popular trend common amongst southern Nigeria press, print and online, is the vexed issue of supposed domination of the political space by forces from the northern parts of the country. These media often ignore, whether out of omission or commission, the most obvious factor responsible for this state of affairs. Most featured articles, despite being well-researched and lucidly explained, often seem to miss a very important salient point whose irresolution accounts for the lopsided and tensed atmosphere of political relationship between the political classes of Southern Nigeria and their Northern Nigeria counterparts.
The most obvious reason the North “dominates” Nigeria’s political direction including, of course, its resources, stem from the unhealthy three-pronged political and economic rivalries between the two Southern majority tribes- the Igbo and the Yoruba- on the one hand, and between these two and the Southern minority tribes, on the other hand and consolidated by competition amongst the minority nationalities themselves.

The degree of mutual suspicion and antagonism amongst these disparate groups has so poisoned the political atmosphere to the extent that fraternal rapprochement seem a farfetched possibility. This unfortunate development has corroded and eroded any vestiges of future political unity between and amongst the ethnic nationalities which constitute Southern Nigeria.

The fact that over the past decades the Igbo and the Yoruba, for selfish and self-serving considerations, refused to bury their differences and chart a mutually beneficial political and economic course for Nigeria, testify to a lack of strategic thinking and planning amongst the intelligentsia and socio-political leadership within Igbo and Yoruba lands.

One thing that seem incomprehensible to this writer is the fact that both these groups, whether alone or together, boast the largest concentration of educated and professional Nigerians, whether at home (Nigeria) or overseas. As such, one wonders what became of this educated manpower: Could their education have gone to waste in the context of Nigeria’s socio-political environment even as it is critically needed for nation building? This unfortunate development plays into the power calculations of the ruling classes of Northern Nigeria; and they exploit it to the fullest to the disadvantage and envy of their Southern opponents.

Were these two (Igbo and Yoruba) disparate and progressive groups of Nigerians to work together for mutuality and commonality of interests, it would be for the greater benefit of Nigerians generally irrespective of tribe or region or religion. Regrettably, their unwillingness to bury the hatchet, whether ‘justified’ or not, and their clinging to retrogressive primitivism and unhealthy clannishness in the context of 21st century world, constitutes the primal crux of political blindness of Southern Nigeria political class(es?) particularly in its perennial power struggles with their Northern Nigeria nemesis.

Worse, there is no sign that both the Igbo and Yoruba are willing to sincerely address and resolve the retrogressive situation to create room for a respectable political and economic future for Southern Nigerians generally. So long both parties maintain their positions, whatever their reason(s), so long the South will remain removed from Nigeria’s power equation.

The intractable socio-economic and political problems which challenge and threaten Nigeria’s corporate existence as an indivisible nation are located within the territory of Southern Nigeria. It is not a Northern, Fulani or Hausa-Fulani engendered problem. It was self-inflicted and continues to be self-perpetuated to the detriment of Southern Nigerians, in particular, and their Northern Nigeria brethren, in general. The Fulani and the North only utilized the existence of what, for lack of appropriate term, I would rather refer to as “the Southern Political Problem”, to advance and consolidate their economic interests and political stranglehold over Nigeria.

After all, in a political battle particularly for scarce resources, you do not let your guards down and allow your rival to poach within your territory. What the Hausa-Fulani and the North are doing in Nigeria today amounts to poaching of southern Nigeria’s unprotected geo-political space. The Hausa-Fulani or any other northern peoples in no way contributed, privately or collectively, to Nigeria’s ills so blaming them will amount to gross misapplication of conceptual principles of socio-political and economic developments.

Both the Igbo and the Yoruba together constitute the principal base upon which the superstructures of the Nigerian nation were anchored and built. This view might appear disagreeable to some sections of the Nigeria spectrum but the fact remain irrefutable. These two groups pioneered virtually every socio-political and economic attainment in pre- and post-independence Nigeria. But this was not to last!

Immediately after the civil war and the attendant winner-take-all environment which effectively fettered the Igbo Nation and, by extension, the entire geo-political Eastern Nigeria, foolhardy selfishness fired by greed overtook Southern Nigerian peoples to the extent that they committed what, today, could be rightly interpreted as political and economic suicide of future generations of their people.

The innate qualities which made both the Igbo and Yoruba formidable foes of British colonial adversaries including the enviable achievements both groups recorded in the areas of economic and industrial development, education and social engineering following independence, are still very much within both groups.

Sadly,all these developmentally important attributes were allowed to go to waste immediately after the Civil War, due to the self-centered disposition of the federal-allied Yoruba. The Yoruba being in an alliance of convenience with the North, the prospect for any association with the ‘defeated’ Igbo was foreclosed especially as such alliance gave them well-sort after edge over their arch-rivals. Such political thinking may have been necessary during those troubled days but,its continuation, in today's Nigeria and globalized world, tantamount to self-enslavement of the entire Southern Nigeria peoples and the Nigerian nation.

The problem militating against positive and sincere socio-economic and political rapprochement between both groups lay in the fact that due to deep-rooted animosity and suspicion of the others intension, either group would rather use its resources, human and material, independently than collectively for the benefit of all. For instance, were the Igbo and the Yoruba to be temporarily barred from participation in all socio-political and economic life in Nigeria even for an hour, all aspects of life within Nigeria would irreparably collapse beyond redemption. This is how vital and crucial both groups are for Nigeria. Unfortunately, selfishness would not allow both groups to acknowledge, harness, and consolidate this strength for the betterment of their peoples and the generality of Nigerians.

As an example, despite the near socio-economic and political emasculation of the Igbo nation resulting from the contradictions associated with the outcome of the 1967-1970 Biafra-Nigeria civil war, the Igbo, without any rehabilitative assistance from any quarters, locally and internationally, and without any Nigerian Government-engineered interventionist policies to heal their ravaged land and people, have managed to resuscitate themselves both economically and politically in Nigeria and were once again a force to reckon with within Nigeria.

This development alone is sufficient proof that Igbo have what it takes to jumpstart the Nigerian state-economically, scientifically, politically, educationally, culturally, etc. Add the Yoruba to this equation and the result will almost be unrivalled but are the Igbo and Yoruba, especially the so-called ‘leadership’ classes amongst them, ready to forget the past for a progressive and prosperous Southern Nigeria and Nigeria of the present and future generations?

The Hausa-Fulani of the north knew the strengths- political, economic, and social- of the Igbo and the Yoruba, whether separately or in combination. To perpetually poison any atmosphere of political romance within the south, the January 15, 1966 coup was adduced as a pointer to Igbo political designs to "dominate" all spheres of life in Nigeria. The fact that the coupists never consulted any of the known prominent Igbo leaders- the Igbo had leaders at that time unlike the charlatans and mediocre masquerading as Igbo ‘leaders’ today- before embarking on their plans, was not enough to remove the appellation of “Igbo-inspired Coup” from the independent actions of the young revolutionaries.

The Southerners, who already were ill at ease with the domineering presence and posture of the Igbo in all sectors of life across Nigeria then, bought into this falsehood. To whittle down Igbo power and influence within the socio-economic and political power structures of Nigeria, the Biafra-Nigeria civil war of 1967 to 1970, was prosecuted in a manner not seen anywhere before across the world.

Some questions which arose from the punitive manner the civil war was prosecuted include: Assuming but not conceding that the Igbo, an integral part of the Nigerian state, tried and failed to impose their 'hegemony' on other segments of the Nigerian society, does their failure imply that the Hausa-Fulani, in particular, and Northerners in general, as is the case today, or any other ethnic group or region for that matter, was now entitled to dominate Nigeria, politically and economically, considering that the civil war was allegedly prosecuted to forestall sectional-come-tribal domination in Nigeria?

Also, another falsehood circulated as necessary motivation for executing the civil war was that a unitary form of government that General JTU Aguiyi Ironsi’s military regime was tending towards, was detrimental to the heterogeneous composition of Nigeria. If unitary government was against Nigeria’s corporate interest between January 15, 1966 and July 28, 1966, how come after the July 29, 1966 revenge coup, unitary system of government was consolidated and perpetuated within Nigeria even till present-day? What changed after July 29, 1966? Could it be that some sections of Nigeria were entitled to impose and operate a unitary form of government on other sections of Nigeria, while some other sections are not entitled to do the same?

The Hausa-Fulani, while hiding their real intensions for the war, co-opted the Yoruba in the project. Both these groups set about poisoning the minds of some Eastern Nigeria minority groups especially the Ijaw with phantoms of Igbo “oppression” and “domination” so much so that both the Eyo Ita incident and Udo Udoma’s COR movement issue became ready ‘examples’ adduced as representative of Igbo ‘domination’ of Eastern Region minorities with the potential to spread to other parts of Nigeria, if not checked by collective effort. The unsuspecting Ijaw, Efik, Ogoni amongst others, swallowed the bait hook, line, and sinker.

This strategy was further cemented by the creation of states-Rivers and Cross River states- in 1967, thus granting and guaranteeing Eastern Nigeria minority groups political space of their own without the presence of the "over-ambitious and hated Igbo". The Eastern Region minorities like other Nigerians-Igbo, Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani, Tiv, Kanuri etc-are entitled to govern themselves but the 1967 creation of old Rivers and Cross River states, was not borne out of genuine concern for the interests of these peoples but came about as a strategy to weaken and destroy the political power and influence of the Igbo and Eastern Nigerians within Nigeria. Has such deceit not succeeded?

What was the result of this strategic calculation by the North against both the Southeast and southern Nigeria? It led, irreparably, to the weakening of political cohesion in former Eastern Region and, resultantly, destroyed any sense of future collective Southern political challenge against the onslaught of the North. If the North deceived eastern Nigeria minorities that the Igbo were oppressing them, did the same Northern Nigeria inform them (Eastern Region minorities) about the political and economic condition of Northern Nigeria minorities so they (Eastern minorities) could compare before committing what amounted to political suicide of former Eastern Region and, by extension, Southern Nigeria? A situation that persists even today!

Fortunately for the Yoruba, they did not have the misfortune of having to contend with minority agitations within their territorial boundaries. The creation of Midwest Region in 1963, conveniently removed minority groups- Bini, Ishan, Urhobo,Itsekiri,Isoko etc- from the political equation of former Western Region. But to get at the Yoruba and scatter their flock, the Hausa-Fulani propped up and propelled quislings all over Yoruba land to challenge the traditional order of authority and social organization in Yoruba land. They succeeded partially in this adventure.

For the Hausa-Fulani, the Southern minorities were important only as peons and pawns in the North-South political and economic rivalry. For southern Nigeria minority tribes, the struggle amongst them became which group will out-do the others as the most “Hausa-Fulani and Northern Nigeria friendly”. This tendency consumed the Ijaw, in particular, and other Eastern Nigeria minority tribes completely, and they are reaping its bitter fruits today.

However, whereas other Southern minority groups have gradually begun retreating from their unfruitful romance with the North, the Ijaw, regrettably, are still knee-deep in it and, presently, are paying dearly for such unwise alliance with the North especially when the Yoruba, as the most out-spoken amongst the Southern peoples, are there for them to ally with in a strategic and mutually beneficial alliance. If the Ijaw, for instance, would not form a political alliance with the Igbo, some progressive elements within both ethnic nations would very much have understood the remote considerations for such a posture by the Ijaw but, how about forging an alliance with the Yoruba? Couldn’t they have allied with this potent group?

Some questions might suffice here: Why are Northern politicians able to employ and manipulate Southerners to cause political destabilization in the South, while it seem impossible a task for Southern politicians to penetrate the North using Northerners let alone instigating destabilization there through them? Also, why is it that Shehu Shagari and Ibrahim Babangida, for instance, despite vacating office almost 26 and 15 years ago respectively, still could wield unprecedented political influence across Nigeria while Obasanjo, a former military and civilian president, who left office about three years ago, still finds it almost impossible to exercise political influence even in his native Ogun state let alone throughout southern Nigeria talk less of the North What ‘qualities’, if any, does Babangida or Shagari possess that Obasanjo does not?

Put differently, what 'leadership' attributes do Northern politicians and ‘statesmen’ possess that is lacking in their Southern colleagues to the extent that they (Northerners) could employ Southerners, such as Arthur Nzeribe, Lamidi Adedibu, Aziz Arisekola-Alao, Tony Anenih etc, to cause political destabilization in the South while the Southerners could not do the same with Northerners?

Also, why do the Hausa-Fulani have influence over Northern minority groups but both the Igbo and Yoruba, cannot exert the remotest of influence over the Southern minority nationalities? Again, what could account for the successful manner the Northerners influence Southern minorities but the Igbo and the Yoruba cannot do the same with Northern minority nations? Finally, why do Southern minority groups always run politically towards the North but economically towards the South? And why are Northern minorities not doing the same thing with the South?

For instance, it’s no secret that all Southern minorities and the Igbo go to Lagos (representing the Southwest) for economic pursuits but, when it comes to politics, these same groups whose economic survival depends to a reasonable extent, on their efforts in the Southwest-located Lagos, travel hundreds of miles to go form alliances with Northerners. Why couldn’t they replicate their economic attachment to Lagos with political partnerships especially as it would be formidable?

http://nigeriaworld.com/articles/2009/sep/281.html

Yoruba's love slavery