niger Delta Congress, led by
Chief Harold Biriye. Harold Biriye led
some southern minority leaders
principally from Degema, Ogoni,
Brass and Western Ijaw divisions.
The friendship between the
southern minorities and northern
Nigeria was bolstered by the role of
Melford Okilo of the Niger Delta
Congress, who was appointed
Parliamentary Secretary by Sir
Abubakar Tafawa Balewa.
He became the leader of the NPN in
Rivers State. He was elected
governor of Rivers State in 1979. He
mobilized the region to support the
emergence of Alhaji Aliyu Usman
Shagari as the NPN President of
Nigeria. This record speaks
eloquently of a long standing
friendship between the South-South,
particularly southern minority and
northern Nigeria.
Nigeria celebrated one hundred
years of the amalgamation of
northern and southern Nigeria last
year but, since independence in
1960 and the political party
elections from 1963, the struggle for
ultimate leadership of the country
between the North and the South
has remained a hard nut to crack.
The situation has been complicated
not only by the multiplicity of ethnic
groups on both sides but the
emergence of Islam as the dominant
religion in northern Nigeria and
Christianity as the dominant religion
in southern Nigeria. The formation of
alliances has been one way of
ensuring that a balance is retained.
However, the PDP, which has
retained national power over the
past 16 years, operates a system of
rotating the presidency between the
North and South of Nigeria on a two
terms eight year basis. This
arrangement never envisaged a
President dying in office and so the
passing of President Umaru Musa
Yar’Adua after two years in office
has presented controversies over
putting back the rotation principle
on track.
I am sure the North would certainly
be comfortable with the South-South
as their long standing reliable ally.
In the circumstance, it would make
for national peace for President
Jonathan from South-Southern to
complete his two elected terms so
that the presidency may revert to
the North in 2019 when hopefully
they will field a healthy nationally
acceptable candidate.
THIS IS THE FIRST TIME IN THE
HISTORY OF NIGERIA THAT THE
OPPOSITION HAS BEEN SO
ORGANIZED SO MUCH SO THAT THE
INCUMBENT IS NOT SURE OF BEING
RETURNED. WHAT DO YOU MAKE OF
THE SCENARIO?
This claim has turned out now to be
more apparent than real and is,
indeed, not an accurate portrayal of
the history of strong opposition
organization in the political history
of Nigeria.
Buhari, Jega and Jonatrhan
In the late 1960s, two major parties,
UPGA and NNA, emerged through
the amalgamation of political parties
with similar political and ideological
tendencies and partly skewed
towards the sectionalist
arrangements of the period. These
were the NNA, formed by the
amalgamation of the Northern
Peoples Congress (NPC) and the
South West based Nigerian National
Democratic Party (NNDP), led by the
Premier Chief S.L. Akintola.
On the other hand, the other big
and strong party, which was the
opposition party, was UPGA. This was
an amalgamation of The National
Council Of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC),
the Action Group, the Northern
Elements Progressive Union (NEPU)
and the United Middle Belt
Congress (UMBC).
In the Second Republic, although
the NPN was the ascendant party,
the UPN was a formidable opposition
party but was hobbled by its narrow
sectional base.
The Third Republic featured the SDP
and the NRC as two national
formidable political parties. I was
honored to serve as the pioneer
Chairman of the NRC. I have always
desired a balanced polity in which
the opposition is strong enough to
be an alternative platform ready to
assume the role of government.
This would assure effective checks
and balance in the polity. My
experience in the days of the SDP
and NRC gave me remarkable insight
into this option. I eagerly pursued,
with some dedicated colleagues, the
creation of the All Progressives
Congress (APC).
The entry of the APC into the
nation’s political firmament was
received across the nation and
beyond with great joy and
happiness. We proclaimed a new
party with a clarion call of CHANGE
as we strongly believed that we had
created a party that would pursue
democratic principles with an
emphatic culture of internal party
democracy.
I thought we had finally broken
loose the shackles of tribal, regional
and religious politics unlike the NNA
of 1960s that was founded on the
premise of securing national
electoral power through a coalition
of fundamentally ethnic-based
parties involving the intrinsically
“North for northerners”, Hausa-
dominated NPC and the essentially
schismatic Yoruba party, the NNDP.
That assumption which seemed
feasible under the regionalist
Independence Constitution was that
this sectionalist alliance as a
formidable political party would win
federal power.
Those who hijacked the APC dwelt on
that erroneous assumption based on
the archaic 1960 theory that a
Yoruba South West and a Hausa-
Fulani North West Nigeria alliance
will produce electoral victory. The
APC democratic credentials were put
to test in its very first convention
where the self-styled “leader of the
party” successfully plotted and
executed the installation of cronies
as the party’s National Executive. In
a desperate effort to build a team
that was solely designed to unseat
President Goodluck Jonathan, PDP
break away governors were recruited.
It should be noted, as it is already
evident, that the assumption of
automatic and unanimous votes from
the two zones, the North West and
South West, for the APC is not
realizable. Today, the hold of the
APC over the South West has been
dented in states such as Ekiti and
Ondo; its hold has crashed in Ogun
State – due to the soaring profile of
the SDP and PDP in that state; in
Oyo – due to the PDP and ACCORD,
while in Lagos, a major break
through has been secured by the
PDP, not only because of the very
diverse electorate, the charismatic
PDP governorship candidate – Jimi
Agbaje, but the total rejection of the
Lion of Bourdillon.
President Jonathan has an airtight
support in the South-South and
South-East where Buhari would not
secure the mandatory 25%.
President Jonathan will secure more
than 60% of the votes in the North
Central and not lass than 50% in the
North East and North West. His
return as President of Nigeria for a
second term is assured.
OPINIONS ARE DIVIDED ON THE
REASONS OF SECURITY ADDUCED
FOR SHIFTING THE POLLS FOR
WHICH GOV’T IS BEING BLAMED
WHEREAS MANY BELIEVE INEC WAS
NOT READY. WHAT DO YOU THINK?
While various opinions being
peddled around speculating on the
rationale for shifting of the polls,
the compelling facts that eventually
rendered February 14 unsuitable
were quite simply the obvious
security situation, and INEC’s
unpreparedness. Both these reasons
were plainly valid.
The security situation in the north
eastern states of Adamawa, Borno
and Yobe was such that if elections
had been held, large numbers of
Nigerians would have been
disenfranchised. In this context,
which ever party lost could use the
fact of low voter participation to
generate interminable post-election
crisis that the country does not
need. Conducting the elections in
those States with swathes of
territories still disrupted by Boko
Haram would have been a very
daring undertaking and definitely
not in the interest of election
personnel.
Therefore the decision to shift the
election dates and vigorously
address security has achieved two
objectives. First was to demonstrate
President Jonathan’s determination
to enfranchise voters wherever they
may be located. This is significant
because some of these areas are
assumed to be opposition zones.
Secondly, the decisive, speedy and
stunning victories of the Nigerian
forces have resulted in the liberation
of virtually all of the north eastern
territories previously under Boko
Haram. This liberated condition
automatically provides the
opportunity for the voters in these
areas to exercise their franchise that
would not have been possible if the
elections had been held in February.
With regards to INEC, I found it very
strange that the Chairman of INEC,
Professor Attahiru Jega, failed to
disclose to the public the actual
reason he postponed the elections.
In his presentation to the Council of
State a few days before he made the
postponement announcement, he
had admitted that a number of
critical elements for free, fair and
credible elections were not yet in
place. As at the 7th of February, the
date of his world press conference,
of the 68.8 million Nigerians
registered to vote, only 45.8 million
had collected their Permanent
Voter’s Cards (PVCs).
This meant that a total of 23 million
(33.8%) registered voters had not yet
collected their PVCs. It was obvious
that it was not logistically possible
for INEC to complete the distribution
of the said 23 million cards in the
one week left before the elections. If
INEC had proceeded with elections
on the 14th of February, 23 million
registered voters would have been
disenfranchised.
The skewed distribution of cards
affected states that were not
necessarily PDP states.
The issue of card readers, which
INEC proposed to use, is a new
device based on a new technology
that had never been demonstrated
or tested in situ in any Nigerian
locality or previous elections. The
first tests only recently carried out
three weeks after the 14th of
February recorded massive failure.
For some unknown reasons, Jega is
determined to throw Nigeria into
unprecedented confusion with this
ill designed contraption otherwise
referred to as card readers on the
28th of March…
.
www.vanguardngr.com/2015/03/presidency-why-the-north-should-wait-till-2019/

HOW DO YOU SEE THE
PRESIDENTIAL POLL PLAYING OUT
BETWEEN JONATHAN AND BUHARI
BASED ON YOUR PERCEPTION OF
THEIR STRENGTHS AND
WEAKNESSES. THE PLATFORMS BOTH
ARE CONTESTING ON ARE STRONG.
BEYOND THAT, JONATHAN HAS THE
POWER OF INCUMBENCY. BUT
BUHARI IS ALSO POSITIONED AS
THE RARE ANTI-CORRUPTION
CRUSADER WE NEED.
I would say that earlier on my belief
that President Jonathan has a good
strong chance of winning the
election derived from perception. I
am now firmly convinced that, in
fact, he will win the election
resoundingly. This is based on the
strength of rousing public awareness
that woke to his spectacular
accomplishments under his
Transformation Agenda covering
several strategic spheres including
education, agriculture, aviation,
roads and railway, industry such as
motor car manufacturing, power and
the economy.
He as President is leader of a broad
based party which is not owned by
any individual but a party that is
well rooted across the entire nation
with more than 70% of the local
councilors being PDP members.
Jonathan, educated to PhD level, is
of the prevailing generation and in
sync with the new Nigeria.
General Muhamadu Buhari,
contesting the presidency for the
fourth time, was in office as Head of
State some 32 years ago when he
dethroned the democratically
elected government of President
Shehu Shagari.He is remembered as
the ruthless military leader who
seized power and would not
entertain anyone discuss any plan to
return the country to civil democratic
rule. Politicians remember him, how
aggressively he hunted down key
politicians across the length and
breadth of the country.
This hunt was selective as he
manipulated the escape of selected
tribal friends. He was the author of
the infamous Decree 2, an
instrument used to muzzle the
press. Tunde Thompson and Nduka
Irabor, among others were
imprisoned. Death sentences were
recklessly passed on civilians
through the instrumentality of a
hurriedly enacted decree back dated!
Plea for mercy from inside and
outside Nigeria on some of the
condemned civilians, including a
woman, was ignored. He ordered the
selective trial of politicians for
alleged corruption and jailed those
from a part of the country to
ridiculous terms of hundreds of years
each.
Buhari has failed to make the
presidency three times. After the
2011 elections, he wept publicly and
announced that he was not going to
present himself again in contest for
the presidency. It is true that over
the past 16 years, he has managed
to acquire a good crowd of die hard
followers from a number of his
homeland constituencies.
Political contractors from southern
Nigeria, particularly from a South
West state, cashing in on the North-
South political rivalry, the religious
issue and the insecurity in north
eastern Nigeria, have virtually
recruited the general and persuaded
him to recant on his 2011
proclamation not to contest again.
These political contractors see
Buhari’s candidature as the
convenient route for them to grab
Nigeria.
Those parading Buhari, singing a
song of CHANGE, have now been
challenged by many to define the
change they are really talking about
and whether they are talking of
moving Nigeria from the digital age
of today back to the analog age of
1983. The media is now awash with
the Transformation projects executed
by President Jonathan and many are
arguing that those successful
projects are indeed the change that
you can see.
The GMB handlers, who advised the
general to steer clear of an open
debate with Jonathan, have tried
hard to formulate a platform for
their man creating a false image of
him as an anti-corruption man. This
is pure balderdash!! My first
assignment as adviser to government
in 1994/95 was to prepare the memo
on which basis the PTF – Petroleum
Trust Fund-was created. As Chairman
of this juicy portfolio over which the
general enjoyed unfettered control,
the PTF was funded with a total of
around 180 billion Naira between
1994 and 1999.
The general failed to curb stinking
corruption in the organization but
authorized more than 70% of the
funds to be spent in his own part of
the country. An Interim Management
Committee, headed by his own
kinsman, Haroun Adamu, discovered
that over 25 billion Naira was stolen
under GMB watch in PTF. I suppose
this fact is recorded in the OBJ
watch since he set up the Haroun
Adamu Interim Chairmanship. GMB
cannot claim to be an example of
anti-corruption.
As Federal Commissioner for
Petroleum Resources, it was
discovered that $2.8 billion of
Nigeria’s oil money was withdrawn
from the Midland Bank London and
the funds lodged into an account in
a bank where it generated interest
amounting then to over 400 million
pounds which vanished into private
pockets.
The entire anti-corruption and
integrity campaign has collapsed
and the final nail on the coffin of
that campaign was the airing of The
LionOf Bourdillon. As for the issue of
security as it pertains to the menace
of Boko Haram ravaging the North
East, it is now also clear who really
were supporters of the Muslim
fundamentalist attacks on Nigeria
but mischievously turned around to
blame President Jonathan. President
Jonathan was left to equip a military,
army, air force and navy, over night.
He has done a yeoman’s job that
during the last four weeks the
insurgents have been virtually
cleared from Nigerian soil.
The overwhelming opinion across the
country at this time has swung in
favor of President Jonathan and it is
obvious that the overall peace and
stability of Nigeria will be
guaranteed by his election.
DO YOU REGRET LEAVING THE APC,
WHICH HAS, TODAY, BECOME THE
MOST FORMIDABLE OPPOSITION
EVER TO THE RULING PDP?
It was an experience of great joy and
satisfaction for me to host and lead
the process that gave birth in
February 2013, at my Abuja
residence, to the All Progressive
Congress (APC) with the successful
unification of the major opposition
parties – ACN, ANPP, CPC and a part
of APGA.
Several failed attempts had been
made by various people since 1999,
to strengthen the opposition by
uniting a number of the opposition
parties. This had not been
successful for a number of reasons
prominent among which was always
personal interest and ambition.
Consequently, most well known
leaders, particularly in the ranks of
the former ACN, never thought it
would be possible to achieve the
unification. As soon as it became
apparent that we would succeed, a
number of them, notably the current
self proclaimed leader of the party
moved in to seize control of the
party and has since employed every
means to retain his hold.
It became clear to me that an
agenda was brewing as the main
objective of the new party. This
included a move to install General
Muhamadu Buhari as President with
Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Vice
President notwithstanding the facts
that both men are Muslims with
credentials I do not agree with. Most
of my colleagues in the top
leadership of the party also became
aware of this trend. They merely
grumbled about it but seemed not
able to muster the courage to openly
fight against it.
The first National Convention was an
abysmal failure. The event was a
mere charade at which a cabal
succeeded in installing a group of
cronies as the party National
Executive. Core leaders of the legacy
parties found themselves trapped in
this arrangement, which turned out
to be the construction of a
framework dedicated to just one
objective, which was to bring down
President Goodluck Jonathan and
install Buhari and Tinubu.
Notwithstanding Tinubu’s failure to
make the ticket recently for this
election, I am convinced that
Professor Osinbajo has only been
brought in as a stepping-stone and
much has been spoken about this
already. I observed the negotiations
between ACN and CPC in 2011 at
which Tinubu insisted that Pastor
Bakare, who was already picked as
running mate to Buhari by CPC,
should provide an undated letter of
resignation as Vice President. The
pastor refused and so the
negotiations broke down.
My quest for an alternative political
platform in the country was not
motivated towards fulfilling any
personal ambition to contest for
executive power but I hold firmly
that it is in the best interest of our
country to have a credible structure
of two strong political parties that
would guarantee the necessary
checks and balances in the system.
Notwithstanding the negative trends
exhibited by the APC at this time, I
believe a robust political contest
has, at last, arrived. But this is not
the time to cede government to a
desperate upstart commanding a
vengeful army of flatterers all with a
mission of stampeding an illusory
enemy.
In conclusion, I have no regrets at
all leaving the APC as I have always
viewed a political party as a
congregation of like-minded persons
who become welded together in a
close-knit brotherhood in a manner
beyond mere friendship. I find the
APC now a collection of strange
bedfellows of very ambitious people
of diverse interests all constantly
plotting against each other

Nigeria will not be an appendage of Jonathan just to massage his ego. And in 2019, Jonathan and his wife will foist their stooge on us for another 8yrs. When he is done, the stooge will share dollars for someone to tell us why that trend should continue.

#NeverAgain.

Nigeria is Ready for Change. Sai Buhari.

Nonsense

ilugunboy:
Nonsense

Nonsense means that the comments and position of Ikimi is right or wrong?

2019 is igbo turn...

ilugunboy:
Nonsense

^^^You are correct.

What the guy wrote is a load of Malarkey. They are getting denser due the dollars Jonathan is giving them. Jonathan can go contest the Governorship of Bayelsa next year or become a LG Chairman - he is still eligible.

waternogetemeny:
2019 is igbo turn...

Aligbo should have been bargaining with APC on that. It is still not late. The Ohaneze could have consolidated its relevant to Ndigbo by lobbying such concession from either PDP or APC - rather they were busy aligning their pocket with the handouts from the Zoologist.

Now we are like Usu (not anu-elu or anu-ala).

But the good news is that Buhari is the next President of Nigeria. Sai Buhari.

egift:

Aligbo should have been bargaining with APC on that. It is still not late. The Ohaneze could have consolidated its relevant to Ndigbo by lobbying such concession from either PDP or APC - rather they were busy aligning their pocket with the handouts from the Zoologist.

Now we are like Usu (not anu-elu or anu-ala).

But the good news is that Buhari is the next President of Nigeria. Sai Buhari.

Which APC? Only in your wildest imagination is APC relevant.


We are talking PDP THE PEOPLES PARTY and u are talking about APC Cabals.

Useless talk Cos U aren't given the position of party chairman Thief,oleeee,barawo bansa shege .Contunu to spread ur mumu talk.BUHARI IS THE NEXT PRESIDENT . Understand......YES SIRRRRRR!

When some of us insisted on the zoning ting some of una no gree dat time by now apc and pdp for field in southern candidates all this tension for no de. Anyways nobody go get presidency dat cheaply again if igbo want it they should organise,forge alliances and fight for it just like north is doing now and will continue to do since no more ZONING.
Wetin elders go see siting down small pikin on the highest mountain no go see am. Everybody answer im papa name

I'm fed up of all the rubbish coming out supposedly brilliant minds. Nigeria as a nation is higher than South or North. This is a project that must be handled by a qualify hand. In fairness, GEJ has been tested and found to be incompetent to handle various issues bedeviling this great nation. I am not expecting our votes to be based on south or north dichotomy. It should be about who can take us to promise land which definitely not Mr GEJ!.

Story for the gods. incompetent write up in support for incompetent administration !!! A laugh in guengingins language !!!!

then in 2019, they will give sambo who from the look of things is worse than gej? Are we cursed
sai buhari jor

waternogetemeny:
2019 is igbo turn...

BETTER WE IGBOS SUPPORT BUHARI SO THAT 2019 WE TAKE OVER IF NOT HAUSA WILL TAKE OVER 2019 TILL 2027

#GEJWIN

If I should ask why is Atiku, Wamako and Kwankwaso not joining the campaigns and sponsoring their APC presidential candidate Rtd. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari but seating comfortably in their various houses in their states is because they knew that APC is an alien party to the North hence would wait till 2019 while they fully unanimously bring a good candidate from the North. The North are now aware that APC is Tinubu/South West agenda and not Northern agenda.


Nigerians be wise and vote for PDP/GEJ.

CharliParker:
BETTER WE IGBOS SUPPORT BUHARI SO THAT 2019 WE TAKE OVER IF NOT HAUSA WILL TAKE OVER 2019 TILL 2027

can you explain the analysis that led you to this conclusion?

sammyj:
Story for the gods. incompetent write up in support for incompetent administration !!! A laugh in guengingins language !!!!

this is no write-up sir. it is an interview report on Tom Ikimi.
Endeavour to always read the contents of any threads before jumping into conclusions.
Rwmain blessed as you do this.
PEACE..

Tom what, a disgruntled aggrieved former APC member Aber
SAI BUHARI

chibecanglobal:
this is no write-up sir. it is an interview report on Tom Ikimi.
Endeavour to always read the contents of any threads before jumping into conclusions.
Rwmain blessed as you do this.
PEACE..

sammyj:
Tom what, a disgruntled aggrieved former APC member Aber
SAI BUHARI

But you should have read it and see if there are some facts in his comments

Ok my Bro sorry for my previous comment !! But please embrace change

chibecanglobal:
But you should have read it and see if there are some facts in his comments

sammyj:
Ok my Bro sorry for my previous comment !! But please embrace change

Yes of course i will..As long as the envisaged change is positive,transformational and all-encompassing like the unsung revolution being currently driven by GEJ