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Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn - Politics (3) - Nairaland

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Poll: What is Obasanjo's crime against Nigeria

Massacre of Tiv civilians in Zaki Biam Benue State: 9% (3 votes)
Impoverishment of the Nigerian Masses by 500% devaluation of Naira.: 6% (2 votes)
Mismanagement and closure of our National Airline Nigeria Airways: 9% (3 votes)
Massacre of thousands of villagers in Odi, Bayelsa State in Niger Delta: 9% (3 votes)
Taking IMF loans and implementing damaging economic policies: 6% (2 votes)
Increasing fuel prices by 500%: 9% (3 votes)
Deceiving Nigeria by claiming fuel was subsidised: 6% (2 votes)
As military ruler, using the funds /land for "Operation Feed Nation" to acquire his Ota farm: 6% (2 votes)
Covertly sponsoring the coup in which Muritala Mohammad was assassinated, and executing dozens of people to cover up: 3% (1 vote)
Closing Petroleum Trust Fund and allowing Infrastructural decay: 3% (1 vote)
Presiding during collapse of electrical power supply in entire eastern region: 0% (0 votes)
Inviting US military into Nigeria and exposing national security secrets: 3% (1 vote)
Making himself minister of Petroleum and failing to have his management of oil revenue audited till this very day: 3% (1 vote)
Embezzling and estimated $120bn or approx N20 trillion: 9% (3 votes)
Sold off all of Nigeria's assets including Oil Blocks , Refineries, Electricity Authority, National, Telecommunications and historical buildings etc.: 6% (2 votes)
Buying up the national assets he privatised at a price that is a tiny fraction of its true value: 3% (1 vote)
Giving away Bakassi peninsula without a national referendum or conference: 3% (1 vote)
Mismanaging our national pension fund and presiding whilst $15bn went missing and denying pensioners their pensions: 3% (1 vote)
Deceiving Nigerians that Abacha' government was a bad, to justify undoing most of Abacha's good work: 3% (1 vote)
Presiding over the worst period of political assassinations in Nigeria's history: approx 20 assassinations including Bola Ige: 0% (0 votes)
This poll has ended

Poll: Obasanjo's worst crime is?:

Massacre of Tiv civilians in Zaki Biam Benue State:: 25% (1 vote)
Looting and closing our National Airline Nigeria Airways:: 0% (0 votes)
Massacre of thousands of villagers in Odi, in Niger Delta:: 0% (0 votes)
Devaluation of Naira 500% & raising fuel prices 500%: 50% (2 votes)
Embezzling an estimated N30 trillion ($180bn):: 25% (1 vote)
This poll has ended

Police Brutalised And Stole From A Lawyer (picture) / Jonathan Told Me & Obasanjo He Never Wanted To Be Vice-president - Donald Duke (2) (3) (4)

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Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 4:45am On Feb 20, 2012
He used EFCC as a tool to make blackmail his associates and to persecute his enemies.

In the case of Buba Marwa, he used EFCC to to blackmail him into writing a dishonest letter that he could use to take to a foriegn court case in which the late Abacha was falsely accused of money Laundering.
[quote author=GenBuhari link=topic=792619.msg10221066#msg10221066 date=1329541844]
^^part 2 smiley

When his criminal cronies were accused of corruption, he turned a blind eye, (and did not query or issue threats) to his Ministers loyal to him, and known to have been involved in abuse of office and book-keeping thefts. Chief Bode George, the deputy national leader of the president’s party, the PDP, was alleged along with others to have corruptly enriched themselves to the tune of N81 billion when Chief George was Chairman of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), and Ojo Madueke, the Secretary General of the PDP, was Minister for transport in charge of the NPA, but the president casually dismissed the findings of his EFCC by demanding further investigations to delay matters. Senators Mantu, Zwingina, and others, got off without a scratch with alleged attempts to extort N50 million bribe before confirming the nomination of Mallam Nasir Ahmed el-Rufai as Minister because of the President’s overbearing influence on the Senate at the time.

Mantu, who was the Deputy President of the Senate, and the arrow-head at the National Assembly of President Obasanjo’s attempt to elongate his mandate in office, allegedly personally approved and paid himself from the Senate coffers, N50m rent on his own house in which he lived at Abuja, and another N40m to furnish it. When a Senate Committee set up to investigate the matter during the heat generated over the ‘third term agenda’ of President Obasanjo at the National Assembly, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) authority, headed by Obasanjo’s Minister, Mallam Nasir el-Rufai, made it virtually impossible for the Committee to determine the ownership of Mantu’s house.

The close subordinates used by Obasanjo as corruption scapegoats were people he planted in the system himself and discarded when they were no longer useful to his long-term agenda in power. Mr. Tafa Balogun, the onetime Inspector General of police, who stole N17 billion in office, N4.5 billion of which was from the Police Welfare fund, was appointed to the office and used to rig the 2003 elections from which Balogun garnered some of his loot.

Obasanjo planted Chief Adulphus Wabara on the Senate as president, and buffeted him with sumptuous contracts and oil bloc deals until Wabara started getting big headed and craving some independence. Obasanjo influenced his sack over a N55 million scam to teach Wabara and others thinking of defying the president, a lesson. Obasanjo said that much himself about the disgraced former president of the senate, who upset him for chasing after crumbs after being favoured with mouth-watering contracts. It made one wonder if the other well known corrupt lieutenants not given the Prof. Fabian Osuji’s sack treatment as corrupt Minister, were not dropping pecks on Obasanjo’s table.

Obasanjo often equated his personal feelings with that of the state and hounded perceived enemies to death or was nonchalant over issues affecting those who had offended him. The circumstances surrounding the unresolved deaths of Bola Ige, A.K Dikibo, Harry Marshall and Chuba Okadigbo, promoted the poisoned atmosphere for further political assassinations, including that of Funsho Williams in Lagos, and Ayo Daramola in Ekiti States, between mid July and early August, 2006. An atmosphere, which when taken along with the vicious and inhuman sacking of Odi and Zaki-Biam earlier, left a bad taste in the mouth about a possible sadist party, regime or despot, intolerant of opposition in the mould of the killer of Dele Giwa.

Orji Uzor Kalu of Abia State, who was alleged by the EFCC to have converted some N25 billion from his state money to personal use, along with Ahmed Bola Tinubu of Lagos State, considered by Obasanjo to be stubborn, were the two most vociferous and independent minded governors to regularly demonstrate against the buffoonery of the Federal government in public matters. They both suffered seriously for this. Obasanjo, apart from illegally withholding funds due to Lagos state, did everything within his power to frustrate physical development in the state, as if it was an enemy territory and not part of Nigeria. He withdrew the operating license of Kalu’s thriving Slot airline to throw hundreds of employees into the unemployment market and destroy the airline. Kalu’s airline had to quickly relocate to Gambia, where fortunately, it found succour as the country’s national airline.

[b]Obasanjo’s love affairs with Gen. Buba Marwa reached its height when ANPP was courting Marwa to be their flag bearer for the 2003 presidential polls. Obasanjo bribed Marwa with the Chairmanship of the Defense Industries Corporation, and prevailed upon Marwa to wait until 2007, when he could facilitate his chances. By mid 2005, it had become obvious that Obasanjo was using Marwa to fight his dirty war against Atiku, since he had no intention of vacating power that soon. Marwa was detained by the EFCC in December 2005 for a couple of weeks for laundering money for Abacha. He was not formerly charged or tried; the EFCC claimed that they were investigating. It is obvious that the EFCC had known about the Marwa money laundering business for a long while but choose the time when Marwa’s presidential campaign was becoming too strident and focused against the third term ambition of the president, to clip Marwa’s wings. Marwa soon after his EFCC experience went into limbo and announced through a personal aide that he had never been interested in the presidency. He tried to return to the presidential race in mid 2006, but his credibility was already a dirty, smelly rag.
[/b]
As for Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, another ex-military dictator, who was aspiring to return as president in 2007, although he threw his hat in the ring in 2005, no patriotic Nigerian took him seriously because everyone knew he was scared stiff of Nuhu Ribadu’s EFCC, that had assembled a heavy dossier on him. Babangida betrayed his fear of EFCC when at his August 15, 2006, birthday lecture, he described Obasanjo as not being a saint himself. Babangida, of course, used the tenure elongation campaign of Obasanjo, to try to re-launch his presidential bid in April, 2006, by being seen to be on the side of the masses, but no Nigerian was in doubt about his antecedence on the issue of democracy and what he would do if he got back to power. Nigeria’s massive foreign exchange savings would have been looted within hours of returning to power, that is for sure.

The accusation in 1999/2000 that the president’s deputy, Atiku Abubakar, privatized Nigeria Incorporated to himself was not investigated because Obasanjo’s third term ambition was not strong at the time. Atiku denied ownership of African Petroleum (AP), which in the end turned out to be a bobby trap, laced with huge hidden debt, and was re-acquired by the government through the NNPC Vice President Atiku Abubakar was the only strong, visible, potential presidential candidate fighting on doggedly while the tenure elongation issue lasted in the National Assembly.

On Thursday 7th September 2006, the Senate President read in the Nigerian Senate, a letter from President Obasanjo accompanying some documentary evidence, alleging conspiracy, fraudulent conversion of funds, corrupt practices, and money laundering, against the Vice President. The submission, which was for the information of the Upper House, claimed that the President, acting on information received from the USA government, set up an administrative panel to investigate the allegations against Vice President Atiku. The report of the panel, along with the findings of the EFCC, claimed that the Vice President utilized for private purposes, funds put in a fixed deposit account for the Petroleum Development Trust Fund (PDTF), a department of government under his care. In essence, the Vice President was acting as money lender with government money for personal profit. Atiku’s defense was that he shared his loot with his Oga.

Apart from these numbing revelations about and from the VP, Obasanjo himself had loads of unanswered quarries on corruption, which Nuhu Ribadu was not prepared or in a position to investigate because Obasanjo was his boss. We usually did not get to know many details about the scams of our leaders until they left office so there was still time yet to expose and deal with Obasanjo. He spent billions of naira to guarantee uninterrupted power supply to the nation but only Aso Rock (the presidential villa) was partially out of darkness throughout his tenure. Instead of admitting that someone abused his trust or that they pocketed the investment on power supply and so could not plan properly, they kept insulting us with the lame excuse that one of the largest gas producing countries in the world ran out of gas for Afam and Egbin power plants. At other times, they cooed that water dried up at Kainji or that a fly hit the transmission line to the national grid.

The economic blue print of Obasanjo’s government was that the power output which was put at 3.5 mega watts at the beginning of his regime in 1999, would jump to 6.5 mega watts by 2001 so, the government invested colossal public funds to bring this about. The Power Holding Company of Nigeria, PHCN, (which I call ‘Please Hold Candle Now’), came into being on May 31, 2005, to replace National Electric Power Authority, NEPA nicknamed, ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ PHCN’s Chief Executive, Joseph Makoju, said in an interview published in the Guardian of May 14, 2006, that the government had invested over N275 billion in the sector in the past six years. N55b in 2000; N25b in 2001; N35b in 2002; N12b in 2003; N60b in 2004; N56b in 2005; and N50b was projected for 2006. After these heavy investments Nigeria was distributing on average, less than 2.00 mega watts of electricity in mid 2006. The Minister of Power said in May 2006 that, “Nigerians should not expect to enjoy regular power supply until 2056.” Obviously, that was too optimistic because the more we spent on power generation, the less power we got, thanks to the crooks surrounding the enterprise.

Major blue chip Nigerian companies were each spending in excess of N200 million on electricity generation monthly to keep their factories going. So also were the telecommunications companies. The Bureau of Public Enterprises said in May 2006, that $1.5 billion or N185 billion, was being lost yearly due to power failure in the economy. “The economy would have been more viable if power had been steady,” the Bureau said. Billions of naira was spent on the National Poverty Alleviation Programme, (NAPEP), of Obasanjo’s government. A Dr. Magnus Kpakol wore the portfolio around his neck like a medal of honour. The only poverty alleviation we saw was on the boss’ faces that were getting rounder and fresher, and in some cases, with stomachs getting bigger to bursting point by the day.

In addition to Obasanjo’s two billion naira library project scandal, he was alleged to have acquired by means that are not above quarries, kilometers of beach land for his Bell University business, on the left hand side of the road immediately after the Badagry town roundabout, on the Expressway to Seme, Benin Republic border. Those dispossessed of their land were threatening and waiting to fight for their rights and due compensation, at least, after his presidency has ended, which probably was another reason he required to remain in power indefinitely by corruptly amending the constitution by fiat.

His battles over land issues were matched only by his endless fuel pump price maneuvers. Obasanjo was alleged to own or have interest in Bell Oil and Gas Company, which apart from controlling some oil blocs, marketed crude oil, packaged gas, and imported refined oil for the NNPC. Some also alleged that Obasanjo had a hand in OBAT (probably Obasanjo Atiku?) oil marketing outfit retailing petroleum products with the state of the art facilities at the Beachland estate in Lagos. If these allegations are true, raising petroleum pump price daily was no more than a selfish, greedy obsession for untrammeled wealth.

Obasanjo increased fuel pump price twice as military head of state, and systematically in six years as civilian leader from 1999, from N20 to N65. But what do our leaders want so much loot for? Has greed no limit? They can’t take anything with them when they die? Their greed for foreign exchange at any price, to import refined oil, was responsible for the continuous fall in value of the naira.

Obasanjo denied the National Assembly the opportunity to probe NNPC’s accounts from 1999, when he took office. The early 2006 preliminary audit report presented by a London consulting firm, confirmed that a lot of fraud was being perpetrated at the NNPC, from the under declaration of lifting details and money collected, to the connivance with foreign oil companies to cheat Nigeria. Was it possible for such things to be happening without the president knowing about them, after all, he refused to appoint a full fledge oil minister from the inception of his 1999 presidency, and ran the office directly himself? In any case, when the final report by the foreign auditors was being presented to him and FEC, in late April 2006, he did not want the report presented. He rejected it off-hand, and asked the audit firm to go back and do more work on their report, obviously as a delaying tactic to kill public interest, that was at its height at the time on the matter.

Hon. Bashir Nadabo collected over 180 signatures in the House of Representatives to begin impeachment moves against Obasanjo in mid 2005. Sixteen impeachable offences, which soon grew into 18 were presented, and included the president’s reckless disregard for Constitutional provisions and the rule of law, including the judgment of the Supreme Court over Lagos state local government’s funds. Extra judicial spending, the non-implementation of budget, and the falsification of the 2005 Appropriation Act. The abuse of power, leading to security breach in Anambra State. Obstruction of the presentation of the Ministry of Petroleum Resources account books to the National Assembly, and the appointment of his children in government, including his son as the de-facto oil Minister. Obasanjo had the effrontery to accuse his hand-picked chairman of the PDP, Dr. Ahmadu Ali, of nepotism. Ali’s problem was that he recommended his wife and son for plum government posts, and was caught out by the press before he could consolidate. The president was only playing to the gallery when he denounced Ali; his own children were visibly or otherwise holding top-ranking positions in government at the time.

In late August 2005, Urji Uzor Kalu, the Abia State Governor asked Obasanjo the following questions: (1) Who collected the commission for the sale of Ajaokuta Steel Company and the Delta Steel Rolling Mill at Aladja? (2) Why has Obasanjo refused to probe the over N300 billion scam at the Ministry of Works between 1999 and 2003. (3) Why has Obasanjo not openly declared his assets? (4) Did Obasanjo not use tax payers’ money to finance the gigantic sports complex and hostels at his Bell secondary school through Strabag Company five years ago? Who is picking the bill for the transformation going on at frenetic speed at his Ota farm? (6) Why has there not been properly audited account of the Ministry of Petroleum Resources since he took over as Minister in 1999, despite evidences of major deals through cronies and the fraud at the NNPC involving crude oil sales? (7) Who has been cornering the commissions on crude oil sales? (cool What about his foreign accounts and the platinum credit card he collected recently? (9) Who got the Abuja national stadium contract that was inflated five times above its original quotation by a Chinese firm?

When Obasanjo was asked on a CNN interview in the US about his alleged foreign accounts, he said he would leave that to the EFCC to investigate. When the EFCC boss, Nuhu Ribadu, was asked by the Nigerian press if he was going to investigate the allegations made by Kalu against the President, Ribadu literarily said he could not probe the president because he needed to be spoon-fed with evidence. Partial spoon-feeding came, indirectly through the Budget Monitoring and Price Intelligence Unit, (BMPIU), in a 65 page manual on public procurement reform programme in Nigeria, published on May 17, 2006, but EFCC still refused to act. The BMPIU report said the Abuja stadium contract was inflated by over N7bn, because the contract value of the stadium at N37 billion, failed its public procurement compliance test. The BMPIU, otherwise referred to as the Due Process office, confirmed that it achieved a post-procurement cost savings of N7.19 billion from the stadium’s contracts, implying that they were inflated by N14.19 billion at least. The contracts were awarded in 2000 before the Due Process office guidelines were formulated.

Three contractors executed the contracts. Package A, which was the Main Bowl plus Valodrome, was handled by Julius Berger Nigeria Plc. Package B, the Indoor Sports facilities and hockey pitch, were awarded to Bouygues Nigeria Ltd, and Package C, the Games Village, went to a company or group called CCEC. The CCEC’s (a group not publicly identified) aspect of the contracts, appeared to have been the most corruption ridden of the three. The contracts were placed under recurrent budget in the 2003 Budget. When the president’s third term campaign started it sounded like a huge joke. The first hint of the campaign was in mid March 2005, at a lecture in far away Germany when he said he was under pressure to remain in office after 2007. His plot to hang on to power began to acquire a life of its own during the Obasanjo’s Political Reform Conference of 2005, at which the issue was thrown out to the relief of most Nigerians. Chief Clement Ebri, Chairman of the Presidential Committee set up by Obasanjo in 2001, to review the 1999 Constitution, confirmed in an interview published in the Saturday Punch of April 22, 2006, that his committee did not recommend a third term for the President, Governors, or anyone. That none of the more than three million memoranda and oral submissions received by the committee mentioned the third term. That after submitting the report, the President sent it to all the political zones of the country, and none of the zones recommended third term. The Ohaneze Ndigbo was vehemently opposed to it as a body. So also were Afenifere, the Yoruba Council of Elders, the Arewa Consultative Forum, the South-South People’s Assembly, the Middle belt Forum and many other civil society groups and notable persons.

While Obasanjo was visiting Ogun State in early February 2006, a rented crowd along with his five PDP governors in the South-West sang joyously (in Yoruba) that they want Obasanjo to continue in office for the third term. The great ‘Messiah’ responded in glee, “I am lost for words.” General Abacha did worse than that in his time as head of state but it landed him in hell in the end. Every time our leaders toyed with extension of tenure it failed. Yakubu Gowon, Ibrahim Babangida like Sani Abacha, tried it with unpleasant consequences. Yakubu Gowon’s advice that Obasanjo should learn from history and not rock the boat was rebuffed and vilified by Obasanjo’s uncouth hecklers who told Gowon to shut up.

The Deputy Senate President, Alhaji Ibrahim Mantu’s led Senate Constitution Review Committee, heightened the third term momentum with its deviously crafted trick options that included three terms of four years per term for the President and Governors in its proposed constitution amendment bill. Mantu had been accused of numerous scams in the past and was kept in the Senate by the goodwill of President Obasanjo who controlled INEC. Mantu’s people signed a petition for his recall in late 2005 accusing him of gross incompetence but the petition was largely ignored by INEC.

In February 2006, the Mantu led National Assembly Joint Constitution Review Committee announced a schedule to take their three terms’ proposals around the country in the guise of public hearing. The public hearing, of course, was restricted to the notorious conclaves of his ruling party, and only cronies of the President and PDP card-carrying members were allowed to attend. The typical Nigerian public was harassed and arrested by the Police for showing up at the various venues to oppose the third term idea. The ‘public hearing’ exercise was estimated to have cost the Nigerian taxpayers a whopping N456 million, with N29.4 million of the amount earmarked for snacks alone. Azubuike Ishiekwene, editor of Saturday Punch, claimed in early 2006, that a Ford Foundation grant of US $2m to the Mantu led Constitution Review Committee had not been accounted for. Other sundry appropriations amounting to billions of naira had also not been accounted for by the Mantu led Committee of the Senate.

On Friday the 17 February, 2006, the presidential candidate of the All Nigeria Peoples Party in the 2003 elections, General Muhammadu Buhari, alerted the nation to the effect that 29 state governors had signed a document endorsing the third term agenda. He said in a statement entitled, ”Respect Term Limits,” that many of the pro-third term governors had embarked on strategies aimed at stampeding and intimidating the members of their state houses of assemblies into backing the project. Buhari warned that the entire project is a precursor to the emergence of despotism and life presidency.

Senator Uche Chukwumerije had warned earlier that coercive force, intimidation, harassment, manipulation, threat, and the use of state resources to blackmail, were the methods being adopted by powerful pro-third term lobbyists, to make elected public officers at all levels buy into the satanic project. The ‘Unity Forum,’ a pro-third term lobbying group, buying signatures of members of the House of Representatives with one million naira per signature to support the lobby, claimed to have already collected 100 signatures by the first week of February 2006. Billions of naira was reported to have been set aside for the third term project.

Chief Festus Odimegwu, the Managing Director of Nigerian Breweries, and a member of Transnational Corporation of Nigeria Plc. (Transcorp), a private Nigerian mega company with government backing to cut offshore deals, strongly supported Obasanjo’s third term bid with corporate raw cash. Other members of Transcorp sympathetic to Obasanjo’s tenure elongation ambition included Mr. Femi Otedola, owner of a major oil conglomerate and Alhaji Aliko Dangote, a leading player in private enterprise and a frontline financier of Obasanjo in politics. Mrs. Ndidi Okereke-Onyuike, Director-General of the Nigerian Stock Exchange and chairperson of the board of Transcorp, privately supported third term. It appeared Transcorp was a front, Obasanjo needed to further nurture and consolidate in the four years after May 2007, to retire into as Chairman?

We were waiting and watching when on August 14, 2006, the ACD (a new political party), confirmed our worst fears that Obasanjo owned US$200m (i.e. some N27 billion) worth of shares in Transcorp. For someone who claimed to have only N20,000 to his name in bank account when he returned to power in 1999, he has some explaining to do about how he amassed the N27 billion he invested in Transcorp within four years in office. Transcorp was allocated four oil blocs (i.e. OPL 218, 219, 209 and 220), at its launching on 21st July, 2005, by Obasanjo, and has since bought out other significant government facilities in not very transparent manner, including the Nicon-Hilton on which it paid US$105m in October 2005. Rules were bent also for Transcorp to acquire 75% interest in the government’s telecommunications agency, NITEL, valued in total at US$1.73billion. The US$1billion offer by International Investments Limited (IIL), for the 75% or US$1.3billion NITEL deal, was denied on account of delayed payment, for Transcorp’s US$750m offer, trapped in an endless payment delay roulette, from 3rd July 2006, to end of August 2006, to mid October 2006, followed by another six weeks…………

Dr. Usman Bugaje, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the House of Representatives said in an interview published in the Guardian on March 2, 2006, that people canvassing at the National Assembly for ‘third term’ for Obasanjo promised supporters in the National Assembly: “guaranteed return ticket to the National Assembly, regardless of party affiliation of the person.” A clear indication of the intention to rig the 2007 elections by the Presidency. Obasanjo’s third term lobbyist also promised each supporter: “a choice plot of land in Abuja with N100 million thrown in to use to build personal villa on the plot, and if the supporter chooses not to go back to his constituency, he could stay in Abuja and enjoy the rest of his life there,” with guaranteed plum contracts from the government, of course. Bugaje added: “It is important that the wider Nigerian public appreciate that if they allow ‘third term’ to happen, they are condemned forever. Graduates have come out of schools without jobs, government hospitals have no drugs, and you cannot pay school fees for your children. It is not a small matter. Nigerians should be prepared to rise up against these dictators, these hawks who are out to condemn them to a life of slavery.” Well, the recall system by electorates was not working. For example, the recall due process in the case of Senator Mantu by his constituency in late 2005, was blocked by the powers that be. However, when the pathway of a stream is blocked, the stream finds another level at a price of incalculable consequences, of course.

Hon. Wale Okediran of the House of Representatives and a member of the ‘2007 Movement’ in the National Assembly against third term agenda, said at the time: “The third term issue is an unnecessary diversion to the real work of the House. From what is happening, it is not likely that much quality work will be done in the National Assembly until the much-vexed issue of third term is resolved. What some Governors have done is to open registers for their members of the National Assembly to sign in support of the third term project in return for automatic election in 2007.”

All the governors supporting the third-term plan had poor record in governance and saw the third term agenda as an opportunity to stay longer in office to steal some more from their state coffers. The Speaker of the Niger State House of Assembly, Alhaji Usman Alhassan Jikantoro, said in February 2006, that some governors in the North had been forced against their wish to support third term. “We have problem with our governors. Some of them, because they have something to hide, are forced against their wish to support the president on the third term issue,” he said.

South-East governors, including Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani of Enugu State, who hosted the Conference of the ‘Southern Forum’ in December 2005, that demanded in strong terms, that the presidency should either go to the South-East or South-South in 2007, chickened out of their resolve and joined Obasanjo’s third term train. Dr. Nnamani, who was fond of the phrase, ‘To God be the glory” to buttress his achievement in office was one of the most corrupt governors cited in the EFCC report to the Senate in September 2006.

D. S. P. Alamieyeseigha, the Governor of Bayelsa State, while defending himself against accusation of money laundering offences offered the following imbecilic logic to the media. ‘Even if it was true that he stole, he was a native born Bayelsan, therefore, the money stolen would eventually return to Bayelsa unlike if a non-native had stolen it.’ Apart from the obvious display of mental imbalance, the billions of naira he stole was either nestling in European bank accounts or used in buying porch estates in Europe, while millions of pounds in cash and a large box full of jewelry belonging to his wife were found tucked away in his London flat bedrooms. Following after Alamieyeseigha’s impeachment by his State Assembly for stealing from his state coffers, other governors from the South-South states, who were members of the ‘Southern Forum,’ became jittery. They all threw their crooked weights behind Obasanjo’s third term project.

Peter Odili, the Governor of Rivers State who was one of the political leaders of the Southern Forum, was cited by the EFCC as being under investigation for fraud in September 2006. He defended this at the time with the argument that investigation does not mean he was guilty. But we all know that the EFCC as a rule, did not investigate flippant accusations. There was evidence already that an unnamed aspiring South South presidential candidate diverted some N150billion out of his state’s coffers to fight the elections and there are not more than three states so buoyant in Nigeria. Lagos is one such states, but it is not in the South South and its governor cannot be President in 2007, because his Yoruba tribe slot has been usurped by Obasanjo.

Odili controlled the other state and he declared late last year that the presidency must come to the South-East or South-South in 2007, and offered himself for the position. In the heat of the third term debate in 2006, Odili lost interest in becoming President in 2007. He said on the USA Cable network news on the 11th February 2006, that he took the position to support extension of tenure “because President Obasanjo has laid the foundation for a stable polity and has taken several measures aimed at repositioning the polity. If there is a legitimate constitutional amendment that permits him to contest, I will be one of the people that would beg him to run.” After the failure of the third term gamble, Odili was back without shame campaigning to be president. Apart from lack of principles and healthy gumption, he is obviously not a democrat.

The third richest state is the Delta in the South South where Governor James Ibori holds sway. Ibori and Governor Igbinedion were declared wanted at the time by the London police on money laundering charges. They along with their counterpart, Obong Victor Attah, the Governor of Akwa-Ibom State, were listed as corrupt by the EFCC report to the Senate in September 2006, became unenthusiastic about being Vice Presidents to Northern Presidential candidates in 2007, during the third term debate between February and May 2006. Victor Attah, for instance, who read the communiqué of the Southern Forum in Enugu in December 2005, that insisted on power shift to the South-South or South-East in 2007, started singing a different tune in mid February 2006 when he said he would consider going for a third term as governor if the constitution allowed it.

Hear him: “The people waiting have a very good reason to wait because they know that it will be good that this person has been able to start the reform that we never had. How many years have we had since independence? We could not dream about these reforms, we could not get debt relief; we could not get the kind of respectability we are now getting in the international community. We could not accumulate the kind of foreign reserve that we are accumulating now. So it is even good for him to continue, let us learn a bit more from him before we take over. May be, that is why nobody is jumping to say I want to contest the presidency for the simple reason that if you know something, please continue for a bit longer.”

In other words, if Obasanjo had suddenly died in power, Nigeria would have died too? The same argument was used for the prolongation of Abacha the messiah’s tenure in office by his supporters. Then he died and Nigeria did not die, rather she got another messiah in Obasanjo. If Obasanjo was so good as they were saying, did that make all the governors so good as to deserve collectively the third term too? There lied the dishonesty in the whole matter. If Obasanjo really loved Nigeria, he would not have tried to return all the rogue governors and National Assembly members his EFCC had built hefty negative dossiers on or who had been exposed and openly maligned, to power for another term of four years? Obasanjo hated Nigeria and wanted our disintegration and he was heartless in the way he went about it so, patriotic Nigerians had to choose between him and our poor hapless country.

An elder statesman and a leader of the pan-Yoruba socio-economic group, Senator Ayo Fasanmi, said in an interview published on February 19, 2006, that the: “people who are championing the third term agenda are insulting the Nigerian people. They insult the people when they say, he has done well, that he has done this and that. The high rate of insecurity everywhere in the country is there, the economy is still nightmarish to the ordinary man in the street, our respect for the rule of law under Obasanjo’s government is a disaster. He does not believe in the rule of law. The local government fund of Lagos State is one of the many testimonials hanging on his neck for disdain for the rule of law. What can we say for a man who is championing the complete militarization of his political party?”

In a February 2006 interview with the BBC, Thabo Mbeki, the President of South Africa, declared that he would not allow the allure of office and filthy lucre to push him to what is unlawful, immoral, and indefensible, by extending his stay in office. He said although his party controls more than two-thirds, the requirement to change the constitution, to stay in power, he would not allow it. Mbeki also said: “By the end of 2009, I will have been in a senior position in government for 15 years and I think that is too long. After 15 years I think I should really step aside.” He was hoping to infuse new blood and ideas into the body politics of South Africa. Obasanjo, who ought to have taken a cue from Mbeki to start preparing the grounds for the takeover of power from him in 2007, was equivocating. At one point, I thought Obasanjo’s fear of handing over was because of the huge foreign reserve (over US $30b), he had built up. The wrong leaders could siphon all of that into their private accounts abroad over night. But was there any time that such a possibility was impossible? Was by prolonging Obasanjo’s tenure the guaranteed way of preventing rogues from coming to power? Is he himself clean?

The clearest statement on Obasanjo’s ambition to extend his tenure in office came in an interview with the Washington Post on April 3, 2006, when he said he remained undecided whether to seek a third term in office or not and that he had left the issue of a third term in office to God.



He emphasized in the interview he granted to the paper at his Ota farm in Ogun State, that God would decide whether to extend his tenure in office or not. He also said he “believed God is not a God of abandoned projects. If God has a project, he will not abandon it.” Obasanjo said that additional term in office if allowed by lawmakers and voters, would allow the reforms he had initiated in the past seven years to be ”anchored” and added, “the reforms we are putting in place have to be anchored, anchored in legislation, anchored in institution.” He would decide whether to run again or not after the National Assembly had voted on a proposal to revise the constitution, he concluded.

Obasanjo’s foot soldiers or arrow-heads on the third term campaign included: the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the PDP, Chief Tony Anenih; the Deputy National Chairman of the PDP, Chief Bode George; the Deputy President of the Senate, Alhaji Ibrahim Mantu; the Special Assistant to the President on National Assembly Matters, Mrs. Florence Ita-Giwa; the leader of the Senate, Dansalu Maida; a Special Assistant at the Villa, Mr. Andy Uba, and the Governor of Jigawa State, Saminu Turaki. The President’s strategists on the term elongation issue had six plans of action.

Obasanjo’s political reform conference was Plan A1. Plan A2, required the use of every means possible including blackmail, assassination or threats of it; threats of dismissal from the party for not towing party line; intimidation, bribery in cash and by awards of oil blocs and lucrative government contracts etc, and outright banditry to push the ‘third term’ agenda through the National Assembly (NASS), and eventually the state assemblies. Plan A3, involved pressurizing NASS leaders to jettison due process while voting on the constitution amendment bill, and to use instead, secret or voice vote to arrive at decisions to overcome the two-thirds obstacle for amending the constitution.

Plan A4, was to replace the three terms of four years each, with five or six years single tenure clause, allowing the President and Governors, extra one or two years each in power, if the third term plan appeared to be heading for failure. Plan A5, was the damage control strategy. The President would come out with the statement that he was not part of the plot all along, and that he abstained from taking sides over the third term issue throughout the debate. He was neutral and now that NASS had decided, he believed democracy had won and it was time for us to work together and heal the wounds of national unity.

Plan B, required that if third term bid failed, confusion and mayhem should be created in the polity before or during the 2007 elections, to encourage the opportunity to declare a state of emergency or the annulment of election results. That way, Obasanjo’s tenure in office could be elongated by between six months and two years, to give the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), ample time to prepare for credible elections. INEC betrayed the plan when in May 2006, it announced April 7 to 28 2007 election timetable, that allowed barely 30 days, as against the statutory 60 days, considered long enough, to sort out litigations etc, before the handover date on May 29, 2007.

Over 99% of Nigerians, including all private institutions, agencies, NGOs, human rights groups, professional groups, the Nigerian Labour Congress as a body, religious groups, ethnic militias, the Nigerian Union of Journalists and the media excepting those controlled by the government, were solidly against the president’s plan to prolong his tenure in office. The private media in particular was largely in support of Nigeria’s survival and the strengthening of democracy through editorials and by providing space for dissents against the president and his cohorts determined to force tenure elongation on the nation by hook or crook.

In March 2006, the Editor of the New Nigerian newspaper, Mallam Mahmud Jaga, was sacked over the cover page story of his newspaper’s March 10, 2006 edition, which criticized the tenure elongation plot. Soon after this, the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) pounced on the privately owned Freedom Radio station in Kano. The NBC accused the station of failing to handle phone-in programmes professionally and barred it from broadcasting between the hours of 5pm and 10pm daily for two weeks, a prime time belt when the station airs political and people-oriented programmes. The station was also asked to pay a penalty of N200,000.00 within 48 hours, failing which its license would be revoked. The station could not meet the demand so the federal government shot it down. A few days later, the police visited the Lagos offices of ‘The Insider’ magazine to harass the staff over a publication that was against the third term agenda of the government.

The Senate had five sessions on the constitution amendment exercise beginning on Wednesday the 3rd of May, 2006. To kick off the debate on the first day, the Senate President assured the Senators that all passages on the constitution amendment debate would be by voting, because division (by voting), was the only way to determine two-thirds of members. He urged the legislators to speak their mind and assured them that the entire exercise would be open, just, and transparent. And as a measure of the transparency, the entire constitution amendment exercise was allowed to be beamed live by Television, and attended by the media.

It was obvious from that first day of debate on the constitution amendment bill, that the third term agenda was going to be the main issue and that it was going to have a rough ride in the Senate. Out of the 13 Senators that spoke on the issue that day, eight were against tenure extension, two were undecided and only three were in support of the idea. On the second day of debate, which was Thursday the 4th of May 2006, six opposed tenure elongation while five were in favour and five were evasive or non-committal.

On Monday the 8th May 2006, Chief Tony Anenih, the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the PDP, and Governor Abdullahi Adamu of Nasarawa State, visited the House Speaker, Alhaji Masari, and the Senate President, Ken Nnamani, at the National Assembly (NASS), to direct them to subvert the rules of both chambers in the ongoing debate on constitution amendments. They asked Nnamani and Masari to adopt secret balloting during the amendment exercise because the PDP believed that that was the only way the third term agenda could succeed.

Masari and Nnamani declined their requests and this prompted the Independent Corrupt Practices and other offences Commission (ICPC), to beam its searchlight on the two leaders of the National Assembly from the following day. It is curious that the ICPC, rather than investigate the sources of funds used in bribing pro-third term legislators, decided to witch-hunt, intimidate, and harass, the leadership of the National Assembly at the time because they refused to adopt secret or voice vote, and prevent the media from covering the constitution amendment debate.

On the 3rd day of debate in the Senate, which was Tuesday May 9, 2006, twelve Senators spoke in support of the third term, two were against and two were undecided. The debate in the 360 members’ House of Representatives began on Wednesday 10th of May, 2006. Of the thirty-one members who spoke on that first day, eighteen were against the third term, twelve were in support and a member was undecided. The debate continued the following day, Thursday, with more members shooting down the third term agenda than were in support.

On the night of Wednesday 10th May, 2006, Obasanjo’s men visited the Apo legislative quarters’ residence of the Senate President to lobby him. The team included two governors, one from the South-South, the other from the North Central, and an aide to the president who along with his younger brother had been key players in the third term campaign.

The Senate President had been wary honouring invitations to Aso Rock (the seat of the Presidency) since the constitution amendment debate in the Senate. The team tried to persuade Nnamani to use secret voting instead of open voting or division, to determine two-thirds majority, to facilitate the easy passage of the constitution amendment in favour of third term. The problem for the Senate President and the Speaker of the House was that they were, in fact, helpless in the matter of what voting method to use, and knew that it was only by playing by the rules that they could hope to successfully and peacefully pilot the constitution amendment exercise in the National Assembly. Section 9 (2) of the 1999 Constitution required two-thirds of members, both in the Senate and House, for passage, after which concurrence of two-thirds of the 36 State Assemblies (i.e. 24 states), would be required.

On Thursday May 11, 2006, which was the fourth day of debate in the Senate, eleven members were against tenure elongation, eight were in support and five were undecided. A total of 42 Senators were already against third term by the end of that fourth day of debate, five members more than the 37 Senators needed to defeat the idea. There were 37 Senators in favour, a far cry from the 73 members needed for the tenure extension to sail through the Senate of 109 members. Sixteen Senators were evasive or undecided.

During the second day of debate in the House of Representatives, which was Thursday May 11, 2006, more members continued to speak against the third term agenda of the president than in support. In a fit of panic, the president delayed his jetting out in his new Boeing 737- 800 to the D8 meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia, to give NASS leaders the warning to do everything possible to deliver the third term. Obasanjo repeatedly called the Speaker, Alhaji Aminu Bello Masari on the telephone, while the debate on constitution amendment was going on, and eventually prevailed on the Speaker to come to an urgent meeting at the presidential villa. Obasanjo’s invitation to Masari came when the House was still in session and this compelled Masari to adjourn sitting abruptly, despite the earlier schedule by the House to end sitting by 5pm that day to enable more Representatives to contribute to the debate.

The Senate President, Ken Nnamani and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Alhaji Aminu Bello Masari, led other principal officers of the National Assembly, including the Senate Deputy President, Ibrahim Mantu, the Deputy Speaker, Austin Opara, the Senate leader Dalhatu Tafida, the leader of the House of Representatives Abdul Ningi and others to answer Obasanjo’s imperial summons at the presidential villa. The urgent meeting, which lasted for two hours, was a platform for Mr. President to exact pressure on the House Speaker and the President of the Senate, for the purpose of manipulating the voting process in the National Assembly in favour of tenure elongation. Also at the meeting were the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the PDP, Chief Anenih, and the Chairman of the PDP, Dr. Ahmadu Ali, who insisted at the meeting that those opposed to the third term agenda should quit the party. After Chief Austin Opara, the Deputy Speaker of the House of Rep. had narrated at the meeting, the difficulty in getting the third term clause passed in the National Assembly due to the stiff opposition it was facing, Obasanjo gave a marching order to the leadership of the National Assembly to do everything humanly possible to make the third term agenda succeed.

He told the NASS leaders that he would not entertain any excuse from them and reminded them that by his military background, soldiers don’t retreat from battle. “You know that I am a soldier, soldiers do not retreat from battle. I have started a fight and, therefore, I will not retreat, I will not surrender,” Obasanjo said and added that the ‘third term’ was a policy of the PDP. He warned that voting the third term out, on the floor of the National Assembly, would amount to defeating the policy of the party that controls the National Assembly, and added that it would be “totally unacceptable to me, and I would not accept such a defeat. The party has to be saved from the disgrace of the National Assembly voting out third term,” he warned.

He was unhappy “with the tone, texture, and depth of the debate in both chambers of the NASS. The legislators are taking advantage of live coverage of the proceedings to repudiate both third term and his government.” He specifically referred to the House of Representatives where he claimed they were making issues personal and using uncivilized and unbecoming expressions to attack the person of the President. Obasanjo asked Nnamani and Masari to ensure that secret balloting was adopted to overcome the two-thirds requirement spelt out in the constitution. In the alternative, Obasanjo said the leadership should “use voice vote or simple majority to decide the third term issue.” Members of the 2007 Movement in the House of Representatives opposed to the third term agenda, on Friday 12 May, 2007, protested publicly against Obasanjo’s disruption of debate in the House of Representatives the previous day.

The major problem for the sponsors of the third term agenda was that receipts are not issued for bribes, and bribe takers faced with public glare that television broadcast of proceedings facilitates, are likely to pander to the dictates of popular public opinion and vote accordingly, than be influenced by the volume of money in their pockets. After all, their first constituencies are the people they represent and not the government or their political parties. So, Obasanjo’s government stopped the Nigeria Television Authority (NTA), and the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN), both government outfits, from live broadcast after the first day of debate in the Senate.

The National Assembly leadership, could not jettison the broadcast exercise by the private media, because of the ‘third term or nothing’ attitude of the President. That would destroy the credibility of the entire exercise. It was a delicate balancing act for the Senate President and the Speaker of the House. Live television coverage exposed the unpopularity of the third term proposal and enhanced the credibility of the constitution amendment proceedings at the National Assembly.

Africa Independent Television (AIT), a privately owned television station continued airing the constitution amendment debate despite endless harassment, intimidation, and assassination threats to the personnel of the station through the mail, physically and otherwise. AIT’s transmission equipment in the vicinity of the National Assembly was destroyed second day into broadcasting the proceedings at the National Assembly of the constitution amendment debate. On the 14th of May, 2006, the country home in Agenebode, Edo State, of the Executive Chairman of AIT, Dr. Raymond Dokpesi, was razed by fire in the wee hours of the morning followed by the invasion of the premises of AIT in the Asokoro district of Abuja, in the day, by SSS operatives from the presidency, to cart away tapes.

The SSS men seized tapes, including the master tape of an anti-third term advertorial, which the station had been broadcasting from the night of Friday May 13, 2006. The advertorial normally ran for one hour and the last insertion was to have gone on air on the evening of Monday May 15, 2006. The advertorial traced past failed attempts by military rulers from General Yakubu Gowon to General Sani Abacha to extend their stay in power and the ignoble roles played in the failed attempts, particularly in the Abacha one, by many of the arrowheads of the Obasanjo tenure elongation campaign. The SSS men ordered the station to stop broadcasting the tape even if the advertiser brought a new copy.

The President’s security men also confiscated tapes of the ongoing National Assembly debate on the constitution amendment bill and ordered the station to stop further transmission of the debate. The station rebuffed this order, at the risk of putting lives and property at the station in peril. The AIT premises had to be hurriedly evacuated on Monday 15, May 2006, due to a bomb scare, but its live transmission of the debate on the constitution amendment at the National Assembly was stubbornly continued.

Before the bomb scare, the Minister of Solid Minerals, Dr. Oby Ezekwesili, had a face-off with a chieftain of the PDP, when she was informed that a pro-third term advertorial, which had been running on the National Television (NTA) for a while, was being scheduled to run on AIT. She phoned AIT to protest against the airing of the tape. When the station tried to find out what to do from the PDP bigwig who authorized the airing in the first place, he insisted that the advertorial should be aired and that the protesting Minister could resign if she was uncomfortable with it. It took the intervention of the Presidency to bring the matter under control.

Despite the relentless pressure on AIT from pro-third term sponsors and security agents of the government to discontinue relaying live signals of the debate on the constitution amendment bill at the National Assembly, the AIT pushed on undeterred, and weathered the storms to the end to provide Nigerians with the details of what happened at the National Assembly in their name. Without the courage and steadfastness of the AIT, the fate of the third term in the National Assembly would almost certainly have been different.

The Central Bank of Nigeria’s periodic statement of accounts released in the second week of May, 2006, showed massive and curious withdrawals in the seven months preceding the constitution amendment debate at the National Assembly thereby fueling speculation that the government had been withdrawing funds from the (Nigerian Excess Crude Oil Account, managed by the Ministry of Finance, through the Central Bank), to finance the campaign for tenure extension.

Between October 2005, and April 2006, US $14,264 billion (about N1, 857 trillion), was withdrawn from the account called the ‘Federation Account,’ without the constitutionally required legislative authority. While two withdrawals were listed as payments to the Paris Club, including 1% commission on each payment, another payment that was not of public knowledge was listed, making three sets of payments to the Paris Club. There were various withdrawals listed as payments for Niger Delta Power Com plants between October 4, 2005, and April 5, 2006, amounting to US $2.4b. The other very disturbing withdrawals were made without giving reasons or explanation as follows: 12/12/05 ($170,549,006.00); 15/03/06 ($471,143.17); 20/03/06 ($442,947.50); 22/03/06 ($144,063,485.00); 27/03/06 ($17,290,067.04) and on 30/03/06 ($630,115.85) making a total of ($333,446,764.56) or over US $333 million. (Courtesy Punch, May 9, 2006).

The Senate decided on May 2, 2006, to investigate the withdrawals, which if they had been necessary, should have been made from the Consolidated Revenue Account after due legislative approved. While we were waiting for explanations for the withdrawals, Obasanjo claimed that the $17,290,067.04 he withdrew illegally on 27/03/06, was for the two extra days he arbitrarily imposed for census enumeration.

In the five days before the constitution amendment bill was thrown out in the Senate (i.e. between Friday 12 May, and Tuesday 16 May, 2006), more than ten billion naira in cash was alleged to have been moved around to bribe legislators. This was besides the billions of naira lavished in the months before the debate in the National Assembly to compromise legislators, strategic individuals, opinion molders, leaders of tribal groups, traditional rulers, religious leaders, trade union leaders, NGOs, student union leaders, the military hierarchy, etc. The cash bribe to corrupt the system kept rising in the ‘count-me-in’ competition between the Federal government and well known and identified facilitators, including State governments, governors, political zone leaders, Companies including the Nigerian Breweries, the new Transcorp sponsors, select banks angling to manage our foreign reserves and retired military Generals. The assumption was that since Nigerian politicians are largely corrupt by nature and our people are very poor generally, everyone could be bought, so the sponsors of the third term project were ready to empty the volts of the Central Bank of Nigeria on it, rather than be disgraced with failure.

It is estimated that over N250 billion in cash, (apart from other inducements like allocations of oil blocs and sumptuous government contracts), was used all around, to corrupt those for and against tenure elongation and civil society. Some civil society unions and NGO’s were given land and cash for their secretariats or largesse for other urgent projects while their leaders each got on the average N20m bribe. A long overdue request to equate the HND with Universities’ first degrees was given the impression of being approved at the time to pacify a large segment of the students’ population. Some stubborn, impossible to compromise frontline human rights activists (including Chima Ubani and others) lost their lives in sudden and suspicious circumstances early in the struggle. Beko Ransome-Kuti’s death was difficult to dismiss as purely natural, especially coming at the height of the third term imbroglio.

NLC leadership had to be prodded by the popular lawyer and human rights activists, Gani Fawehinmi, to make a categorical statement on the third term agenda of Obasanjo during its May Day ceremonies on May 1, 2006. A rather ambiguous statement, weak on positive engagement and activism came from the leader of the NLC’s May Day message on the principles and preoccupations of trade unionism and civil matters generally rather than on the ‘third term,’ which was the great debate of the day. The NLC leader was eyeing the position of governorship of a state in the follow-up election at the time. As far as the leadership of the TUC was concerned, there was no sentiment, no ambiguity, no pretence. After all, Obasanjo gave them their union on a platter. He had earned the right to rule us for life and should be allowed to do so.

The Military leadership too was rubbished by the filthy lucre soaked third term agenda of the president. The Guardian newspaper of May 5, 2006, reported a meeting between a Nigerian senior military officer and a select group of reporters on the issues of ‘third term’ and the ‘Niger Delta.’ At the meeting, which was secret with its date undisclosed, the military boss revealed to the few reporters invited, on the condition of anonymity, and probably wearing a mask too, that the Military High Command viewed the ‘third term’ controversy as, “just democracy in action and does not pose any threat to peace and security of the nation.” He expressed surprise about the hue and cry over the issue that had not yet been fully debated by the National Assembly (NASS) and advised citizens to wait for the verdict of the NASS and accept it. He cited the dictum that, “the minority would have their say while the majority would have their way,” and added this vintage ‘third term’ script, “you have to know we are coming out of albatross. Somebody has to lead this country and we have started the journey with a great promise. We need to reach there. We don’t like the public concentration on the third term. We have to make this Nigeria project work. We have wasted over 40 years as a nation. It is only now that we are seeing the height to go.”

On Friday 12th May, 2006, the media was agog with reports that some members of the National Assembly were each collecting N50 million cash bride from two banks, one a new generation bank and the other, an old one, to support the third term agenda of the president. The EFCC Head of Media and Publicity, Mr. Osita Nwaja, when asked what they were doing about the scandal, said (see Saturday Punch of May 13, 2006), that although the Commission had a wind of the bribery allegations through media reports, they were not investigating it. Later in the week, the Chairman of the Commission, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, sounding unusually look warm in such matters, said tongue-in-cheek, that they would investigate, thus suggesting lack of serious commitment to the unraveling of the scam.

A House of Representatives member, Alhaji Nasiru Dantiye of the ANPP, alleged in an interview published in the Punch of Monday 15, 2006, that he was offered $1 million to support the third term project. Speaking against the background of reports that lawmakers opposed to the project were freshly offered N150 million each to induce their support, Dantiye was offered $1 million on Thursday 11 May, 2006 night, in cash at a hotel in Abuja. He said, “My price shot up like crude oil about three days ago, it increased from fifty million naira to one million dollars.” He was made an additional offer of allocation of unspecified products from the Pipelines and Products Marketing Company (PPMC). He rejected the offers because he was guided by his conscience and commitment to his constituents. In rejecting the bribe, he set a condition, which the bribe presenter could not meet. He said he asked the bribe presenter if he could guarantee that “I (Dantiye) will live long enough to enjoy the money, we have a deal. He (the bribe presenter) could not give the guarantee because he doesn’t have the power to prolong my life for a single second.”

In a report in the Punch of May 13, 2006, the presidency threatened to withdraw and eventually actually withdrew 50% of the area covered by the Oil Prospecting Lease 246 awarded to South Atlantic Petroleum Ltd, an oil firm owned by the former Minister of Defense, Lt. General Theophilus Danjuma. Danjuma’s opposition to the extension of President Obasanjo’s tenure and Danjuma’s alleged romance with General Babangida, who was interested in contesting the 2007 presidential election, appeared to be the problem. Danjuma in an interview with a national newspaper condemned the tenure elongation plan of the President as an “evil that must be buried.” Danjuma’s wife, Senator Daisy, was non-committal during her contribution to the debate on the third term project in the Senate. Danjuma immediately went to court to fight for his rights over the oil bloc issue but he did not stand much chance against the government in such matters.

In an open letter on the tenure elongation issue published in the press in mid May 2006, Rev. Father George Ehusani said, “The one whom the gods want to destroy, they first made mad.” That same week, it was reported in the press that the convoy of the President was attacked by a mob wielding amongst other objects, stones, sticks, pure water sachets, when the President visited Kano on his way to Dutse, in Jigawa State. The attack was against the President’s maneuvers to elongate his tenure in office. An earlier attack over the same issue took place in Lagos, when demonstrators loyal to the President, barricaded the entrance to the Ikoyi, Lagos, home of the Vice president, Ajhaji Atiku Abubakar, because of his open disagreement with the President, over the tenure extensi
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 2:01pm On Feb 20, 2012
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Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 4:50am On Feb 22, 2012
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Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 12:34pm On Feb 22, 2012
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Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 12:50am On Feb 23, 2012
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Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 12:21pm On Feb 23, 2012
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Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 7:10am On Feb 24, 2012
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Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 6:58am On Feb 25, 2012
[size=18pt]20 July, 2001 - BBC News
Obasanjo refuses to investigate Babangida's corrupt government[/size]

Government officials in Nigeria say no investigation into the affairs of former military ruler Ibrahim Babangida is possible because there is no evidence against him.

A statement issued by the office of President Olusegun Obasanjo says the government cannot launch a blind probe.

The multi-millionaire General Babangida - who ruled Nigeria from 1985 to 1993 - has been accused of crimes ranging from stealing state assets to widespread human rights abuses, including involvement in murder.

The presidential statement was prompted by comments by a former Nigerian bishop, Bolanle Gbonigithe, that no prosecution of General Babangida would be forthcoming because he was President Obasanjo's business partner.

General Babangida has twice failed to appear before the government's Human Rights Investigation Commission to answer charges against him.

Comeback?

General Babangida's eight year rule ended in controversy in 1993 when he ignored the results of a democratic election that businessman Moshood Abiola is believed to have won.

He was ousted in the popular outcry that followed. Taking advantage of the confusion another military man, Sani Abacha, seized power.

In April, colleagues began laying the ground for his political comeback with the formation of a new party.

At the launch of the National Solidarity Association in the capital Abuja, former ministers, generals, and other officials defended General Babangida's right to contest the presidency in 2003.

General Babangida has not joined the new party and he has not made his intentions public.

When democracy returned to Nigeria in 1999, General Babangida and other former military officers supported the candidacy of current President Olusegun Obasanjo.

Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 10:19am On Feb 26, 2012
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Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 8:53am On Feb 27, 2012
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Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 7:36pm On Feb 27, 2012
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Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 7:40pm On Feb 27, 2012
Presidential statement was prompted by comments by a former Nigerian bishop, Bolanle Gbonigi the, that [size=18pt]no prosecution of General Babangida would be forthcoming because he was President Obasanjo's business partner.[/size]


Baba Gbonigi So'ju abe n'ko embarassed


Baba Gbonigi Hit the nail on the head
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 9:11pm On Feb 27, 2012
I concur.

Interesting that he was able to condone the blind probe of Abacha, who incidentally never looted (Obasanjo and his IBB went to great lengths to forge evidence to convince us Abacha looted).
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 9:54pm On Feb 27, 2012
Not sure you can convince me Abacha never looted unless you can show me details of where his family got all the money they spend from?

What is their business or trade?

Where did his son get the funds to run for Kano Governor from?

Where did Abacha Family get the money to even pay their lawyers from? his Army Pension?

They are all looters bro. All of them.
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 10:13pm On Feb 27, 2012
Corruption Flourished In Abacha's Regime

By James Rupert
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, June 9, 1998; Page A01



ABIDJAN, Ivory Coast, June 8—In nearly five secretive years in power, Nigeria's Gen. Sani Abacha built a reputation for authoritarian, sometimes brutal rule. He was less known -- but in terms of his legacy to Nigeria, perhaps more important -- for overseeing a web of corruption that Nigerians and oil industry sources say plundered billions of dollars from the country.

Abacha died today at age 54. While he ruled Nigeria from a fortified presidential villa in Nigeria's capital, the sources said, he and a circle of aides and business partners tapped virtually every stage of the oil business, Nigeria's most important industry and the source of 80 percent of its government revenue. They took kickbacks from foreign companies for licenses to search for oil in the basin and delta of the Niger River and offshore. They got bribes from construction firms that won contracts to build drilling rigs and pipelines.


And, in a business that generated a daily river of cash, Abacha and several associates supervised every sale of Nigerian crude by the state-owned oil company, the sources said, sluicing off an unknown percentage of the $10 billion a year that Nigeria earns on average in oil sales.

In recent years, Abacha, his allies and top officials have added a new form of corruption that is killing the Nigerian economy -- the siphoning of money used by Nigeria's oil refineries to turn crude into gasoline. Finance and Oil Ministry officials argue openly in the Nigerian press over who is responsible for diverting more than $2 billion from the four state-owned refineries in recent years, but the refineries' ruin creates an artificial fuel shortage for this nation of more than 100 million people.

Nigeria is thus forced to import refined fuels, such as gasoline, and, traders say, Abacha and his cronies controlled that trade too, skimming off a percentage. The government subsidizes the sale price of gasoline and other fuels, but Abacha loyalists among the officer corps and civil service divert much of the available supply to sell on the black market or to neighboring countries. The fuel shortage has forced the economy into near depression, leaving millions of people poorer and sicker.

"In Nigeria, corruption isn't part of government, it's the object of government," said a Nigerian political scientist who asked not to be named. For 28 of the 38 years since Nigeria gained independence from Britain, the country has been ruled by the military, and Nigerians say corruption has grown steadily. For the past two years, Transparency International, a Berlin-based organization that monitors corruption, has conducted surveys of businessmen that have ranked Nigeria as the world's most corrupt place to do business.

Since the growth of Nigeria's oil industry in the 1970s, military rulers have controlled the trade. But whereas earlier rulers doled out the graft to key supporters, "Abacha has increasingly monopolized the trade himself," said John Bearman, a London-based oil industry analyst. "There is no deal that does not go through the presidential villa."

Under Abacha, corruption took Nigeria further into economic collapse than ever before. Besides the collapse of the fuel distribution system, the telephone network is decaying. The electrical grid is failing. Almost no part of Lagos -- the steaming, teeming financial and commercial capital -- gets electricity all day, and vast tracts of the city of 8 million never get power at all.

Business is mired by a thousand such failures, and analysts estimate the unemployment rate to be at least 25 percent. Millions of Nigerians survive on ingenuity and doggedness as street vendors, curbside fix-it men, prostitutes, subsistence farmers.

Abacha avoided broad publicity involving state corruption partly by keeping a low profile abroad. His face was ubiquitous on Nigerian television and in government publications but little known internationally.

"He is a recluse," a Western diplomat said in Lagos last month. "He seldom leaves Aso Rock [the presidential villa], and he says very little in public for a head of state."

Abacha and his entourage "live a pretty weird lifestyle," said one former trader who has dealt in oil with Abacha's family. He and others told of traders arriving in Abuja, the capital, and waiting at a luxury hotel for several days before being summoned -- often after midnight -- to the presidential villa to sign contracts with Abacha's aides. Abacha "works all night and sleeps all day," said the former trader, who asked not to be named. "If you didn't get your deal done by 6 a.m., you'd have to go back."

Nigerians and international economists say Abacha appears to have hidden his wealth well. Nigerian journalists who have investigated corruption say he appears to have particular business interests in the Persian Gulf region and the so-called "tiger" economies of Asia and Brazil.

Much of the oil that Nigeria pumps each day goes to the major international oil companies -- Shell, Mobil, Chevron and others -- that operate the oil fields. But the largest single share goes to Nigeria's state oil company, which, under the direction of Abacha's camp, sells its oil to independent traders.

According to official announcements of oil sales and reporting by the London-based oil newsletter Energy Compass, Nigeria's main trading partners in the Abacha era have been the London-based firms Arcadia and Addax, and the Swiss-based company Glencore, which was under the control of Marc Rich, an American commodities dealer.

Abacha's predecessor, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, "doled out the contracts" to a wide circle of supporters, allowing them to take commissions from oil traders, said Patrick Smith, editor of the London-based newsletter Africa Confidential.

When the 1991 Persian Gulf War drove oil prices upward, Nigeria earned a windfall that never made it to government coffers. Soon after taking power as he wooed political support, Abacha named a commission headed by Nigerian economist Pius Okigbo to investigate. Okigbo reported that $12.2 billion in oil earnings had disappeared between 1990 and 1994, but no one was ever prosecuted.

The former trader, a European, said he participated in three oil purchases in recent years -- technically from Nigeria's state oil company but negotiated with Abacha aides at the presidential villa. Each contract specified a "commission" to be paid to a specific beneficiary, he said.

He declined to name the beneficiaries on the contracts he helped negotiate. He said other traders had noted that sometimes the beneficiary is a well-known Nigerian, and at other times "it's a completely unknown person" who traders believe is a front for someone else. He said the contracts he dealt with ordered the commissions paid to bank accounts in Singapore, Bermuda and Switzerland.

Kickbacks paid by traders are so high that they "can't make a profit selling the oil on the spot market," said Bearman, the London-based analyst. Instead, "they make their money by buying huge quantities of crude, using it to manipulate the futures market," he said.

The trade in refined products is even more corrupt, sources said. "The government is deliberately keeping our own refineries shut down and starving our economy for fuel," said a Nigerian oil industry analyst in Lagos who spoke on condition he not be named.

Nigerian journalists, who often are jailed for reporting on corruption, are careful about what they publish about the gasoline scam. A trade journal, Nigeria's Oil and Gas Monthly, noted that Nigeria has announced plans to spend $600 million to import refined fuels between January and September. "Paradoxically . . . less than half of that amount would have breathed life into two of the four" Nigerian refineries, it said. "The fear, as always, is that those who perennially benefit from the state of the . . . refineries will do and pay everything to ensure that the status quo remains," the journal said.

A key partner of Abacha has been the Chagoury family. Its patriarch, Rene Chagoury, immigrated to Nigeria from the north Lebanese village of Miziara and prospered as he and his family developed flour mills and a modest construction business.

Among Rene Chagoury's five sons, the oldest, Gilbert, had befriended Abacha as early as the 1970s, according to a Lebanese friend of the family. After Abacha took power in 1993, Gilbert Chagoury became a familiar figure at the presidential villa, and the family's businesses began mushrooming.

When Gilbert Chagoury "flies into Abuja for one of his numerous business visits . . . he is treated like a head of state," the News, a Nigerian weekly, reported in a cover story on the Chagourys last November. "He arrives . . . in private jets and is whisked off from the tarmac without all the customs, immigration and security hassles . . . to Aso Rock," the News said.

Soon after the article was published, its author, editor Babafemi Ojudu, was seized by Abacha security men and held without charge until being released last month. Ojudu, Nigerian business executives and Western diplomats said the Chagourys seized disparate new chunks of business after Abacha came to power, including contracts to buy Nigerian crude oil, build large government buildings -- and, in 1994, to supply all of Nigeria's fertilizer.

The family's flagship firm, Chagoury & Chagoury, has been one of the biggest beneficiaries of a push to develop Nigeria's half-constructed capital, Abuja. The firm has built such key installations as a secretariat to house numerous government ministries and the headquarters of the secret police force, the Special Security Service. But after the magazine cover story, formal plaques on those buildings that listed the company as builder were removed.

Nigerian journalists and business executives said the Chagourys have direct business partnerships with Abacha. In the immediate aftermath of Abacha's death today, the Chagoury family could not be reached for comment. But in one recent public acknowledgment, a prominent director of Chagoury & Chagoury announced that the company's office tower in a posh neighborhood of Lagos was built on land owned by Abacha. Neither Abacha nor the company ever denied it.

In recent years, Gilbert Chagoury tried to curry favor with the Clinton administration on Abacha's behalf. He contributed $460,000 to a Miami-based voter registration group to which he was steered by Democratic Party officials, and won meetings with National Security Council officials, including Susan E. Rice, now the assistant secretary of state for African affairs.

Unlike Zairian strongman Mobutu Sese Seko, who flaunted palaces and villas he owned throughout Europe and elsewhere before his death last August, Abacha has revealed no foreign assets. But in Abuja, Nigerian journalists and business sources said the Abacha family is known to own numerous businesses and properties.

Abacha's oldest son, Ibrahim, was the family's main business manager until he was killed in a plane crash in 1996, the sources said. They said an example of the privileges accorded Abacha and his business partners is the story of Delta Prospectors Ltd., a company that Ibrahim Abacha helped set up. Delta mines barite, a mineral that is a source of barium and an essential material for oil production.

This spring, shortly after Delta announced that its operations had reached full production, the government declared a ban on the import of barite, making the Abacha-owned company the monopoly provider for the huge Nigerian oil industry.

Nigerian journalists and business sources in Abuja and the northern city of Kano said the Abacha family keeps palatial private residences in both. The family's home in Kano is concealed behind fences and armed guards and "is truly opulent and spectacular," said a source who visited the home a few years ago

He built that family home from his army Salary too??

C'mon bro!
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 11:43pm On Feb 27, 2012
Kilode?!,
You must have not seen my post about the new evidence uncovered which exposed the conspiracy between Obj , IBB and other PDP members to bribe witnesses (usually PDP members) to attend court in foreign courts and blame Abacha.

https://www.nairaland.com/nigeria/topic-823498.0.html

So he shouldn't be able to build a family home from his salary? shocked

Haven't many average Nigerians built family homes from their salary? undecided
Kilode?!:

He built that family home from his army Salary too??

C'mon bro!
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 12:22am On Feb 28, 2012
@GenBuhari, you are smarter than all that BS.

Because 6 of 7 thieves colluded to punish the 7th one does not make that 7th one a saint. There is no honour among Nigerian looters.

Our political history is like a collection of schemes and tussles among shameless thieves, one gets to power and the rest want a piece of the action, if he's too greedy for them, they try to overthrow him. Persecuted or not, Abacha was a Thief.


As to your House question, don't be coy, How much was Abacha's Military/ Head of State salary in the late 90's? not up to N3M per annum.

So he built his opulent Kano house with that? and also set his family up and had enough to hire and pay lawyers to defend his estate?

Where did he get the money from?

Did you read Danjuma's admission that Abacha "dashed" him Oil block? Is that not corruption?

C'mon bro!
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by IGotIssues: 12:31am On Feb 28, 2012
no prosecution of General Babangida would be forthcoming because he was President Obasanjo's business partner.

Baba Gbonigi Hit the nail on the head

undecided  lipsrsealed

Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 12:36am On Feb 28, 2012
@kilode?!
First do not believe everthing you read.

Have you seen Abacha's home?

How do you know it  was too aopulant for him to build from his salary?

Take time to read the link, and you would realise that there are a dozens reasons that expose the fact that Abach probably never looted.

https://www.nairaland.com/nigeria/topic-823498.0.html
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 12:45am On Feb 28, 2012
Please post link where Danjuma gave him oil blocks.

this is highly improbable
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 12:53am On Feb 28, 2012
^

But your theories are based on reports from supposedly independent news sources. no be so?


You quoted BBC reports, I quoted Washington post.

I made my deductions based on the facts presented and you did the same, wetin come remain?

You did not present anything new. PDP members persecuted Abacha, right? ok.

But the same PDP is/was headed by Abacha's former bosses and colleagues, people he worked with, planned coups with and ruled Nigeria with sef. these are all facts.

They are all the same, that they fought each other does not mean Abacha is clean.

I've not seen his house, I've not seen IBB's Hill top Mansion house too, I've never visited Obasanjo Farms also, but I believe they are all thieves, Their only verifiable source of income is their military and public service, displaying wealth that their official income cannot explain or defend?  That is corruption sir.

And you've not anwered my questions about his visible businesses and the source of his income.


Theif is Thief sir.
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 1:10am On Feb 28, 2012
Theophilus Danjuma

Net Worth: $600 Million Source of Wealth: oil

Age: 72 Marital

Status: Married

Country Nigeria

Theophilus Danjuma, a former Nigerian defense minister, is chairman of South Atlantic Petroleum (SAPETRO), a Nigerian oil exploration company. In 2006, Danjuma sold an oil block he was given by the regime of former Nigerian President [size=18pt]Sani Abacha[/size] to a consortium of Chinese investors for $1.7 billion. Nigeria's biggest philanthropist, he has endowed his private charity, the TY Danjuma foundation, with $100 million. He currently advises Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan on matters of state.


From Forbes report on Africa's 40 Richest


http://www.forbes.com/lists/2011/89/africa-billionaires-11_Theophilus-Danjuma_T1OG.html



I'm not done o, I 'll be back with more. . .
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 1:12am On Feb 28, 2012
GenBuhari:

Please post link where Danjuma gave him oil blocks.

this is highly improbable

Please pay attention to me. Danjuma did not give him oil blocks, He gave Danjum Oil Blocks


That is high Corruption!
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 2:41am On Feb 28, 2012
Nigerian 'Philanthropist' Gives Away $100 Million
   

Nigerian General TY Danjuma
I was hoping that at some point, Nigeria’s two billionaires — Mike Adenuga and Aliko Dangote — would participate in Bill Gates’ Giving Pledge. But that is very unlikely. Even though several Nigerian millionaires have more money than they know what to do with, they’d rather keep it to themselves than give it away.

However, a Nigerian oil magnate and former defense minister, TY Danjuma just might be a different breed. The 73-year old has put over $100 million of his own money into his Charity, the TY Danjuma Foundation- making it one of Africa’s largest charities, and Danjuma, the country’s biggest philanthropist.

TY Danjuma, a retired military General was Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff in the 70s and served as the Minister of Defense during former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s tenure between 1999 and 2003. Danjuma has always been one of Nigeria’s most influential people. He was a close ally, loyalist and confidante of the late Nigerian dictator, Sani Abacha, who rewarded General Danjuma with an oil block. The block, which was located in Port Harcourt in the Niger Delta region, was left unexploited for several years.  In 2006, he reportedly sold it to China’s offshore oil company CNOOC  for what  Danjuma said was $1 billion. After taxes, and paying off various dues, he said was left with over $500 million.

But he did not know what to do with the money, so he set up the TY Danjuma foundation with a $100 million endowment. During a public forum in February 2010, he recounted his reasons for setting up the charity:

“This was extra money I did not know what to do with. I did not just want to leave the money in the bank. At some point, I thought about saving the money for my children, but I decided against it. I realized that they could fight over the money after I’m dead. So, I decided, why not give back to my people.”

The TY Danjuma Foundation is a private independent grant making philanthropic organization based in Abuja, Nigeria which makes grants to and partners with Non Governmental organizations that champion and promote causes in Education, free healthcare, policy advocacy and poverty alleviation.

But while TY Danjuma should ordinarily receive applause for his uncommon philanthropic gestures, a wide section of Nigerians have been unreceptive to TY Danjuma’s charity.

“I don’t believe TY Danjuma is a hero of philanthropy,” said Emeka Obi, a social commentator and journalist at Compass Newspapers. “TY Danjuma is the problem with Nigeria whereby a few members of the ruling elite appropriate the nation’s resources and wealth to themselves at the expense of over 100 million Nigerians who are struggling to make ends meet. This is the problem with the Nigerian system: a single man makes so much money not because he is hardworking or deserving, but because he is merely connected to the powers that be. Danjuma was given an oil bloc as a gift. It is preposterous. The $100 million Danjuma has given to the foundation is not his money; it is Nigeria’s money, and it is absurd that he pretends like he’s some sort of philanthropist.”

I put a call through to the foundation, but the phone rang endlessly without a response.

But the good old general hardly seems bothered. Deep down, he believes he’s a philanthropist. He currently devotes his time and energies towards managing South Atlantic Petroleum, a leading indigenous oil exploration and production company he founded, while dabbling in affairs of state once in a while.


http://www.forbes.com/sites/mfonobongnsehe/2011/06/03/nigerian-philanthropist-gives-away-100-million/
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 2:47am On Feb 28, 2012
@GenBuhari,

There was even an inteview in which Danjuma confessed he did not know what to do with his sudden windfall. I'll post it when I find it.

Notice how they keep using the keyword "gave" ??

No serious due process, nothing. Just shameless wicked corruption, high cronyism and unforgivable nepotism.

I don't even want to talk about the people he murdered through his goons.
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 2:42pm On Feb 28, 2012
@kilode?!
It does not sound credible the Abacha would just dash someone an oil block like that .


According to the article you just posted , Danjuma was not in Abacha's government, but Obasanjo's.

It is most likely that , it was Obasanjo that dashed him the oil block, how can Abacha afford to be dashing oil block when he ruled when oil prices was only $9/ barrel and he was facing sanctions from western countries who were upset because Abacha had refused their IMF /World bank loans.
Abacha was also prosecuting wars in Sierra Leone and Liberia.

At the same time he was bringing inflation down from 55% to 9%, paying off $9bn of Nigeria debts.

Abacha's government was too prudent to be dashing oil block to friends.

That Forbes.com carried the story does not mean that they got their information from a credible source.

Abeg please take the tie to read through the link that I gave you before.

here it is again:

Whether BBC or Washington that printed the story, have you given a thought about where they get the information they printed?

Since Obasanjo was in power, it was likely to be Obasanjo or his mischevious associates.

The point I am making is that given Abacha's very good economic performance during a time he was under pressure of sanctions, recieving very low revenue from oil at $9/barrel, prosecuting a war in two neighbouring countries. And at the same time managing the economy so prudently that he was able to bring down inflation massively and pay off $9bn of our debt, it is not credible that he would be carelessly dashing oil blocks.

Obasanjo was the person known for dashing oil blocks , he had made himself oil minister and has never allowed the accounts for 1999-2007 to be audited.

It is Obasanjo not Abacha.
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 3:50pm On Feb 28, 2012
@GenBuhari, Haven't you picked it up yet? That they served in the same govt or not does not mean he can't give him oil blocks, in any case, Danjuma IBB Abacha and co were in the Military together, planned coups together, prior to when he seized power from Shonekan, Abacha had been involved in almost every coup since Murtala/Danjuma's putsch.

C'mon bro!

I will not argue about the good economic achievements you mentioned because it is a ridiculous one. I lived through Abacha's rule I'm not aware of the economic achievements you are talking about. Even GEJ is touting the few % increase in GDP as economic devt, so go figure.

I'll find and post Danjuma's interview soon.
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by courage89(m): 4:32pm On Feb 28, 2012
@ gen Buhari,

What would you say was the biggest, or are achievements of Obasanjo's administration?
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 5:47pm On Feb 28, 2012
@GenBuhari I found it. That was Danjuma in his own words, at the launching of his "charity org"


Abacha gave him that oil block without any verifiable due process. Dude sold it to the Chinese and pocketed a cool $1Billion. If I have the time I can dig up more stories of people who got such largesse during Abacha's era from the Chagouris (Lebanese) to other wide eyes thieving associates of Abacha.


You have to do some major Ostriching to conclude that Abacha was not a looter, what is his family business again? What products or services do they have in the market? How did they get the money to invest? From his soldier Salary?

C'mon bro. They are all wicked Looters!

I made $500m from oil block, but didn’t know how to spend it — Danjuma

Posted To The Web: Wednesday, February 17, 2010 - Olusola Fabiyi


A former Minister of Defence, Lt.-Gen Theophilus Danjuma, shocked his audience at a consultative meeting his Foundation and some Non-Governmental Organisations had in Abuja on Wednesday when he narrated how he made $500m from an oil business, and was in a fix on how to spend it.

The chief executives of the NGOs at the meeting could not believe their ears after hearing Danjuma’s narration.







The former Chief of Army Staff said the $500m, came as his profit from the total of $1bn he had realised from selling an oil block, which was allocated to him 12 years ago.

About $500m had been used to settle some pressing personal issues, pay his staff, and tax to the government.

He recalled that the story started 12 years ago when he was allocated an oil block by the regime of late Gen. Sani Abacha.

He said that the oil block which was in Port Harcourt, River State, however, took him about 10 years before his company first struck oil. Luckily for him, by this time, the price of oil had soared in the international market.

He said this made him to sell the block because he knew that “whatever goes up must come down,” stressing that the deal fetched him $1bn.

He also said that he was left with ‘just’ $500m after he had taken care of the essentials of life.

He said that he was not sure whether the money would be secured in the bank. Still, he said that he contemplated saving the money for his children. Yet, a second thought, told him this was not the wisest thing to do as his children might fight over it after his death. So, what would he do with the money?

“It was at this junction I decided to establish a foundation which I have committed $100m to. Before I ventured into the business, I told the participants how I retired early from the army.

“I retired at an early age of 41 from the army; it was also because I got to the top early and after that, I started shipping business and became reasonably rich.”

Danjuma wondered what he would be doing with an extra $500m at the age of 72, saying, “I decided to set up a foundation and endow it with my fund. This is because the Nigerian government no matter how noble its intentions cannot address these challenges on its own.

“In fact, in all developed countries, the implementation of social projects is never the sole responsibility of government; there are often strong collaborations as well as the private sector.”

http://news.onlinenigeria.com/templates/?a=15523&z=12
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 11:54pm On Feb 28, 2012
@kilode?!
Story is still not credible.

So he claims that Abacha gave him oil block and then waited a whole 10 years to cash it in during Obasanjo's government?
Sounds like he may gotten probably during Obasanjo's rule or during the transitional government of Abdulsalami Abubakar, when there was probably a free for all for top military men to raid the treasury prior to handover to civilian govern.

There is no way Abacha could have achieved all he did whilst looting.

Even with all Obasanjo's blind probe of Abacha over his entire 8years tenure, he never found any oil blocks belonging to Abacha, so how Abacha could be giving away oil blocks without having any for himself sounds incredible.

Obasanjo was the leader known for using oil blocks to bribe and selling off / giving away all Nigeria's assets.

If Danjuma actually said this (and there is no guarantee he did) then it would be odd thing to say, unless he was deliberately trying to maliciously discredit Abacha, which is very likely.
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Kilode1: 2:20am On Feb 29, 2012
GenBuhari:

@kilode?!
Story is still not credible.

So he claims that Abacha gave him oil block and then waited a whole 10 years to cash it in during Obasanjo's government?
Sounds like he may gotten probably during Obasanjo's rule or during the transitional government of Abdulsalami Abubakar, when there was probably a free for all for top military men to raid the treasury prior to handover to civilian govern.

There is no way Abacha could have achieved all he did whilst looting.

Even with all Obasanjo's blind probe of Abacha over his entire 8years tenure, he never found any oil blocks belonging to Abacha, so how Abacha could be giving away oil blocks without having any for himself sounds incredible.

Obasanjo was the leader known for using oil blocks to bribe and selling off / giving away all Nigeria's assets.

If Danjuma actually said this (and there is no guarantee he did) then it would be odd thing to say, unless he was deliberately trying to maliciously discredit  Abacha, which is very likely.

I'm sorry, your comeback excuse did not make any sense. He sold the block to Cnooc the Chinese oil company for a profit. Does it matter if it was 10 years later or 10mins?

You dont have to Exonerate one thief to condemn another they are all wicked looters

BTW, Did you live in Nigeria when Abacha was HoS?

Anyway I'm about done here.

You are entitled to your own illusions.
Re: Thief Obasanjo - he wrecked Nigeria and stole $200bn by Nobody: 2:33am On Feb 29, 2012
@kilode,
Now if you were Danjuma and you were illegally given a billion dollar oil block, would you wait 10years to cash it?
Think about this.

It is obvious to me that you haven't even looked at the link I posted which proves that Obasanjo together with is partner in crime, IBB, set out maliciously label Abacha as a looter to justify the dismantling of Abacha's good work, and we Nigerians are so gullible and allowed the thieving fools to decieve and go on to impoverish us.

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