₦airaland Forum

1966 Coup: Was It Actually an Awolowo Coup?

"The January 1966 coup was aimed at positioning Obafemi Awolowo as the leader of Nigeria. So how can you call it an Igbo coup?" – Niyi Aborisade, a popular Yoruba author reveals.

In this interview, Niyi Aborisade, the author of Victor Banjo: A Revolutionary Betrayed, reveals a striking perspective on Nigeria’s January 1966 coup. He asserts that the coup was orchestrated with the primary aim of securing the release of Obafemi Awolowo from prison and positioning him as the leader of Nigeria.

1966 Coup Was Actually An Awolowo Coup?

“The January 1966 Coup Was Aimed at Positioning Obafemi Awolowo As The Leader Of Nigeria. So How Can You Call It An Igbo Coup”.- Another Yoruba Author Reveals.

In this interview, Niyi Aborisade, the author of Victor Banjo: A… pic.twitter.com/toqoM3XAI9

— Somto Okonkwo (@General_Somto) February 23, 2025

mrvitalis:
Even if u bring Awolowo and he says the truth these people would never believe... Stop wasting your time

It was an Igbo coup let them do there worse if them born their papa well

LazyNGyouth:
My only question to Nlfpmod, Fergie001, and Mynd44 is: why have you guys not pushed one of the numerous Awolowo coup revelations to the front page? Revelations made by prominent people, including Yoruba authors, the Jan 1966 coup plotters themselves, journalists, and countless others?

mrvitalis:
Even if u bring Awolowo and he says the truth these people would never believe... Stop wasting your time

It was an Igbo coup let them do there worse if them born their papa well

Goodvibes007:
HERE is the Text of broadcast taken from a tape of the speech by Major Chukuma nzeogwu right after the coup on lover Radio Kaduna on 15 January 1966, starting at about 12.30 P.M.

Nzeogwu broadcast over Radio Kaduna just after noon on
Saturday 15 January.

He spoke in the name of the Supreme Council of the Revolution of the Nigerian Armed Forces, to declare martial law over the Northern provinces of Nigeria.

The constitution is suspended, and the regional government and elected assembly are hereby dissolved [he said]. “ His reason for the coup “ 👉The aim of the Revolutionary Council is to establish a strong, united and prosperous nation free from corruption and internal strife. Our method of achieving this is strictly military, but we have no doubt that every Nigerian will give us maximum cooperation by assisting the regime and not disturbing the peace during the slight changes that are taking place. . ..

As an interim measure, all permanent secretaries, corpora-tion chairmen and similar heads of departments are allowed to make decisions until new organs are functioning, so long as such decisions are not contrary to the aims and wishes of the Supreme Council.

No minister or parliamentary secretary possesses administrative or other forms of control over any ministry, even if they are not considered too dangerous to be arrested.

This is not a time for long speechmaking, so let me acquaint you with the ten proclamations of the extraordinary order of the day which the Supreme Council has promulgated.

These will be modified as the situation improves. You are hereby warned that looting, arson, homosexuality and rape, embezzlement, bribery or corruption, obstruction of the revolution, sabotage, subversion, false alarm and assistance to foreign invaders are all offences punishable by death sentences. Demonstrations, unauthorized assemblies, non-cooperation with the revolutionary troops are punishable in varying manner up to death.

In all of his speech , No where was Awolowo mentioned !!!

This was an Igbo coup !!!

Copied from X

The January 15, 1966, coup in Nigeria remains a subject of historical debate, particularly regarding its objectives and the intentions of the plotters. One recurring claim is that the coup was plotted, at least in part, to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo from prison and install him as Nigeria’s leader. This idea is supported by accounts from some of the coup plotters and other contemporary figures, though interpretations of their motives vary. Below, I’ll outline the relevant accounts from key plotters and participants, focusing on their own words and writings where available, to address whether this was indeed a central aim.

Major Adewale Ademoyega, one of the core plotters, provides a significant account in his book Why We Struck: The Story of the First Nigerian Coup (1981). Ademoyega, a Yoruba officer and part of the inner circle alongside Majors Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and Emmanuel Ifeajuna, explicitly states that the plotters intended to release Awolowo from Calabar prison, where he was serving a sentence for treasonable felony, and install him as the leader of Nigeria.

On page 68, he writes that the coup leaders had “earmarked from the list known to every soldier in this operation who would be what,” and that “Chief Obafemi Awolowo was, for example, to be released from jail immediately and to be made the executive provisional president of Nigeria.” Ademoyega emphasizes that the plotters admired Awolowo’s socialist-leaning ideology and his reputation for honesty and efficiency, viewing him as a figure who could unify and reform the country.

He notes their belief that soldiers should not govern directly, stating, “We were going to make civilians of proven honesty and efficiency who would be thoroughly handpicked to do all the governing.” This suggests that Awolowo’s installation was a deliberate and agreed-upon objective among the plotters.

Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, widely regarded as the face of the coup due to his leadership in the northern operations and his radio broadcast declaring martial law, also alluded to this plan in a later interview. In a piece published in the Nigerian Tribune on July 2, 1967, after his release from detention during the Biafran secession, Nzeogwu said, “Neither myself nor any of the other lads were in the least interested in governing the country. We were soldiers and not politicians… We were going to make civilians of proven honesty and efficiency who would be thoroughly handpicked to do all the governing.” While Nzeogwu does not name Awolowo directly in this specific quote, his alignment with Ademoyega’s account—particularly the emphasis on handing power to a civilian leader—lends credence to the idea that Awolowo was the intended figure. Nzeogwu’s earlier role as a military intelligence officer during Awolowo’s trial in 1962, where he reportedly expressed frustration with the government’s handling of the case, further supports the notion that he held Awolowo in high regard.

Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna, the intellectual leader of the coup who spearheaded operations in Lagos, provides a more complex perspective in his unpublished manuscript on the coup, parts of which have been referenced by historians and writers like Odia Ofeimun. Ifeajuna wrote that the plotters intended to “present our senior officers with a fait accompli” and hand power to a civilian leader. According to Ofeimun’s analysis in his essay The Forgotten Documents of the Nigerian Civil War, Ifeajuna told his friend, poet J.P. Clark, that if General Aguiyi-Ironsi (the highest-ranking officer at the time) agreed to join them, he could either remain in charge of the army or become head of state, while Awolowo would be made Prime Minister or Executive President, depending on Ironsi’s reaction. Ifeajuna added that if Awolowo refused to cooperate, “he would be locked up in the statehouse and decrees issued in his name.” This suggests a contingency plan but confirms Awolowo as a central figure in their vision.

Captain Ben Gbulie, another participant who led operations in Enugu, corroborates the Awolowo objective in his book Nigeria’s Five Majors (1981). Gbulie writes that the plotters respected Awolowo’s radical ideas and saw him as the face of a progressive movement in Nigeria. He notes that Major Nzeogwu and Captain Udeaja were tasked with flying to Calabar on the eve of the coup to free Awolowo, though this plan faltered when the coup unraveled in the south due to Ironsi’s counteractions. Gbulie’s account aligns with Ademoyega’s, reinforcing the claim that releasing and installing Awolowo was a key goal.

Beyond the plotters themselves, retired Major-General Olufemi Olutoye, who was approached by Nzeogwu in 1964 while they were in India, provides an outsider’s perspective that supports this narrative. In a 2016 interview with Punch Newspapers, Olutoye recalls Nzeogwu confiding in him about the coup plans, stating that the aim was not for Nzeogwu to become Head of State but to “bring a civilian who was more knowledgeable and who had what it took to make Nigeria great.” When Olutoye asked who this person was, Nzeogwu replied, “the man was in Calabar prison,” leading Olutoye to deduce it was Awolowo. Olutoye declined to join when he learned the coup would involve bloodshed, but his testimony aligns with the plotters’ stated intentions.

In conclusion, based on the accounts of key plotters like Ademoyega, Nzeogwu, Ifeajuna, and Gbulie, as well as Olutoye’s testimony, the January 1966 coup was indeed plotted with the intention of releasing Awolowo from prison and making him Nigeria’s leader, likely as Prime Minister or President. Ademoyega and Gbulie explicitly confirm this plan, Nzeogwu’s statements imply it, and Ifeajuna frames it as a primary option, albeit with alternatives. These accounts portray the coup as a revolutionary act driven by admiration for Awolowo’s vision, though its chaotic execution and subsequent interpretations leave room for debate about the plotters’ ultimate priorities.

LazyNGyouth:
In conclusion, based on the accounts of key plotters like Ademoyega, Nzeogwu, Ifeajuna, and Gbulie, as well as Olutoye’s testimony, the January 1966 coup was indeed plotted with the intention of releasing Awolowo from prison and making him Nigeria’s leader, likely as Prime Minister or President. Ademoyega and Gbulie explicitly confirm this plan, Nzeogwu’s statements imply it, and Ifeajuna frames it as a primary option, albeit with alternatives. These accounts portray the coup as a revolutionary act driven by admiration for Awolowo’s vision, though its chaotic execution and subsequent interpretations leave room for debate about the plotters’ ultimate priorities.

Goodvibes007:
HERE is the Text of broadcast taken from a tape of the speech by Major Chukuma nzeogwu right after the coup on lover Radio Kaduna on 15 January 1966, starting at about 12.30 P.M.

Nzeogwu broadcast over Radio Kaduna just after noon on
Saturday 15 January.

He spoke in the name of the Supreme Council of the Revolution of the Nigerian Armed Forces, to declare martial law over the Northern provinces of Nigeria.

The constitution is suspended, and the regional government and elected assembly are hereby dissolved [he said].

“ His reason for the coup “ 👉The aim of the Revolutionary Council is to establish a strong, united and prosperous nation free from corruption and internal strife. Our method of achieving this is strictly military, but we have no doubt that every Nigerian will give us maximum cooperation by assisting the regime and not disturbing the peace during the slight changes that are taking place. . ..

As an interim measure, all permanent secretaries, corpora-tion chairmen and similar heads of departments are allowed to make decisions until new organs are functioning, so long as such decisions are not contrary to the aims and wishes of the Supreme Council.

No minister or parliamentary secretary possesses administrative or other forms of control over any ministry, even if they are not considered too dangerous to be arrested.

This is not a time for long speechmaking, so let me acquaint you with the ten proclamations of the extraordinary order of the day which the Supreme Council has promulgated.

These will be modified as the situation improves. You are hereby warned that looting, arson, homosexuality and rape, embezzlement, bribery or corruption, obstruction of the revolution, sabotage, subversion, false alarm and assistance to foreign invaders are all offences punishable by death sentences. Demonstrations, unauthorized assemblies, non-cooperation with the revolutionary troops are punishable in varying manner up to death.

In all of his speech , No where was Awolowo mentioned !!!

This was an Igbo coup !!!

Copied from X

The January 15, 1966, coup in Nigeria remains a subject of historical debate, particularly regarding its objectives and the intentions of the plotters. One recurring claim is that the coup was plotted, at least in part, to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo from prison and install him as Nigeria’s leader. This idea is supported by accounts from some of the coup plotters and other contemporary figures, though interpretations of their motives vary. Below, I’ll outline the relevant accounts from key plotters and participants, focusing on their own words and writings where available, to address whether this was indeed a central aim.

Major Adewale Ademoyega, one of the core plotters, provides a significant account in his book Why We Struck: The Story of the First Nigerian Coup (1981). Ademoyega, a Yoruba officer and part of the inner circle alongside Majors Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and Emmanuel Ifeajuna, explicitly states that the plotters intended to release Awolowo from Calabar prison, where he was serving a sentence for treasonable felony, and install him as the leader of Nigeria.

On page 68, he writes that the coup leaders had “earmarked from the list known to every soldier in this operation who would be what,” and that “Chief Obafemi Awolowo was, for example, to be released from jail immediately and to be made the executive provisional president of Nigeria.” Ademoyega emphasizes that the plotters admired Awolowo’s socialist-leaning ideology and his reputation for honesty and efficiency, viewing him as a figure who could unify and reform the country.

He notes their belief that soldiers should not govern directly, stating, “We were going to make civilians of proven honesty and efficiency who would be thoroughly handpicked to do all the governing.” This suggests that Awolowo’s installation was a deliberate and agreed-upon objective among the plotters.

Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, widely regarded as the face of the coup due to his leadership in the northern operations and his radio broadcast declaring martial law, also alluded to this plan in a later interview. In a piece published in the Nigerian Tribune on July 2, 1967, after his release from detention during the Biafran secession, Nzeogwu said, “Neither myself nor any of the other lads were in the least interested in governing the country. We were soldiers and not politicians… We were going to make civilians of proven honesty and efficiency who would be thoroughly handpicked to do all the governing.” While Nzeogwu does not name Awolowo directly in this specific quote, his alignment with Ademoyega’s account—particularly the emphasis on handing power to a civilian leader—lends credence to the idea that Awolowo was the intended figure. Nzeogwu’s earlier role as a military intelligence officer during Awolowo’s trial in 1962, where he reportedly expressed frustration with the government’s handling of the case, further supports the notion that he held Awolowo in high regard.

Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna, the intellectual leader of the coup who spearheaded operations in Lagos, provides a more complex perspective in his unpublished manuscript on the coup, parts of which have been referenced by historians and writers like Odia Ofeimun. Ifeajuna wrote that the plotters intended to “present our senior officers with a fait accompli” and hand power to a civilian leader. According to Ofeimun’s analysis in his essay The Forgotten Documents of the Nigerian Civil War, Ifeajuna told his friend, poet J.P. Clark, that if General Aguiyi-Ironsi (the highest-ranking officer at the time) agreed to join them, he could either remain in charge of the army or become head of state, while Awolowo would be made Prime Minister or Executive President, depending on Ironsi’s reaction. Ifeajuna added that if Awolowo refused to cooperate, “he would be locked up in the statehouse and decrees issued in his name.” This suggests a contingency plan but confirms Awolowo as a central figure in their vision.

Captain Ben Gbulie, another participant who led operations in Enugu, corroborates the Awolowo objective in his book Nigeria’s Five Majors (1981). Gbulie writes that the plotters respected Awolowo’s radical ideas and saw him as the face of a progressive movement in Nigeria. He notes that Major Nzeogwu and Captain Udeaja were tasked with flying to Calabar on the eve of the coup to free Awolowo, though this plan faltered when the coup unraveled in the south due to Ironsi’s counteractions. Gbulie’s account aligns with Ademoyega’s, reinforcing the claim that releasing and installing Awolowo was a key goal.

Beyond the plotters themselves, retired Major-General Olufemi Olutoye, who was approached by Nzeogwu in 1964 while they were in India, provides an outsider’s perspective that supports this narrative. In a 2016 interview with Punch Newspapers, Olutoye recalls Nzeogwu confiding in him about the coup plans, stating that the aim was not for Nzeogwu to become Head of State but to “bring a civilian who was more knowledgeable and who had what it took to make Nigeria great.” When Olutoye asked who this person was, Nzeogwu replied, “the man was in Calabar prison,” leading Olutoye to deduce it was Awolowo. Olutoye declined to join when he learned the coup would involve bloodshed, but his testimony aligns with the plotters’ stated intentions.

In conclusion, based on the accounts of key plotters like Ademoyega, Nzeogwu, Ifeajuna, and Gbulie, as well as Olutoye’s testimony, the January 1966 coup was indeed plotted with the intention of releasing Awolowo from prison and making him Nigeria’s leader, likely as Prime Minister or President. Ademoyega and Gbulie explicitly confirm this plan, Nzeogwu’s statements imply it, and Ifeajuna frames it as a primary option, albeit with alternatives. These accounts portray the coup as a revolutionary act driven by admiration for Awolowo’s vision, though its chaotic execution and subsequent interpretations leave room for debate about the plotters’ ultimate priorities.

Goodvibes007:
HERE is the Text of broadcast taken from a tape of the speech by Major Chukuma nzeogwu right after the coup on lover Radio Kaduna on 15 January 1966, starting at about 12.30 P.M.

The January 15, 1966, coup in Nigeria remains a subject of historical debate, particularly regarding its objectives and the intentions of the plotters. One recurring claim is that the coup was plotted, at least in part, to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo from prison and install him as Nigeria’s leader. This idea is supported by accounts from some of the coup plotters and other contemporary figures, though interpretations of their motives vary. Below, I’ll outline the relevant accounts from key plotters and participants, focusing on their own words and writings where available, to address whether this was indeed a central aim.

Major Adewale Ademoyega, one of the core plotters, provides a significant account in his book Why We Struck: The Story of the First Nigerian Coup (1981). Ademoyega, a Yoruba officer and part of the inner circle alongside Majors Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and Emmanuel Ifeajuna, explicitly states that the plotters intended to release Awolowo from Calabar prison, where he was serving a sentence for treasonable felony, and install him as the leader of Nigeria.

On page 68, he writes that the coup leaders had “earmarked from the list known to every soldier in this operation who would be what,” and that “Chief Obafemi Awolowo was, for example, to be released from jail immediately and to be made the executive provisional president of Nigeria.” Ademoyega emphasizes that the plotters admired Awolowo’s socialist-leaning ideology and his reputation for honesty and efficiency, viewing him as a figure who could unify and reform the country.

He notes their belief that soldiers should not govern directly, stating, “We were going to make civilians of proven honesty and efficiency who would be thoroughly handpicked to do all the governing.” This suggests that Awolowo’s installation was a deliberate and agreed-upon objective among the plotters.

Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, widely regarded as the face of the coup due to his leadership in the northern operations and his radio broadcast declaring martial law, also alluded to this plan in a later interview. In a piece published in the Nigerian Tribune on July 2, 1967, after his release from detention during the Biafran secession, Nzeogwu said, “Neither myself nor any of the other lads were in the least interested in governing the country. We were soldiers and not politicians… We were going to make civilians of proven honesty and efficiency who would be thoroughly handpicked to do all the governing.” While Nzeogwu does not name Awolowo directly in this specific quote, his alignment with Ademoyega’s account—particularly the emphasis on handing power to a civilian leader—lends credence to the idea that Awolowo was the intended figure. Nzeogwu’s earlier role as a military intelligence officer during Awolowo’s trial in 1962, where he reportedly expressed frustration with the government’s handling of the case, further supports the notion that he held Awolowo in high regard.

Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna, the intellectual leader of the coup who spearheaded operations in Lagos, provides a more complex perspective in his unpublished manuscript on the coup, parts of which have been referenced by historians and writers like Odia Ofeimun. Ifeajuna wrote that the plotters intended to “present our senior officers with a fait accompli” and hand power to a civilian leader. According to Ofeimun’s analysis in his essay The Forgotten Documents of the Nigerian Civil War, Ifeajuna told his friend, poet J.P. Clark, that if General Aguiyi-Ironsi (the highest-ranking officer at the time) agreed to join them, he could either remain in charge of the army or become head of state, while Awolowo would be made Prime Minister or Executive President, depending on Ironsi’s reaction. Ifeajuna added that if Awolowo refused to cooperate, “he would be locked up in the statehouse and decrees issued in his name.” This suggests a contingency plan but confirms Awolowo as a central figure in their vision.

Captain Ben Gbulie, another participant who led operations in Enugu, corroborates the Awolowo objective in his book Nigeria’s Five Majors (1981). Gbulie writes that the plotters respected Awolowo’s radical ideas and saw him as the face of a progressive movement in Nigeria. He notes that Major Nzeogwu and Captain Udeaja were tasked with flying to Calabar on the eve of the coup to free Awolowo, though this plan faltered when the coup unraveled in the south due to Ironsi’s counteractions. Gbulie’s account aligns with Ademoyega’s, reinforcing the claim that releasing and installing Awolowo was a key goal.

Beyond the plotters themselves, retired Major-General Olufemi Olutoye, who was approached by Nzeogwu in 1964 while they were in India, provides an outsider’s perspective that supports this narrative. In a 2016 interview with Punch Newspapers, Olutoye recalls Nzeogwu confiding in him about the coup plans, stating that the aim was not for Nzeogwu to become Head of State but to “bring a civilian who was more knowledgeable and who had what it took to make Nigeria great.” When Olutoye asked who this person was, Nzeogwu replied, “the man was in Calabar prison,” leading Olutoye to deduce it was Awolowo. Olutoye declined to join when he learned the coup would involve bloodshed, but his testimony aligns with the plotters’ stated intentions.

In conclusion, based on the accounts of key plotters like Ademoyega, Nzeogwu, Ifeajuna, and Gbulie, as well as Olutoye’s testimony, the January 1966 coup was indeed plotted with the intention of releasing Awolowo from prison and making him Nigeria’s leader, likely as Prime Minister or President. Ademoyega and Gbulie explicitly confirm this plan, Nzeogwu’s statements imply it, and Ifeajuna frames it as a primary option, albeit with alternatives. These accounts portray the coup as a revolutionary act driven by admiration for Awolowo’s vision, though its chaotic execution and subsequent interpretations leave room for debate about the plotters’ ultimate priorities.

kettykings:
This is beginning to look like a war between light and darkness between the truth and lies.


All direct participants in the events of the period have come out openly to say it was not an Igbo coup but non participants, by standers and professional story tellers are saying it was an Igbo coup

Godfullsam:
There are truths and there are facts. The truth can be twisted but the facts/results/outcomes can not be twisted.

People believed the coup was an Igbo coup for the following reasons:

1. most of the participants of the coup were Igbos
2. Most of the people killed in that coup were the hausas
3. The Igbo leader who should have been killed were spared
4. Aguiyi ironsi, an Igbo took over the mantle of leadership after coup
5. Ironsi failed to punish those who perpetrated the coup
6. Those making mockery of the north and their leaders after the coup were the Igbos (this was what provoke retaliation where many Igbos were killed in the north)
7. They said they planned the coup to make Awolowo the president but Aguiyi Ironsi was in power for about 6 months after the coup but failed to release Awolowo from prison.

Don't blame any body for believing that the coup was actually an Igbo coup. These fact proved beyond any atom of doubt that it was actually an Igbo coup.

Slytiger:
There was a reason court martial did not happen.

This event was later tagged an "ibo coup" by other ethnic groups in the country based on some chains of coincidences :

i. The Killing patterns – only one of the 22 casualties is of Ibo origin, while notable Ibo politicians like the Premier of Eastern region and military personnel like Ironsi were unharmed.

ii. The handing over of the government to Ironsi by Orizu (the acting president and the senate president who could have called for the formation of another civilian government) made it look like it was planned out all along.

iii. The unification decree of May 1966 promulgated by Ironsi, leading to the abolition of regional system of government. Historically speaking, the West and North have always believed in the regional system of government as the best form of government for a multiethnic like Nigeria, however this was taken away by Ironsi, leading to a massive outrage and pogrom in the North.

iv. The coup plotters, though kept in jail but were not sentenced.

Catualities.
Civilians
- Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa
- Premier Ahmadu Bello
- Premier Samuel Ladoke Akintola
- Finance Minister Festus Okotie-Eboh
- Ahmed Ben Musa (Bello's Senior Assistant " secretary for Security)
- Hafsatu Bello
- Mrs Latifat Ademulegun (pregnant)
- Zarumi Sardauna
- Ahmed Pategi (Bello's driver)

Military and police
- Brig. Samuel Ademulegun
- Brig. Zakariya Maimalari
- Col. Ralph Shodeinde
- Col. Kur Mohammed
- Lt. Col. Abogo Largema
- Lt. Col. James Pam
- Lt. Col. Arthur Unegbe
- Sergeant Daramola Oyegoke (Refused Nzeogwu's order in the attack on the Sardauna's lodge and according to the police report was murdered by Nzeogwu)
- Police Constable (PC) Yohana Garkawa
- Lance Corporal Musa Nimzo
- PC Akpan Anduka
- PC Hagai Lai
- Philip Lewande

What’s Aguiyi-Ironsi’s place in history?
The composition of the administration’s advisory team was also another source of discontent. Chief among them was Francis Nwokedi, an Igbo man and former permanent secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, who had become close to him during his days in the Congo. Others were Pius Okigbo (economic adviser) and Lt. Col Patrick Anwunah who was later Chairman of the National Orientation Committee. The most common complaint against the appointments was that, although highly qualified and distinguished, they were either all Igbos or Igbo speaking.

On February 12, Ironsi took his most sensitive decision when he put Nwokedi in-charge of the establishment he set to work out the details of his unified Nigeria. He had also replaced the Attorney-General, Dr. Teslim Elias, with Gabriel Onyiuke, also of Igbo extraction. Similarly, Dr. Pius Okigbo became the Economic Adviser. Then, contrary to Katsina’s advice, he attempted to appoint Prof. J. C. Edozien from the University of Ibadan as the Vice Chancellor of the Ahmadu Bello University, instead of Prof. Ishaya Audu. When he effected promotions in the Army, of the 21 officers promoted from Majors to Lieutenant-Colonels, 18 were Igbo-speaking.

Goodvibes007:
The logistics of the January 1966 coup is as follows:

Ifeajuna led the Lagos faction that went to Tafawa Balewa’s residence…. He is Igbo

Nzeogwu led the Northern faction in Kaduna…. He is Igbo

Nwobosi led the faction that went to Ibadan and killed Aare Akintola…. He is Igbo

Timothy Onwatwegu led the faction that went to Ademulegun’s house and killed him and his pregnant wife. He is Igbo.

Timothy Onwatwegu led the faction that went to Ralph Sodeinde’s house in Kaduna…. He is Igbo.

Ezedigbo led the faction that went to Okotie- Eboh’s house…. He is Igbo

Chris Anuforo led the faction that went to Col Kur Mohammed’s house…. He is Igbo

Donatus Okafor led the faction that went to Maimalari’s house. He is Igbo.

Lt Oguchi was sent to the East to kill Okpara…. He spared his life…. He was Igbo.

Everyone who died in the January 1966 coup was killed by Igbos. Nobody from another tribe pulled a trigger that killed anyone in the January 1966 coup.

To imagine that the January 1966 coup was not an Igbo agenda is an insult on the memory of the innocent victims that were brutally killed for no just cause.

Stop the Gaslighting ! THE NORTH PLANNED A COUNTER COUP IN JULY 66 AS A REVENGE AFTER THEY REALISED IT WAS AN IGBO AGENDA

THE NORTH COUP WAS WIDELY KNOWN AS “ NORTHERN COUP “ why ? Because most of the soldiers that carried out the coup were of Northern origin . We dont see them crying about it . They own it !!

Stop the victim crying already and stop disrespecting Dead because you are too weak to take responsibility for your actions ..

Copied from X

Goodvibes007:
IGBOS, Who stoned Awolowo in Aba in the first republic when he went for a campaign, wants us to believe in 2025 that the Igbos who stage a coup, K!ll Hausa Leaders, K!ll Yoruba leaders, spare Igbo leaders all Because they want Awolowo they stoned to become the President.

Peak fooling

When I decide to be BRUTALLY truthful as this Igbo man,let nobody hold me back o pic.twitter.com/UAcEu5j25Y

— Senior Pastor Okezie James Atañi (@Onsogbu) February 23, 2025

HERE is the text of broadcast taken from a tape of the speech by Major Chukuma nzeogwu right after the coup on lover Radio Kaduna on 15 January 1966, starting at about 12.30 P.M.

Nzeogwu broadcast over Radio Kaduna just after noon on
Saturday 15 January.!!!!! pic.twitter.com/6b0W1fSt2j

— Senior Pastor Okezie James Atañi (@Onsogbu) February 24, 2025

Goodvibes007:
IGBOS, Who stoned Awolowo in Aba in the first republic when he went for a campaign, wants us to believe in 2025 that the Igbos who stage a coup, K!ll Hausa Leaders, K!ll Yoruba leaders, spare Igbo leaders all Because they want Awolowo they stoned to become the President.

Peak fooling

Yorubafather:
All this stupid craps you posted will not change the truth of the matter, look for more and post, IBB have open your yansh, make peace with the truth before BP enter