•Prepare for post-APC federal government—Accord Party candidate
Presidential candidates of the Accord Party and the Allied Peoples Movement (APM), Dr. Gbenga Hashim and Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, have agreed on the need to form a Government of National Unity after defeating President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the 2027 presidential election.
Hashim disclosed this, yesterday. after meeting with Makinde, in Ibadan, Oyo State.
He said the two leaders agreed that Nigeria needs a peaceful political transition followed by a broad based government focused on rebuilding the country and restoring national unity.
“We are working hard to defeat the government of misery and hardship that the government has become,” Hashim posted on his verified Facebook page.
He said the agreement was not merely about defeating the ruling party at the polls but about ensuring that the political transition produces a stable and united Nigeria.
“We both agreed on unity, not just to achieve peaceful change, but a stable and united Nigeria through the formation of a post election Government of National Unity.”
Hashim said a post-APC Nigeria would require the participation of competent and patriotic Nigerians from across political parties and backgrounds.
“A post-APC led Nigeria requires the participation of the best of the most patriotic hands to bring our nation together after twelve years of the most virulent division in our history.”
The Accord Party candidate said Nigeria's challenges require a national response and that the country cannot afford a narrow, winner takes all approach to governance after the election.
He said the meeting with Makinde represents the continuation of broader consultations among political leaders committed to peaceful political change, stability and national reconciliation.
Hashim said political differences should not prevent cooperation among leaders after the election where such cooperation is necessary to stabilise and rebuild the country.
He dissclosed that there were prior consultations with other presidential candidates on the subject of formation of a Post-Tinubu Government of National Unity and the idea is gaining traction.
“The journey starts NOW, with clear understanding amongst leaders!”
Hashim said the proposed Government of National Unity would focus on restoring national cohesion, rebuilding public confidence, strengthening institutions and mobilising competent Nigerians to address the country's economic and security challenges.
He also added that, “Nigeria belongs to all of us. After the election, we must put Nigeria first.”
We’re not the same — Gbenga Hashim distances self from Obi, Atiku's political ideology
Accord Party chieftain, Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, has drawn a distinction between his political ideology and those of Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 presidential election.
Olawepo-Hashim made the remarks during an interview on Mic On Podcast while discussing the ideological positions of presidential candidates in the opposition ahead of the election.
According to him, Obi and Atiku belong to the “extreme conservative political wing”, while he, African Action Congress presidential candidate Omoyele Sowore and Social Democratic Party candidate Adewole Adebayo share a left-centre orientation.
“Peter is very clear. He doesn’t have any problem with high petrol price. The only problem he has is how the proceeds are managed. He made himself very clear, so he does not belong. So don’t lump all of us together. We are not the same,” he said.
Olawepo-Hashim was apparently referring to the differing positions among opposition candidates on fuel subsidy and the management of funds saved from its removal.
Recent reports have shown that Obi has opposed a return to petrol subsidy while arguing that the savings from its removal should be properly deployed. Atiku, the African Democratic Congress candidate, has proposed restoring a targeted subsidy if elected.
Continuing his argument, Olawepo-Hashim said the differences among opposition candidates went beyond their political alliances.
“There are opposition members who are from the extreme conservative political wing. Peter and Atiku belong to that,” he said.
“There are opposition candidates who share the left-centre ideology, more welfarists, more sympathetic, more compassionate to the common people. Sowore, Adebayo and I belong to that. So we shouldn’t be lumped together.”
The Accord chieftain was subsequently asked whether he was part of an alliance with Sowore and Adebayo.
He confirmed that the three politicians had already entered into an agreement, saying it was signed in Port Harcourt and made public.
“We already did. We signed it in Port Harcourt, and it was in the public space,” Olawepo-Hashim said.
Olawepo-Hashim had previously advocated a targeted subsidy regime, arguing that subsidies should protect citizens and productive sectors while being transparent and accountable. He has also criticised Atiku over his change of position on subsidy removal.
WARNS NIGERIA RISKS FALLING INTO ISIS HANDS, PROMISES NATIONAL GUARD TO CONFRONT INSURGENCY
Presidential candidate of the Accord Party, Gbenga Hashim, has described President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as a National security risk, warning that Nigeria could face the danger of falling into the hands of ISIS-linked terrorists if the President returns to office in 2027.
Hashim made the remarks during an interview on Mic On with Seun Okinbaloye, where he raised concerns over the scale and territorial spread of terrorism, particularly across Northern Nigeria.
According to Hashim, more than 30,000 lives have been lost to terrorism under the Tinubu administration, while terrorists and bandits have established significant influence over rural communities across 17 of the 19 Northern states.
He further alleged that terrorists now exercise forms of parallel authority in parts of the region, including collecting taxes from residents, describing the development as a serious threat to Nigeria's territorial integrity and National sovereignty.
Hashim warned that the situation should no longer be treated simply as a conventional security challenge. “Nigeria is at risk of falling into the hands of ISIS if Tinubu returns to office,” he warned.
The Accord candidate said his administration would respond by fundamentally restructuring Nigeria's internal security architecture, including the establishment of a National Guard to confront insurgency and other major internal security threats.
Hashim has previously advocated a National Guard as part of a broader restructuring of Nigeria's security system. In a 2019 policy proposal, he called for a force positioned between the conventional military and the police to strengthen Nigeria's capacity to respond to internal security threats.
His latest intervention places National security at the centre of his 2027 campaign, with the Accord candidate arguing that the government must restore effective State control over communities where armed groups have established influence.
The warning comes amid continuing counter-insurgency operations by Nigeria's security forces. The Federal Government has maintained that its security agencies are intensifying operations against terrorists, bandits and kidnappers across the country.
Hashim, however, argues that the scale and geographical spread of the crisis require a fundamentally different approach, insisting that Nigeria cannot afford to allow armed groups to evolve from criminal organisations into alternative centres of authority.
He said the proposed National Guard would form part of a broader strategy to reclaim vulnerable territories, protect rural communities and restore citizens' confidence in the Nigerian state.
For Hashim, the central issue is no longer simply how many terrorists security forces can eliminate, but whether the Nigerian State retains the capacity to exercise effective authority over every part of the Federation.
He therefore warned that the 2027 election should be viewed as a critical decision on Nigeria's future security architecture and the capacity of the Nigerian State to protect its citizens and territory.
Kwara North Set to Surpass Kwara Central as Largest Voting Bloc in 2027 – KMC.
Hamzat says Central’s share may decline to 37% as North rises to 38%
Kwara Must Change (KMC), a prominent pro-democracy group in Kwara State, has projected that Kwara North Senatorial District could emerge as the largest voting bloc in the state by the 2027 general elections, potentially surpassing Kwara Central for the first time in the state’s political history.
In a statement issued by its Convener, Abdulrazaq O Hamzat, the group noted that Kwara Central’s share of the statewide vote has declined steadily from 52 percent in 1999 to about 39 percent in 2023, representing a 13 percentage point reduction in its long-standing electoral dominance, historically driven by the urban population of Ilorin and surrounding areas.
By contrast, Kwara North’s share has increased from 24 percent in 1999 to 36 percent in 2023, marking a 12 percentage point growth over the same period.
Hamzat further observed that while Kwara North and Kwara South recorded similar vote shares in 1999, the North has since outpaced the South by more than 12 percentage points, underlining its steady emergence as a key electoral force in the state.
He noted that this growth is particularly significant given that Kwara North began as the smallest voting bloc among the three senatorial districts.
According to him, the district’s upward trajectory reflects improved grassroots organization, increased voter engagement, and rising political awareness across its largely rural and semi urban communities.
Kwara South, meanwhile, has maintained a relatively stable share, fluctuating between 24 and 26 percent, and continues to play a swing role in statewide elections.
The KMC Convener pointed out that the 2023 elections reduced the gap between Kwara Central and Kwara North to just four percentage points, the narrowest margin recorded in decades, signaling a significant shift in the state’s electoral balance.
He attributed this trend to a combination of demographic changes, voter mobilization efforts, and evolving political behavior, which have enabled Kwara North to steadily expand its share, primarily drawing from Kwara Central and, to a lesser extent, Kwara South, particularly between 2015 and 2023.
Within this period, Kwara North is estimated to have gained approximately four percentage points from Central and about two points from South, consolidating its influence across its five local government areas, Baruten, Edu, Kaiama, Moro, and Patigi.
Looking ahead, KMC projects that Kwara North could secure between 38 and 39 percent of the total vote in 2027, while Kwara Central may decline to 37–38 percent, potentially marking a historic shift in the state’s political structure.
The group noted that even a modest continuation of the current growth rate, estimated at about two percentage points per election cycle, would be sufficient to overturn the existing margin.
According to Hamzat, such a development would reflect a broader transition from population driven dominance to performance driven mobilization, where organization, advocacy, and voter turnout play increasingly decisive roles.
He, however, cautioned that insecurity in parts of Kwara North could pose a challenge to voter mobilization if not effectively addressed.
“This projection should serve as a call to action for all senatorial districts to intensify voter sensitization, registration, and participation efforts,” Hamzat stated.
KMC, which played a notable role during the 2019 “Otoge” political movement and the 2023 election circle, said its projections are based on historical voting patterns, field engagement, and trend analysis.
The group concluded that the rising political momentum in Kwara North could significantly reshape the state’s electoral dynamics, with implications for future alignments, governance representation, and power distribution across the three senatorial districts.
igienepo: it's time for INEC to be properly check mated over its activities, it's obvious that a lot of illegal works are on going, disregarding a court's verdict is unacceptable in a democratic system.
•Questions INEC’s fight to restore provisions Court of Appeal declared unconstitutional
Accord Party Presidential candidate and Co-Chairman of Movment for Democratic Renewal Dr. Gbenga Hashim, has called for the disbandment and reconstitution of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) over its blatant disregard of a Court of Appeal judgment on the Electoral Act.
The Court of Appeal had voided Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2) of the Electoral Act 2026, and held that the provisions were inconsistent with Sections 221 and 222 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended.
Hashim said the implication of the July 16, 2026 judgment of the Court of Appeal in Abuja instituted by the Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) is far-reaching, arguing that actions taken by INEC under provisions subsequently declared inconsistent with the 1999 Constitution (as amended) could no longer stand.
The judgment followed an appeal by the Zenith Labour Party challenging provisions dealing with political party membership registers and candidate nomination including the timetable and schedule of INEC activities .
The Court of Appeal held that ordinary legislation cannot impose restrictions on political parties that conflict with powers already guaranteed by the Nigerian Constitution (as amended).
The Court of Appeal also stated that, “no other condition contained in a subsidiary law could disqualify an individual already qualified by the Constitution.”
Dr. Hashim insisted that reconstitution of the electoral body is germane to a transparent and credible 2027 general election.
Furthermore, he described ‘everything INEC has done’ under the disputed legal framework as a nullity; pending the final determination of the matter by the Supreme Court.
Hashim questioned why the electoral commission would seek to sustain statutory provisions which the Court of Appeal had declared inconsistent with the Constitution.
“The Constitution is supreme. The National Assembly makes laws. INEC administers elections. INEC is not the Parliament and INEC did not make the Constitution.
“So when a competent Court of Appeal declares specific provisions of an Electoral Act inconsistent with the Constitution, why is INEC fighting in court to restore those provisions rather than working with relevant political parties to address previous infractions?”
INEC has appealed the judgment to the Supreme Court.
On Wednesday, September 16, 2026, the Supreme Court heard arguments in the appeal and reserved judgment.
A seven-member panel, led by Justice Adamu Jauro, said the date for judgment would be communicated to the parties.
Regardless, Hashim stressed that his objection was not against INEC’s legal right to appeal.
“Of course, INEC can appeal. The issue is not whether it has the right to appeal. The question Nigerians should ask is; ‘what institutional interest does the electoral umpire have in sustaining provisions which a competent appellate court has declared inconsistent with the Constitution?’
“Does this not raise questions about INEC’s complicity in the very process that Nigerians are asking it to be an umpire over?”
Hashim warned that the commission’s action could described as going against Nigeria’s democracy.
“INEC is fighting in all courts, including the Supreme Court, wasting public resources to hire big lawyers to sustain provisions of the Electoral Act that contradicts the Constitution. INEC is complicit in the perfidy to rape Nigeria’s democracy.
“INEC, as presently constituted, is a threat to Nigeria’s democratic order.”
According to Hashim, an electoral commission should be the first institution to insist on constitutional compliance rather than defend statutory provisions that have been judicially declared inconsistent with the Constitution.
“An electoral commission should be the first institution to insist on constitutional compliance.
“It should not be seen as defending a statutory arrangement that has been judicially declared unconstitutional designed primarily by the ruling party legislators to constrict the democratic space"
Hashim said the development reinforces warnings he had made before now that the 2027 electoral process could become a “coronation” rather than a genuine democratic contest.
“We warned ever before now that what INEC seeks to do in 2027 is a coronation, not an election.”
He said the danger was not limited to election day, arguing that democracy also depends on whether citizens and political party members are allowed to genuinely participate in selecting candidates.
“An election means that citizens and members of political parties genuinely participate in choosing their candidates and ultimately their leaders.
“A coronation is the presentation of a predetermined choice for public endorsement through a process that constricts rather than widens the political space,” and added that, “from all indication, INEC is supervising coronation, not conducting election.”
Hashim also criticised what he described as the silence of some opposition candidates who, according to him, had become less vocal after securing party tickets.
“Some opposition candidates are deceived because they have been given gate-pass to attend the coronation ceremony and so, have lost their voices.
“We shall continue to speak because we are not just politicians. We are democrats.”
Hashim also questioned what he described as the “conspiracy of silence” of major media organisations over the Court of Appeal judgment and subsequent Supreme Court proceedings.
“How can a Court of Appeal judgment declaring portions of the Electoral Act unconstitutional, followed by an appeal by INEC to the Supreme Court, not be one of the biggest stories in Nigeria?
“How can a matter with direct implications for the rules governing political parties and candidates nomination ahead of 2027 election receive so little sustained national attention?”
He said Nigerians deserve to understand the constitutional questions before the Supreme Court without any attempt to interfere with judicial independence.
“I am asking Nigerians to understand what is before the Court. Judicial independence does not mean public silence,” Hashim insisted.
He questioned why major media organisations had not made the case a sustained National story. “Where are the front-page investigations? Where are the prime-time constitutional debates? Where are the legal experts explaining to Nigerians what the Court of Appeal actually declared and what the Supreme Court has been asked to determine?
“Why are we discussing the politics of 2027 without sufficiently discussing the legal architecture under which the 2027 election will be conducted?”
Hashim said the fact that judgment had been reserved made sustained public attention even more important.
“The case is now before the Supreme Court. The parties have argued their positions. Judgment has been reserved.”
He warned against a situation where Nigerians would only begin to understand the significance of the legal dispute after the 2027 election.
Hashim said his intervention should not be viewed merely through the prism of his political ambition.
“I am not just a politician. I am first and foremost a crusader for the establishment and sustenance of the democratic order.
“My commitment to democratic governance predates this particular contest. I will continue to defend the Constitution and Nigeria’s democratic order; whether the issue concerns me personally or another Nigerian.”
Hashim reiterated that he would continue to pursue the matter through lawful and constitutional channels and collaborate with individuals, political parties and organisations committed to true democracy.
“I will pursue every lawful avenue available to defend democratic choice. I will challenge, through constitutional means, any action by public institutions which I believe compromises the democratic rights of Nigerians.”
Hashim consequently called for the disbandment and reconstitution of INEC, describing the move as necessary to restore confidence in the electoral process.
“I believe INEC should be disbanded and reconstituted.
“This is not a call to abolish elections or destroy electoral administration. It is a call to rebuild the institution responsible for conducting our elections.”
He said Nigeria needs an electoral commission that is institutionally independent and whose actions and activities are firmly anchored in the Constitution.
“We need an electoral commission that is constitutionally grounded, professionally competent, transparent and genuinely independent of the political interests of the government of the day.
“INEC must be stronger than individual politicians. It must be stronger than the government. “It must be stronger than the opposition. And, its first loyalty must be to the Constitution and the democratic choice of Nigerians.”
Hashim said Nigeria could not afford an electoral system in which citizens were invited to vote after critical political choices had already been determined through processes beyond their control.
“The 2027 election must not become a ceremony for endorsing decisions already made elsewhere.
“It must be an authentic democratic contest in which the constitutional rights of political parties, candidates and voters are upheld."
Hashim said the central issue was ultimately whether Nigerians would be allowed to genuinely choose their leaders through a process in which constitutional rights and democratic choices were respected.
“Nigeria needs an election, not a coronation; constitutional supremacy, not administrative complicity with evil and impunity; and democratic choice, not institutional capture."
After more than a week of extensive personal economic analysis of Nigeria’s foreign exchange floating policy since 2023, I have reached a personal conclusion that the policy may be good for government revenue and some macroeconomic indicators, but under its present operation, it cannot translate into broad based economic prosperity, even over the next 20 years.
This may explain why we are seeing macro gains without a corresponding pathway to microeconomic gains.
Macroeconomic gains are not necessarily the same as economic gains.
Nigeria’s real GDP growth was approximately 4.3% in 2022, 3.3% in 2023, 4.1% in 2024 and about 4.0% in 2025.
So, while growth has improved, it remains broadly within the 3–4% range.
This is occurring despite an extraordinary exchange rate adjustment.
CBN data show that the average NAFEM rate depreciated by about 40.86% in the first half of 2024 alone, from ₦804.22/$ in the second half of 2023 to ₦1,360.03/$ in the first half of 2024.
The question, therefore, is not whether Nigeria grew after the float.
The question is whether productive capacity and economic growth expanded proportionately to the scale of the currency adjustment.
That is much harder to establish.
There is, however, clear evidence of a substantial fiscal gain for government.
Approximately ₦2.517 trillion in exchange-rate gains was shared through FAAC in 2023, while about ₦5.86 trillion was distributed in 2024.
By the first half of 2025, another approximately ₦589 billion had been recorded.
That gives approximately ₦8.97 trillion in directly documented FAAC exchange gains.
My broader estimate is that government has gained more than ₦12 trillion from the FX policy when wider FX related fiscal effects are considered.
But my estimate is that the Nigerian economy has lost more than ₦50 trillion over the same period through currency depreciation, higher production costs, reduced purchasing power, weakened investment capacity and lost productivity.
If these estimates are correct, ₦50tn ÷ ₦12tn = 4.17.
In simple terms, for every ₦1 of broader fiscal gain to government, the economy may have lost approximately ₦4.
This does not mean that ₦3 was literally transferred abroad.
Rather, the difference represents the wider economic cost of the policy. A substantial portion can, however, manifest as a transfer of purchasing power and economic surplus toward dollar holders, foreign producers and external suppliers.
Naira depreciation means Nigerians require more naira to purchase the same dollar priced goods, services and capital. In an import dependent economy, this can effectively increase the share of domestic income required to obtain foreign output.
The danger, therefore, is that an FX policy intended to correct the economy may instead redistribute economic value from naira earners toward dollar holders, foreign producers and foreign economies, without leaving any meaningful value for our economy.
The answer is not necessarily to abandon floating.
The answer is to convert the fiscal gains from depreciation into productive capacity, especially electricity generation, transmission and distribution, industrial infrastructure, transport, domestic manufacturing and productive capital.
If additional government revenue is absorbed into recurrent expenditure, consumption disguised as capital expenditure, or capital spending that does not generate corresponding productive capacity, then government can become fiscally stronger while the productive economy becomes weaker. This seems to be the situation at the moment.
However, the ultimate test of Nigeria’s FX policy is not how much additional naira government receives from every dollar of revenue. It is whether Nigeria becomes more productive, more competitive, more investable and more prosperous.
If it does not, which it doesn't, the policy needs to be reevaluated and adjusted.
A policy designed to correct an abnormality in our economy should not become a mechanism for transferring economic value from Nigeria to holders of dollars, foreign producers and foreign economies.
Accord Party queries INEC over exclusion of candidate from 2027 presidential list
The Accord Party says it is yet to know why the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) omitted its presidential candidate, Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, from its 2027 list.
Dele Oladeji, the Lagos State chairman and secretary of the party’s South-West Zone, however, expressed confidence that the court would resolve the matter in Mr Olawepo-Hashim’s favour and uphold his candidacy.
He said this in an interview on Sunday in Lagos, while reacting to the INEC list of presidential candidates for the 2027 general elections. “Three dependable members of the party aspired for the presidential ticket; they were of good character and had good career paths, among others.
“At some point, Dr Gbenga Olawepo became our candidate because we adopted him as our consensus candidate.
“But whatever it is, he was not captured by INEC. We don’t know why; it is not known to the party.
“All we know is that we heard the news in the media that we don’t have a presidential candidate, when we, as party leaders and state executives, adopted Dr Gbenga Olawepo,” he said.
Mr Oladeji said Mr Olawepo-Hashim met the requirements to contest the election, including payment of the prescribed nomination fees, before emerging as the party’s consensus candidate.
“For whatever reason, he was not listed by INEC, and this has led him to approach the court.
“The man met every requirement after paying the nomination fees.
“As a party, at the national level, we are looking to the court to give a favourable judgment for the democratic process.
“Our candidate is Dr Gbenga Olawepo, after emerging through a consensus, but there was a compromise around his mandate that he has gone to the court to correct,” he said.
The chairman said the party’s leadership hoped to secure a favourable judgment, stressing that the Accord Party remained committed to contesting the 2027 election under its platform.
“The best of our hope in the national leadership of the party is that Dr Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim should get a good judgment in court.
“That is what we are looking for at the national level. We are hopeful he is going to win in court. So, we are going into the election as Accord, and we are winning as Accord.
Accord Party queries INEC over exclusion of candidate from 2027 presidential list The party said Mr Olawepo-Hashim met the requirements to contest the election, including payment of the prescribed nomination fees, before emerging as consensus candidate.
The Accord Party says it is yet to know why the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) omitted its presidential candidate, Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, from its 2027 list.
Dele Oladeji, the Lagos State chairman and secretary of the party’s South-West Zone, however, expressed confidence that the court would resolve the matter in Mr Olawepo-Hashim’s favour and uphold his candidacy.
He said this in an interview on Sunday in Lagos, while reacting to the INEC list of presidential candidates for the 2027 general elections.
“Three dependable members of the party aspired for the presidential ticket; they were of good character and had good career paths, among others.
“At some point, Dr Gbenga Olawepo became our candidate because we adopted him as our consensus candidate.
“But whatever it is, he was not captured by INEC. We don’t know why; it is not known to the party.
“All we know is that we heard the news in the media that we don’t have a presidential candidate, when we, as party leaders and state executives, adopted Dr Gbenga Olawepo,” he said.
Mr Oladeji said Mr Olawepo-Hashim met the requirements to contest the election, including payment of the prescribed nomination fees, before emerging as the party’s consensus candidate.
“For whatever reason, he was not listed by INEC, and this has led him to approach the court.
“The man met every requirement after paying the nomination fees.
“As a party, at the national level, we are looking to the court to give a favourable judgment for the democratic process.
“Our candidate is Dr Gbenga Olawepo, after emerging through a consensus, but there was a compromise around his mandate that he has gone to the court to correct,” he said.
The chairman said the party’s leadership hoped to secure a favourable judgment, stressing that the Accord Party remained committed to contesting the 2027 election under its platform.
“The best of our hope in the national leadership of the party is that Dr Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim should get a good judgment in court.
“That is what we are looking for at the national level. We are hopeful he is going to win in court. So, we are going into the election as Accord, and we are winning as Accord.
“The National Executive Council of the party and National Officers are very optimistic of a favourable judgement for Dr Gbenga Olawepo at the court.
“We are very hopeful that his mandate will be restored. This wish and hope is shared by members of the party across Nigeria,” Mr Oladeji said.
He also dismissed reports of factionalisation in the party, saying the controversy over its presidential candidacy was not the result of factions.
“We only have an impostor, in the person of Prof. Imumolen,” he said.
On the possibility of Accord aligning with other political parties if the issue was not resolved, Mr Oladeji said the party had no such plan.
“We are not aligning with other political parties,” he said, reiterating that the party’s expectation was for the court to give a favourable judgment to Mr Olawepo-Hashim.
No one can exclude me from 2027 presidential race— Gbenga Hashim
_•Says INEC has no power of finality over party’s candidate_ _ •’Courts’ll do justice_ ’
Presidential candidate of the Accord Party, Dr. Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, has declared that no administrative action by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) can extinguish his candidacy for the 2027 presidential election.
Hashim was reacting to his exclusion from the final list of presidential candidates published by INEC, over the weekend.
In a statement issued in Abuja, yesterday, Hashim described the development as a matter that remains subject to judicial determination, insisting that he remains the duly nominated presidential candidate of the Accord Party.
“I am the candidate of the Accord Party. No one can exclude me from the 2027 presidential election. The court will do justice, he said.
Hashim said Nigeria’s constitutional democracy does not confer on INEC an overriding power of “finality” over disputes concerning who emerges as a political party’s candidate.
According to him, the adjudicatory powers vested in the courts exist precisely to prevent administrative decisions from becoming instruments of impunity or a means of foreclosing legitimate political rights.
“Our democracy does not give INEC any right of finality over who stands as the candidate of a political party. Where there is a dispute over the emergence or exclusion of a candidate, the adjudicatory functions of the courts are provided precisely to prevent impunity and to ensure that no administrative process becomes a pre-planned mechanism for keeping particular candidates off the ballot.
“We have seen this before. In the last Osun governorship election, the courts intervened in circumstances where candidates initially excluded from INEC’s processes were subsequently restored to the ballot. That is why nobody should assume that an administrative publication by INEC is the final word in a matter that is before the courts.”
Hashim has already taken the matter before the Federal High Court in Abuja, seeking, among other reliefs, an order compelling the Accord Party to recognise him as its presidential candidate and transmit his name to INEC. The case has been heard and reserved for judgment.
His case is based on his contention that he emerged as the sole winner of Accord’s presidential primary conducted on May 30, 2026, after paying the prescribed nomination fee, with the exercise monitored by INEC officials.
He insisted that the dispute cannot be conclusively determined by an administrative listing.
“The publication by INEC is not the final determination of my candidacy. There is a subsisting legal dispute before the court, and I have confidence in the judicial process.
“I emerged from the presidential primary as the candidate. I have done what the law requires, and I believe the court will uphold the law.
“No individual or administrative action can take away a right that has been lawfully acquired. I remain the presidential candidate of Accord, and we will see this process through to its lawful conclusion,”said Hashim.
Hashim also took aim at what he described as the political forces that would prefer presidential contest built around division, sentiment and weakened opponents rather than one centered on substantive national issues.
“We know for a fact that those who have benefited from the dysfunction in Nigeria, together with their enablers across various institutions, are scared stiff of one candidate being on that ballot—Gbenga Hashim.
“I am the candidate they cannot easily fit into their old calculations. I am the candidate capable of winning votes across North and South. I am prepared to fight over issues that matter to ordinary Nigerians and over the future of this country, rather than participate in the politics of division, ethnicity, religion and sentiment.
“They may be comfortable competing against wounded candidates. They may be comfortable with a political environment where Nigerians are forced to choose between factions and personalities. But, they are uncomfortable with a candidate who can speak to Nigerians across the country on the basis of ideas, competence and national interest.
“But, this plot, however sophisticated, shall fail by the grace of God.”
Hashim said his legal battle, therefore, goes beyond his personal political ambition, describing it as a test of the integrity of political party primaries, internal democracy and the constitutional right of Nigerians to freely choose their preferred presidential candidate.
“The real issue is whether a political party can conduct a presidential primary, produce a winner, and subsequently prevent that winner from participating in the election.
“If that can happen without judicial scrutiny, then, what happens to internal democracy within political parties? What happens to the right of party members who participated in the primary? And ultimately, what happens to the right of Nigerians to choose who they want on the ballot?
“That is why this case matters beyond Gbenga Hashim. It is about whether the rules of our democracy apply to everyone, including those who occupy powerful institutions.”
He called on his supporters and Nigerians who believe in democratic choice to remain calm, assuring them that he would continue to pursue the matter through constitutional and legal means.
“I am not asking anyone to break the law. I am asking that the law be allowed to work.
“We will not be intimidated, we will not be distracted and we will not surrender a legitimate democratic right because somebody has published a list.
“The court will speak, and when it does, we will abide by the judgment.”
*Why Does US Habitually Vote Against Africa’s Interests at UN for Two Decades? — PeacePro*
The Foundation for Peace Professionals (PeacePro) has questioned what it describes as a 20-year pattern of the United States repeatedly opposing African positions at the United Nations, asking whether Washington’s relationship with Africa truly reflects strategic partnership.
PeacePro’s concern follows the September 4 UN General Assembly vote on an African Union backed resolution, where 164 countries voted in favour, six abstained and the United States stood alone in opposition.
In a statement by its Executive Director, Abdulrazaq Hamzat, PeacePro said the latest vote should prompt a broader examination of US voting behaviour towards Africa over the past two decades.
“The map is not the story. The vote is. Why does the United States so frequently find itself on the opposite side when Africa speaks collectively at the United Nations?”
PeacePro said its review of UN voting records indicates that the US has opposed almost all Africa led proposals subjected to voting during the period under review.
The organisation stressed that its question is not anti-American, but diplomatic.
“One vote can be explained as disagreement. A recurring pattern over two decades requires examination and explanation.”
PeacePro therefore asked, “If Africa is genuinely a strategic partner of the United States, why do African collective positions so often collide with Washington’s diplomatic preferences at the UN?”
PeacePro said it is examining the voting record to determine how often the US has supported, opposed or abstained from African sponsored and Africa related resolutions, and whether the pattern has remained consistent across successive US administrations.
“We are not seeking to manufacture an anti-American narrative. We are asking an uncomfortable but legitimate diplomatic question, which is that, when Africa stands together at the UN, how often does the United States stand with Africa and how often does it stand against it?”
ShowmeMercy: Believe this man at your own peril!.....he plans to corner them eventually...typical Nigerian politician mentality....Any solution proffered is for their own benefits.
We are following you on OPL 241!
God Almighty shall deliver Nigeria from cankerworms Amen.
does he actually have any knowledge of how the industry works or is he just throwing numbers around?
nigeria is a lesser member of opec, with a quota of 1.5 million barrels per day Nigeria has an oil theft problem
because oil in a well is infinite and can be drawn indefinetely at the same operating cost
its that season of promise everything
One of his companies has been producing crude oil for years.
When it comes to energy knowledge in Nigeria, there's no Nigerian with more practical knowledge of the sector, from operation, to investment, logistics, engineering and production
Kog45: Nigerians are very easy to deceive.Gbenga Hashim Olawepo is a real political roforofo man, asked him what he is doing for a living?at the end he will collect his cut from Tinubu and wait for another four years to play his game again..na person wey I sabi very well.
Are you alright at all?
Gbenga Hashim is one of the most successful Nigerian business man with global reach.
His companies compete with Chevron and others multinationals in the same global energy market.
And his companies operates in 4 continents of the world
Validated: Peter Obi should engage this guy in the new Nigeria cabinet to see what he can bring to the table.
We still believe that a coalition to rebuild Nigeria after APC turn the country to a war-ravafed like economy is possible.
I am an ardent advocate of N600 per litre gasoline. All we need is to increase production, strengthen and build new refineries, police our borders and subsidize ONLY at the pump.
Stop deceiving yourself.
Gbenga Hashim is well prepared to lead Nigeria better than Peter Obi. You cannot even compare them.
So, Peter Obi should collapse his structure into Accord Party to deliver Gbenga Hashim presidency.
Anything outside that would amount to disservice to Nigeria
NIGERIA WILL PRODUCE 4M BARRELS OF CRUDE DAILY WITHIN 24 MONTHS OF ACCORD PRESIDENCY—GBENGA HASHIM [i] •Unveils 3,000 shut-in oil wells recovery plan •Insists N605 per litre petrol price viable[/i]
Presidential candidate of the Accord Party, Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, has unveiled what he described as the production backbone of his Energy First Presidential Agenda, promising to raise Nigeria's crude oil production to a minimum of four million barrels per day; within 24 months of an Accord administration.
Hashim made the declaration when he appeared on Channels Television's Politics Today programme, over the weekend, where he outlined his strategy for using Nigeria's existing petroleum assets to rapidly expand production.
At the centre of the plan, said Hashim, is an investment programme to bring approximately 3,000 currently non-producing oil wells back into productive operation.
“We have oil wells that have already been drilled, assets that have already been discovered and infrastructure that have already been built. Our first task is to put these assets back to work for Nigeria.”
Hashim maintained that government should prioritise the recovery of existing productive assets over committing scarce public resources to projects like Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, arguing that the road may not bring any revenue to government in the next 20years.
The announcement comes against the backdrop of Nigeria's current crude production of about 1.5 million barrels per day.
Moving from approximately 1.5 million to four million barrels daily would represent an increase of almost 2.5 million barrels per day, or more than 160 percent above current crude production.
The Accord presidential candidate argued that Nigeria's fundamental problem is not the absence of petroleum resources, but the failure to convert existing resources and productive assets into reliable energy supply.
He said his administration would, therefore, make production recovery one of the first priorities of government.
The proposed programme would identify why each viable inactive well is not producing and deploy the necessary capital and technical interventions required to restore production. These interventions could include well workovers, well intervention, artificial lift systems, repairs to gathering infrastructure, pipeline rehabilitation, improved evacuation arrangements and other field specific interventions.
For Hashim, the 3,000 wells are not merely dormant petroleum assets. They represent what he described as Nigeria's wasted productive capacity.
“The question is not how much oil Nigeria has underground. The question is why we are not producing the oil that our existing assets are capable of producing,” he added.
He said an Accord administration would establish a National Production Recovery Dashboard to track every intervention, investment and additional barrel generated.
Operators would be expected to provide clear production timelines while government agencies would be required to remove bureaucratic obstacles standing between investment and actual production.
Hashim's four million barrel production target is also central to his earlier petrol-pricing proposal.
He has proposed ₦605 per litre as the starting price of petrol, with a longer term objective of bringing the price down to between ₦200 and ₦300 per litre.
The philosophy, he said, is straightforward; reduce the cost of producing energy and the cost of energy can ultimately fall.
“That is why increased crude production, domestic refining, lower operating costs, transparent petroleum sector accounting, infrastructure rehabilitation and exchange rate stability are central to the Energy First plan.
“You make energy cheap by making the cost of producing energy cheap.”
Hashim stressed that his four million-barrel target is not designed merely to increase crude exports.
His vision is for Nigeria to produce more crude and refine more crude domestically, with the ultimate goal of creating an energy economy in which Nigeria can supply its own petrol, diesel, aviation fuel and other petroleum products while also exporting surplus refined products to international markets.
He said an Accord administration would use the expanded petroleum production base to support a wider energy transformation involving gas-to-power, independent power projects, captive and embedded generation, mini-grids, petrochemicals and industrial energy infrastructure.
Nigeria, he said, must first have enough affordable and reliable energy to power its factories, farms, transport system and homes before allowing the energy transition debate to become disconnected from the country's enormous energy deficit.
Hashim said his objective is to make Nigeria a country capable of providing the world with a stable, reliable and consistent supply of both crude oil and finished petroleum products.
“We want Nigeria to become an energy power, not merely a country that happens to have oil,” he said.
*PeacePro Raises Red Flag Over Nigeria’s Social Register Figures*
Says NBS, NPC,NIMC NSSNCO and NCTO must reconcile data to enable financial accountability
The Foundation for Peace Professionals (PeacePro) has called for greater clarity, consistency and harmonisation of Nigeria’s household and social-protection data, following the Federal Government’s reported figures on the size of the National Social Register and the reach of its cash-transfer programme.
The Executive Director of PeacePro, Abdulrazaq Hamzat, said the organisation’s concern was not an allegation of wrongdoing, but a call for government to provide Nigerians with a clear statistical bridge connecting the different household, population, beneficiary and expenditure figures being used across public institutions.
“We are not questioning the importance of social protection or the efforts of government to support vulnerable Nigerians. We are asking a simple public-interest question: what exactly is being counted, under what definition, and how do the different numbers relate to one another?” Hamzat said.
19.7 million households and 70 million Nigerians According to statements attributed to the Federal Government in September 2025, approximately 19.7 million poor and vulnerable households had been captured in the National Social Register, representing more than 70 million individuals.
A subsequent World Bank publication describes Nigeria’s wider Social Registry as covering more than 19 million households and approximately 86 million individuals, comprising the National Social Registry and Rapid Response Registry. The World Bank also describes the National Social Registry as an aggregation of State Social Registries.
PeacePro says the differences in these figures may reflect differences in dates, registry components or definitions, but that is precisely why the underlying methodology and reporting date should be made explicit.
Hamzat said the reported 19.7 million households and 70 million individuals imply an average of approximately 3.55 persons per household.
That figure differs from the 5.06 persons per household national average reported by the National Bureau of Statistics in its Nigeria Living Standards Survey 2020. The NBS reported an average household size of 5.42 persons in rural areas and 4.50 in urban areas.
“If the 5.06 national average were mechanically applied to 19.7 million households, it would produce a population of approximately 99.7 million people,” Hamzat said.
“However, we are not suggesting that this calculation proves that either figure is incorrect. The Social Register is a targeted administrative database, not a population census. Household composition among registered poor and vulnerable households may differ from the national average.
“Our legitimate question is therefore, what household definition and household size methodology produced the reported relationship between 19.7 million households and more than 70 million individuals?”
The agricultural household question PeacePro said another official dataset makes the need for reconciliation even more important.
The National Bureau of Statistics’ National Agricultural Sample Census (NASC) 2022 reported an estimated 40.2 million agricultural households in Nigeria. The Federal Ministry of Information, reporting the NBS census results, also stated that the country had about 40.2 million agricultural households.
The NBS describes the NASC as an agricultural census designed to provide comprehensive information on agricultural activities, including crop production, livestock, fisheries and forestry.
PeacePro stresses that an agricultural household should not automatically be interpreted as a household whose only activity is agriculture, and the figure should not be added to non-agricultural households as though the categories were necessarily mutually exclusive.
Nevertheless, Hamzat said the figure raises an important national statistical question.
“According to the 2006 Population and Housing Census data published by the National Bureau of Statistics, Nigeria had 28,900,492 households at the time, including regular, institutional, homeless, nomadic, transient and fishing/hunting household categories. Regular households alone numbered 28,197,085.
“Sixteen years later, the NBS agricultural census reported approximately 40.2 million agricultural households alone.
“Obviously, these exercises have different purposes, methodologies and reference periods. We are not saying the two figures should be identical.
“But Nigerians deserve to understand the statistical relationship between them.
How did the national household universe evolve from the 2006 census to the 2022 agricultural census? What is the current estimated total number of households in Nigeria? How many of those households are agricultural, and how many are not classified as agricultural?
“These are reasonable questions for a national statistical system.”
PeacePro said the issue becomes even more important when the various social intervention figures are placed side by side.
The Federal Government has reported a programme target of 15 million households, with each household intended to receive ₦75,000 over three months, through three monthly payments of ₦25,000. The World Bank documented the government’s 15-million-household programme and its ₦75,000 three-month structure.
In September 2025, government reporting stated that approximately 8.1 million households had received at least one tranche of ₦25,000, while another account of the same briefing reported 8.5 million households.
Government also stated that some households had received two or three payments.
PeacePro believes this difference should be clarified rather than interpreted prematurely. “Was the difference caused by the timing of reporting, an additional payment cycle, a distinction between successful and processed payments, or another administrative definition?” Hamzat asked.
“We are not alleging an error. We are asking for the reconciliation.”
Government has also reported approximately ₦330 billion in cash transfer disbursements.
PeacePro said the figure should be reconciled against the number and distribution of payments.
At ₦25,000 per tranche, 8.1 million households × ₦25,000 = ₦202.5 billion. If 8.1 million households had each received three tranches, 8.1 million × ₦75,000 = ₦607.5 billion.
“These calculations do not establish an inconsistency because government has clearly indicated that households received different numbers of tranches,” Hamzat said.
“That is exactly why we need the underlying distribution. How many households received one payment? How many received two? How many received three? And how does that distribution reconcile precisely to the reported ₦330 billion?”
PeacePro said this would turn an understandable public question into a straightforward accounting exercise.
PeacePro also believes the source and use of programme funding should be presented clearly.
The World Bank announced in December 2021 that it had approved an $800 million International Development Association (IDA) credit for the National Social Safety Net Program Scale-Up (NASSP-SU). The World Bank said the financing was intended both to expand shock responsive safety net support and strengthen Nigeria’s national safety net delivery system.
World Bank project documentation shows that the $800 million project allocation included approximately $747 million for cash transfers, alongside allocations for other components, including expansion of the registry, NASSCO operations and NCTO operations.
PeacePro therefore stresses that the $800 million should not simply be described as $800 million in cash handed to beneficiaries.
“The World Bank documentation itself shows that the facility has several components,” Hamzat said.
“What Nigerians need is a transparent reconciliation showing the amount committed, amount disbursed, amount used for cash transfers, amount used for delivery systems and other components, and the amount remaining under the facility.”
PeacePro proposes that every major social intervention programme should be traceable through a clearly defined chain.
Hamzat said this would help distinguish between households, individuals, beneficiaries and transactions.
“Three payments to one household do not constitute three households,” he said. “Likewise, one person appearing in two programmes does not automatically represent two individuals. Several members of the same household receiving different interventions do not automatically constitute several households.”
PeacePro is therefore calling on the relevant institutions, including the National Bureau of Statistics, National Population Commission, National Social Safety Nets Coordinating Office, National Cash Transfer Office and National Identity Management Commission to work together on a harmonised household data framework.
The organisation is asking government to publish a consolidated statement showing, for a clearly stated reference date, Nigeria's total estimated number of households; the definition used for “household” in each major statistical and social protection system;
the number of agricultural households; the number of households in the National Social Register; the number of individuals represented in the register; the methodology used to derive the individual count; the number of households assessed as poor or vulnerable; the number eligible for each intervention;the number approved;the number of unique households actually paid;the number of unique individuals reached;the number of payment transactions; the number receiving one, two and three tranches;the amount allocated;the amount disbursed;the source of each tranche of funding; and the number of records added, removed, merged, duplicated or updated during the reporting period.
PeacePro is also calling for an independent technical review of the data architecture, not as an investigation into wrongdoing, but as a standard measure for strengthening the integrity of a large public database.
The review, Hamzat said, should examine duplicate records, outdated records, changes in household composition, relocation, identity matching and payment reconciliation, while respecting applicable privacy and data protection requirements.
FUNMI101: True economic relief starts at the pump. Hashim has a clear blueprint to reduce the cost of living for everyday Nigerians. #BetterTogetherWithHashim #VoteHashim #605PetrolPrice
alizma: The era of subsidy is gone, anybody trying to bring that policy is planing to drag the nation back. When was the last time we hear that there is no fuel? The day subsidy will be remove from electricity will be the day Nigeria take a pragmatic step toward achieving steady power supply.
Nigeria has fuel because of dangote refinery, that the government is even frustrating, not because subsidy was removed
benardtotti: Unfortunately oil is not beans , you have jv partners and nnpc doesn't own 100% stake in all oil wells , so they can't just set domestic price like that, see after all these calculations the gbenga guy will still realise he needs money to pay the jv partners to be able to discount crude for refining and also will need dollars to be able to defend the naira to dollars rate of 500 naira to a dollar .
In economics it's called alternative forgone.
Lol......... instead of learning for real, you are just clowning around.
Pls, what does jv have to do with Nigeria's domestic market?
nairalanda1: We are obliged to sell crude at international prices even to local refineries.
Nigerian crude oil is sold to local refineries based on international market benchmarks because oil is priced globally in US dollars and local refineries operate as commercial entities exposed to worldwide commodity costs...
False.
Who taught you this kind of falsehood?
There's no oil producing nation that sells crude domesticaly at international price except Nigeria.
That's why petrol prices doesn't change in any oil producing nation.
Presidential candidate of the Accord Party, Dr Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, has said his proposed ₦605 per litre petrol price is only the starting point of a broader energy policy that could eventually bring the price down to between ₦200 and ₦300 per litre.
Hashim, who has been campaigning on an energy security first agenda, said Nigeria could achieve cheaper petrol without returning to the opaque subsidy regime that existed before the 2023 reform.
The energy executive noted in a statement issued on Monday, that the fundamental question Nigeria should answer is not simply how much petrol sells for internationally, but how much it actually costs Nigeria to produce crude, refine it and deliver the finished product to Nigerian consumers.
Hashim's campaign used a domestic crude production of $45 per barrel in explaining the proposed starting price.This includes NNPC and standard industry upper limit cost of $30 plus $15 margin.
According to the Hashim campaign cost model, a standard barrel of crude gives 159 litres. At $57 divided by 159, petrol will be approximately $0.3585 per litre.
At an illustrative exchange rate of ₦1,400 to the dollar, that translates to about ₦502 per litre. Other costs include refining costs of $5 per barrel, distribution, transportation and insurance $7 per barells.
Hashim explained that, given that a barrel of crude accounts for 159 litres of a basket of products, unit price to a total of $57 divided by 159 liters gives $0.34 (N501).
Hashim’s campaign has proposed an Energy Stabilisation Tax of approximately ₦104 per litre, producing a figure close to the ₦605 target.
However, the campaign's framework treats the calculation as a benchmark rather than a complete refinery cost calculation, since a barrel of crude does not produce 159 litres of petrol. It produces a basket of products, including petrol, diesel, aviation fuel, LPG and other refinery outputs.
Hashim's broader argument rests on reducing the underlying cost of Nigeria's petroleum system; which translates to approximately $0.346 per litre when expressed against the 159 litre barrel.
His position has attracted fresh attention following his declaration that an Accord administration in 2027 would ensure that Nigerians do not pay more than about ₦605–₦610 per litre for petrol at the beginning of its tenure.
Hashim called for an independent forensic audit of the petroleum value-chain, covering crude exploration and production, contracting, procurement, security, transportation, refining, storage, insurance, pipelines and distribution.
He insisted the exercise should establish the actual cost of producing and delivering petroleum products rather than relying automatically on international benchmark prices.
“Show Nigerians the books. Publish the production cost. Publish refinery cost. Publish transportation. Publish insurance. Publish every margin. Let the data speak.”
The Accord Party presidential candidate questioned whether Nigerians should automatically bear every international opportunity cost attached to crude produced within Nigeria, arguing that the country should distinguish. between the cost of producing energy and the international market value of the resource.
He described the conventional justification of subsidy removal as “accounting magic,” arguing that selling a domestically-produced product below an international opportunity price does not, by itself, establish that government is subsidising the product.
The Accord Party candidate noted that Nigeria's growing refining capacity provides an opportunity to fundamentally change the country's petroleum economics.
He proposed greater support for large scale and modular refineries, regional refining facilities, petrochemical plants, storage infrastructure and crude evacuation systems.
According to him, domestic refining should do more than eliminate imports. It should lower the cost of energy, retain value inside Nigeria and create a platform for industrialisation.
“We must stop exporting cheap energy and importing expensive products. Nigeria must refine more, manufacture more and export more value-added energy products,” he said.
Hashim said refinery capacity alone would not solve the problem if domestic refineries could not obtain adequate crude at competitive prices.
Exchange Rate Component
Hashim also noted that exchange rate stability is another major component of the proposal and has proposed an exchange rate range of approximately ₦525–₦700 to the dollar, arguing that a stronger and more stable naira would reduce the domestic cost of imported equipment, technology and other dollar linked inputs used across the energy sector.
He said the combination of lower crude production costs, efficient domestic refining and a stronger naira could eventually move petrol towards ₦200–₦300 per litre.
Hashim said the objective is not merely to make petrol cheaper but wants lower energy costs to translate into lower costs of transportation, agriculture, manufacturing, mining and other productive activities.
He argued that government should ultimately generate more revenue from an expanding productive economy rather than rely heavily on high energy prices.
He added: “The best revenue strategy is not to make everything expensive. It is to make Nigerians more productive and her manufactures more competitive.”
Hashim said the 2027 presidential election should force Nigerians to examine competing economic models rather than simply competing personalities.
He said his administration would judge its energy policy not only by the amount of revenue collected from petroleum but by whether Nigerians become more productive as energy becomes more affordable.
“₦605 is where we start. ₦200–₦300 is where we can go. The route is not magic. It is lower production costs, domestic refining, a stronger naira, greater energy production and a government that understands that affordable energy is an investment in national productivity.”
Politics › Gbenga Hashim, Makinde Push For Unity Govt, Prepares For Post APC by experts(op): 4:13pm On Sep 24
