Opamoses1's Posts
Nairaland Forum › Opamoses1's Profile › Opamoses1's Posts
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 (of 113 pages)
Skyfornia:Those pigs will be killed and consumed. There are no pigpen for them. |
And Niger state government is empowering with tractors. In Anambra, they are being empowered with pigs without pen, cassava sticks and buckets.
|
Pigs, buckets and cassava stems despite the huge constituency money ![]() |
And one House of Rep member from Abia state is pushing for indigeneship by settlement.. You haven't given them indigenous status and they are already sacking communities and taking over their lands. Just imagine what will happen when you give them legal status to back up their invasion. |
Plutoxi:All parts of Nigeria smells. I have to use a mask everything i fly into Enugu. |
anonimi:All Nigerian politicians are one and same. They are all corrupt including Peter obi who also has a house in that stinky London and Lagos. |
Appletek: ![]() Same girl recorded a video of her trip when she was flying to Lagos state for the first time in her life last year. If you did not read the caption, you would have thought that she was flying to Times square in New York, or Disney in Florida.. |
Lexusgs430:London also stinks..Paris stinks, New York stinks. Heck, the rats living in the new York subway are as big as squirrels. |
No More Giving Jobs to Outsiders. Companies Operating in Akwa Ibom State Must Prioritize Employment of Indigenes — Gov Umo Eno Declares. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-JwWslJS76Y?si=8gBvcrFfH2XqxIkZ
|
Obj should just retire. No ome takes him seriously anymore ![]() |
ubest1:Hope you are now typing from abakeleke where you currently live. |
phorget:They would have to complain about a different type of smell. Remember when those two brothers were burnt....
|
PresidObi:But Anambras are fleeing the state themselves. Lol |
SalamRushdie:Nwankwo Patience. BloomingDale:For your mental health, its better you relocate to say Abekeleke or Kafanchan. We don't want to read about a girl that drove into the lagos lagoon when she could have just relocated to another state that smells of strawberry. |
PresidObi: SalamRushdie:Lagos state has clarified that it's the lady below and her people.
|
ogododo:That's why |
Legacies of Jagaban. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, his excellency, and his mentees - Fashola, Ambode, and Sanwo Olu. |
Tinubu is easily approachable. Nothing wrong in that. Shows the kind of person he is. He even obliged the boy. Bless his heart. |
I guess OP means Funsho and not Gvnshot. Blooody spell checker 😂 |
Sheuns:Did you just start following Nigerian politics in 2023? The Yorubas are the kings of opposition politics from the era of Awolowo to the days of Tinubu. |
kedeojo:This has been confirmed by The 1993 elections The 2015 elections The 2019 elections The 2023 elections. |
Obidigbo, who said he was yet to read in full Babangida’s memoir, Propaganda and lies no go finish una. |
gawu1:IBB did not even claim that it was not an Igbo coup. It was Igbo revisionist that are trying to twist his words. |
gidgiddy:The first two coup were obviously tribal. All coup after that was just power hungry military officers. 1st coup: Igbo coup 2nd coup: Northern coup. The northerners own their actions and recognizes that it was a Northern coup to revenge the earlier Igbo coup of January 1966. |
Because they are dull. They don't have the brain for the political maneuvering it takes to become a Nigerian president. So as a lazy student, they blame others for their weakness ![]() |
Yorubafather:It matters to alot of us reading..maybe not to you and your fellow Igbo brothers. |
Conclusion: A Convenient Myth Built on Contradictions The notion that Chief Awolowo was the intended beneficiary of the January 15, 1966, coup fails to stand up to critical examination. It rests on contradictory testimonies, selective omissions, and logistical improbabilities. Perhaps most damning is the absence of any acknowledgment from the very Yoruba officers who should have championed the plan—had it truly existed. Rather than a sincere goal, the Awolowo presidency narrative appears to be a politically convenient myth, shaped and reshaped over time to fit the agendas of those who promote it. Until its proponents reconcile these gaping inconsistencies, their claims amount to little more than revisionist storytelling. The facts, as they stand, simply do not support the sweeping assertion that installing Chief Obafemi Awolowo was ever the coup’s primary aim. /end |
The Logistics of Freeing Awolowo: A Flawed and Implausible Plan Even if we grant the assertion that the coup plotters intended to install Awolowo as president, the so-called “rescue operation” crumbles under any serious scrutiny. According to Ben Gbulie, the job of freeing Awolowo fell to Captain Nzegwu (not to be confused with Major Nzeogwu) and Captain Udeaja—neither of whom were combat officers. Their mission was to fly to Calabar and “spring out Chief Obafemi Awolowo from prison and fly him to Lagos”. Yet this scheme, so critical to the coup’s purported outcome, supposedly involved just two men and zero troop support. It is difficult to imagine a more far-fetched plan. If Awolowo was truly the coup’s prized figurehead, why entrust his release to a flimsy, two-man operation devoid of any backup or contingency measures? What if Nzegwu, the pilot, had been killed during the jailbreak? Who would fly the plane then? Or worse, what if Awolowo himself, the coup’s supposed centerpiece, had been killed during the extraction? These glaring omissions expose the mission’s fundamental impracticality and strongly hint that the story was either grossly exaggerated or concocted after the fact. Further raising eyebrows is the fate of the two officers allegedly involved. While Captain Udeaja was arrested for his part in the coup, Captain Nzegwu was never taken into custody and died six months later during the countercoup. If Nzegwu was so central to the plan, why was he never apprehended? Even more telling is Gbulie’s own omission: he fails to include Nzegwu’s name among the Jan 1966 coup conspirators that were not arrested in his own account. These baffling inconsistencies only deepen the suspicion that the “Awolowo rescue mission” was nothing more than revisionist folklore, designed to bolster a narrative that simply does not stand up to scrutiny. /3 |
Evolving Narratives: Post-Hoc Revisionism as Political Propaganda IBB’s book cites Nzeogwu as stating that the plotters intended to free Awolowo from prison and make him the “executive provisional President of Nigeria.” While IBB adds a caveat that this belief might be the “naive insights of an unsuspecting young officer who viewed events from a distance,” many have seized upon this claim as incontrovertible fact. However, a closer examination reveals a troubling pattern of post-hoc revisionism. Nzeogwu himself did not reveal this so-called “plan” until July 2, 1967—18 months after the coup—during an interview with Tai Solarin. This glaring delay raises obvious questions: Why did such a pivotal detail remain hidden for so long?Why did none of his earlier interviews, given soon after the coup and before his incarceration, even hint at Awolowo’s prospective presidency? Suspiciously, Nzeogwu’s belated disclosure perfectly coincides with the Eastern Region’s propaganda publication, January 15: Before and After - the first source to tout the Awolowo claim. The timing alone suggests he may have been recalibrating his story to match the dominant political narrative in the East. Further insight into this shift appears in Fola Oyewole’s The Reluctant Rebel. After Nzeogwu and other coup plotters were released from prison by Ojukwu in April 1967, Nzeogwu granted an interview to Ejindu in May, mistakenly assuming it was off-the-record. When those remarks were published, he found himself ostracized for openly criticizing secession—a stance anathema to Eastern sentiment at the time. In response, Nzeogwu attempted to salvage his reputation, even embarking on high-risk wartime operations that ultimately led to his death. It is hardly a stretch to believe that aligning himself with the Eastern Region government propaganda—namely, the Awolowo narrative—was part of a calculated bid to regain favor. The scholar Robin Luckham echoes this skepticism in The Nigerian Military, where he highlights inconsistencies in Nzeogwu’s various accounts before and after January 15: Before and After appeared, labeling them little more than “public relations.” When discussing Nzeogwu’s assertion that the coup aimed to install Awolowo, Luckham tellingly adds, “If Nzeogwu is to be believed.” In other words, the evidence strongly implies that Nzeogwu’s evolving statements were molded by political pressures rather than by any genuine recollection of historical events. /2 |
The Igbo Officers’ Claims vs. Yoruba Officers’ Silence: A Telling Discrepancy One of the most glaring contradictions in the Awolowo narrative is the selective nature of its proponents. Only the Igbo officers involved in the coup—Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Ben Gbulie, and Emmanuel Ifeajuna—claimed that the plotters intended to install Awolowo as president. Gbulie, in his book “Nigeria’s Five Majors”, and Ifeajuna, in his unpublished manuscript, both asserted this plan. Nzeogwu, who died before he could write a book, echoed this claim in his 1967 interview with Tai Solarin. In stark contrast, none of the Yoruba officers involved in the coup ever mentioned such a plan. Fola Oyewole, who was co-opted into the plot, made no reference to Awolowo’s installation in his writings. Adewale Ademoyega, one of the coup’s key architects, dedicated an entire chapter in his book to the plotters’ objectives but conspicuously omitted any mention of Awolowo as president. While Ademoyega acknowledged that the coup aimed to release unjustly imprisoned political prisoners, including Awolowo, he never suggested that Awolowo was to be installed as Nigeria’s leader. Igbos have been spinning the lies for a while hoping that it will stick. They NEVER want to take responsibility for their actions. |

