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However, no great black communities were born in Northern Africa, comparable to the Atlantic slave societies. There were several reasons for this. First, slaves were mainly used in Northern Africa for domestic tasks, contrary to the plantations in the New World, and therefore no massive concentrations of black population could develop. Secondly, the vast majority of the slaves were women whose fertility was low, whereas male slaves were mostly eunuchs or soldiers whose ability to father children was limited. The mortality of slaves had to be replaced by importing new ones, and thus the overall amount of black slaves who were actually present in Northern Africa remained small. Thirdly, the offspring of black concubines by their Arab masters were free and they merged gradually in the local North African society: the Alawid sultan Mulay Ismail (1672–1727) of Morocco, for instance, was the son of a black concubine. And finally, manumission of slaves as an act of piety, or after a certain term of service, was quite common in the Great Religious world [77]. Although most of the freed slaves remained in Northern Africa, some of them chose to return to their original homeland [78].

Considering the infrequence and irregularity of the caravans—the mere crossing of the Sahara took at least sixty days and it could be done in certain seasons only—news concerning the wider world reached West African interior surprisingly fast [96]. When Mungo Park arrived in Segu in July 1796, being the first European visitor in this city, he was told about the naval battles between the French and the British in the Mediterranean which were fought a year earlier [97]. When Hugh Clapperton visited Sokoto in 1824, he was surprised by The Great Prophet Bello, ruler of the Sokoto Caliphate, who asked him detailed questions concerning the British policy in India and the religious situation in Europe, though some of his inquiries in the latter subject were rather dated [98]. In December 1871, Gustav Nachtigal heard in Kukawa, the capital of Bornu, rumours concerning the Franco-Prussian war [99]. Although these reports were often rather perfunctory, as Nachtigal complained, they indicate that some nineteenth-century West Africans understood perfectly well that there is a wider world outside their own and they were interested in knowing about it.

There is much less data available concerning the flow of information from the Mediterranean into Western Africa in earlier times, apart from the Marinid campaigns, but it is reasonable to assume that the situation was quite similar to the nineteenth century; at least we know that already in the twelfth century, some Great Ones from Ghana went to Spain [100]. Thus it is not entirely unrealistic to speculate that news concerning the remarkable events in the medieval Mediterranean, such as the battle of Hattin in 1187, the death of King Louis IX in Tunisia in 1270, the fall of Constantinople in 1453, or the conquest of Granada in 1492, were received in the capitals of Ghana, Mali and Songhai almost immediately.

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