₦airaland Forum

By Clement A. Oloyede


While the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) insists it is not pursuing a one-party state, allegations that it is deploying state apparatus to weaken the opposition have refused to fade. If anything, recent developments have intensified claims that the party is determined to lure strong voices challenging its grip on power — by any means necessary.

On Monday, a leader of the opposition coalition and former Sokoto State governor, Senator Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, was interrogated and detained by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) over alleged fraudulent withdrawals amounting to N189 billion during his tenure. He left office more than two years ago.

The invitation and detention triggered a flurry of reactions, coming shortly after the coalition-led African Democratic Congress (ADC) accused the EFCC of conducting selective investigations “mainly against the opposition,” describing it as a sign of dictatorship.

The coalition alleged the commission was operating like “a political hit squad for the ruling APC” and warned that “this dangerous trend is eroding public trust in the institution and undermining the real fight against corruption.” It claimed the EFCC was re-opening closed cases, digging up files from years past, and targeting opposition members with the ultimate aim of making them vulnerable to overtures from the ruling party.

Sources close to Tambuwal insisted the matter was “100 per cent politics.”

One close associate, who asked not to be named, said the problem began about four months ago when individuals linked to the government approached Tambuwal to join the Tinubu “train.”

“He consulted some of us around him, and we wondered how we could, in good conscience, work with the government given the poverty and insecurity plaguing the country, especially in the North,” the source said.

The source added that nothing more was heard until about three weeks ago, when Tambuwal received a letter from the EFCC requesting details about his time as governor.

“When he asked the commission for specifics, they failed to provide them. Tambuwal then told them to contact the state to check if there were concerns about his administration. Although they didn’t give specifics, we suspect it may be related to World Bank funds disbursed during his tenure. The money was paid through bank accounts, and Tambuwal was actually given a clean bill of health by the World Bank,” he said.

According to the source, Tambuwal later honoured an EFCC invitation. While his associates met the bail conditions that night, the commission still kept him in custody until the next day.

Another source revealed that a similar approach had been made about six months earlier to former deputy speaker of the House of Representatives and ex-governor of Imo State, Emeka Ihedioha, to join the Tinubu “train.” Ihedioha, the source added, also has an EFCC invitation this week.

Tambuwal also echoed the views of his associates while addressing supporters in Sokoto after his release.

He questioned the timing of the invitation, noting it came just as he and others were finalising the coalition’s agenda to unseat President Bola Tinubu’s government in 2027.

“We have been involved in the process of bringing everyone together, because there are two paradigms in Nigeria today: those in government; and those of the people of Nigeria. My colleagues and I have chosen to stand with the people working against sustaining the current bad situation in Nigeria. Once you join the APC, whatever your sins are will be forgiven. Now, I want to ask you: do you want our sins to be forgiven so that we can join the APC? Or do you want us to continue working for the coalition?

“I am going to say what they don’t want to hear: what they fail to realise is that I cannot be intimidated.”

Another coalition leader, Dr Umar Ardo, who is also the convener of the Northern League of Democrats, confirmed to Weekend Trust that the APC-led government had made overtures to him.

“A minister called me, saying, ‘We know what you’ve done. We know your capacity. You haven’t been approached yet, and we want you to work with us. I’ll arrange for you to meet the president, and if he approves, we’ll work together.’

“I didn’t say yes, and I didn’t say no. When the government approaches you, you don’t reject them outright. The government has the power to do good and the power to do harm. The best thing is to keep quiet and continue with your work,” he said in an exclusive interview.

Like Ardo, several other coalition leaders were said to have been approached by APC government agents or party members. Opposition figures such as former Kano State governor, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, and former National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) director general, Mohamed Sani Sidi, who recently defected from the PDP to the APC, were reportedly courted by the ruling party.

While attempts to confirm this from Shekarau and Sidi were unsuccessful, sources close to the former Kano governor confirmed he had been approached but declined as he was still playing crucial roles in the PDP. On Wednesday, he was among over 40 party chieftains appointed to its power-sharing committee. He currently leads the PDP in Kano and has an eye on the national chairmanship should the post be zoned to the North and micro-zoned to the North West.

“There’s also the potential of Malam emerging as the running mate to either Jonathan or Peter Obi. As permutations over a Jonathan run gain momentum, he called Malam to consider joining him, and Obi also visited Malam to request they work together,” the source said.

Similarly, sources in Kaduna State said Sani Sidi was approached by the highest echelon of the state government to persuade him to return to the APC, with an undisclosed incentive.


Tinubu’s overtures to Kwankwaso

In the case of another Kano political heavyweight, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the leader of the Kwankwasiyya Movement and political godfather of the current Kano governor, President Tinubu has not hidden his desire to have him on his side.

As far back as 2023, after Tinubu’s electoral victory, both men met and reportedly agreed to work together, with Kwankwaso said to have been offered a ministerial slot.

While the appointment never materialised, to the surprise of many in Kwankwaso’s camp, Tinubu later instructed then-APC national chairman Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, a sworn foe of Kwankwaso, to initiate moves to bring the Kwankwasiyya leader back to the APC.

Ganduje’s abrupt resignation in June fuelled speculation that Kwankwaso’s return to the APC was imminent. However, his recent public criticism of the Tinubu administration is believed to have stalled those efforts. In the meantime, his ally, Hon Abdulmumin Jibrin Kofa, has visited the president twice in the past fortnight in what close associates describe as fence-mending moves to revive the alliance talks.

Beyond Kwankwaso and other northern leaders like the Kebbi and Kano senators, opposition figures allege that the defection of PDP’s 2023 vice presidential candidate and former Delta State governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, alongside current Governor Sheriff Oborevwori and the PDP’s entire Delta structure, is a clear example of the APC’s carrot-and-stick strategy.

Before his defection, Okowa was invited and arrested in November 2024 over the alleged diversion of N1.3 trillion, reportedly the state’s 13% derivation funds from the federation account between 2015 and 2023. According to EFCC sources, Okowa was detained at the commission’s Port Harcourt office.

However, since his April 2025 defection to the APC, little has been heard of the case, prompting speculation that the move was engineered through EFCC pressure.

While the EFCC denies being used as a political tool, particularly in Tambuwal’s case, which many compare to Okowa’s, questions remain about the timing of these investigations.

Dr Ardo, however, cautioned against politicising EFCC actions, noting the agency has also arrested and interrogated high-profile APC members.

In the South South, Akwa Ibom Governor Umo Eno is believed to have abandoned the PDP’s “aeroplane” for the APC’s, claiming the former could no longer take him to his “destination.” His remarks are widely interpreted as a sign that the APC has assured him a smooth return as governor in 2027.

In the South East, Anambra State Governor Charles Chukwuma Soludo, up for re-election in November, remains in the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) but has been fraternising with the APC. He has even endorsed President Tinubu for 2027 on behalf of his party.

The development mirrors that of Osun State Governor Ademola Adeleke, who is up for re-election in 2026. Both are rumoured to have secured APC backing in exchange for a clear path to re-election.


Ex-ADC chair’s allegation and presidency’s response

On July 30, former ADC National Chairman, Ralph Nwosu, claimed he was offered three ministerial slots by people in government to dissuade him from using the ADC as a platform for the opposition coalition.

“Some people tried to discourage us with promises of automatic ministerial appointments. They wanted to give me three ministerial slots so I could take one and give two to others I chose. But I said no. I chose a democratic future for Nigeria. Nigeria cannot be a one-party state, not after all we did to ensure the military returned to the barracks,” Nwosu said.

“By rejecting the offers, the ADC is now the party with the largest membership. We are now the government in waiting, with 28 senators and more than 60 members of the House of Representatives. ADC grew from a small party to a very large party. Nigerians have shown they detest what the party in government is doing.”

But presidential spokesman, Daniel Bwala, dismissed Nwosu’s account as false and unsubstantiated.

“From his words as reported, you know he lied,” Bwala said. “No government official of whatever rank in our government can promise or grant ministerial slots except the president.”

He added that if such an offer were ever made, it would have come directly from President Tinubu, not from a third party.

Bwala also questioned why Nwosu failed to name those allegedly involved, saying, “The same courage he mustered to claim he was promised slots could have been used to mention their names and positions in this government.”

Earlier in July, prominent Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) figures emerged from a closed-door meeting accusing the APC-led federal government of using threats, blackmail and patronage to force members to abandon the party.

Debo Ologunagba, PDP national publicity secretary, said the APC was more interested in celebrating defections than showcasing achievements. He accused the Tinubu administration of deliberately weakening opposition parties through coercion and inducement.

“When you find the president of a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural society like Nigeria declaring his preference for a one-party state, it shows they continue to aggressively attack the processes of other political parties,” Ologunagba said.

However, at a joint session of the National Assembly, President Tinubu said it was not his responsibility to patch up the internal affairs of opposition parties.

“Political parties fearful of members leaving may be better served by examining their internal processes and affairs rather than fearfully conjuring up demons that do not exist. For me, I will not say, ‘Try your best to put your house in order.’ I will not help you to do so either. It is indeed a pleasure to witness you in such disarray,” Tinubu stated.

Analysts interpreted the comment as more political than presidential, warning it could reinforce the perception that the presidency and the ruling party were fuelling disarray in the PDP, Labour Party and New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). The continued role of FCT Minister Nyesom Wike in the PDP crisis has been cited as evidence supporting this view.


ADC accuses APC of using coercion; ruling party kicks

ADC national publicity secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, told Weekend Trust that the APC was using intimidation to discourage potential defectors from joining the coalition-led ADC.

“We know many people, even within government, who want to join the ADC. Some in other parties are willing too. But many are cautious because they know what this government is capable of. It seems once you oppose the government, they suddenly remember you have questions to answer about past positions you’ve held. Yet once you join the APC, all your ‘sins’ are forgiven, as one of their leaders said.

“There is fear the government might use this tactic to coerce people into joining the APC. I have often said the government should stop intimidating people and let them freely exercise their democratic rights. What the government is doing with the EFCC is not fighting corruption, it is fighting the opposition,” he said.

Abdullahi added that the ADC was not concerned about whether defectors join now or later, insisting, “The only truly viable opposition party today is the African Democratic Congress.”

In response, APC national director of publicity, Bala Ibrahim, called the allegation baseless and malicious.

“Let there be facts to show a link between the invitation to Tambuwal, for example. If substantiation is not done, it becomes a malicious allegation aimed at tarnishing the good name of the executive, and by extension, the party that produced the executive. That is the only relationship between the APC and the executive. The APC does not prosecute,” he said.

Ibrahim said the party’s membership drive was about selling its manifesto and policies to democrats, making “democratically permissible” overtures to join its fold.

“But coercion is not part of that invitation,” he added, noting the party offers a level playing field for those who wish to contest elections.


Like APC, like NPN, PDP

The APC’s alleged courting of opposition leaders ahead of 2027 is far from new in Nigerian politics.

From the Second Republic to the PDP’s 16-year dominance in the Fourth Republic, ruling parties have used appointments, patronage and political concessions to weaken rivals and consolidate power.

In the Second Republic (1979–1983), the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) honed the practice. Without an outright majority after the 1979 elections, it wooed the Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP), led by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, into the “NPN–NPP Accord,” which gave the NPP ministerial positions, board seats and policy influence in exchange for parliamentary cooperation.

Over time, the accord fractured the NPP’s unity. Disgruntled state politicians were enticed with federal backing, lucrative contracts or influential appointments if they defected. These defections diluted the opposition and helped the NPN tighten its grip on the National Assembly and expand its governorships by 1983.

Fast-forward to the Fourth Republic, the PDP, in power from 1999 to 2015, similarly used a mix of incentives and pressure to poach opposition leaders, especially before major elections.

Under President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007), the PDP regularly reached across party lines, offering defectors ministerial portfolios, ambassadorships and federal agency chairmanships. Late Bola Ige was appointed as Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, though a prominent member of the opposition Alliance for Democracy (AD). Some high-profile ANPP and AD figures switched to the PDP after being promised political relevance or protection from probes.

During the Yar’adua and Jonathan years, the strategy deepened. Control of federal resources, from oil allocations to constituency projects and committee appointments, became a lure for governors and lawmakers. The PDP also allegedly used investigative agencies, including the EFCC, to pressure opposition leaders facing corruption allegations. Some saw their cases eased or dropped after crossing over, echoing NPN-era tactics.

This long-running pattern is believed to highlight a constant in Nigerian politics: ruling parties leveraging both the carrot of patronage and the stick of institutional pressure to absorb opposition heavyweights.

For decades, such tactics have reshaped party structures, weakened opposition cohesion, and raised questions about the health of Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

Islie:
https://dailytrust.com/battle-for-2027-how-apc-coerces-opposition-politicians/#google_vignette

Islie:
https://dailytrust.com/battle-for-2027-how-apc-coerces-opposition-politicians/#google_vignette

frenzzy2:
...You don't knw what God did for us by bringing in Tinubu. Any day Obi or Atiku rule this country my dear we are finished write it some where

frenzzy2:
So because he is of the North they shouldn't interrogate him some one defrauded billions of Naira and the government are after him you guys are here saying trash you don't knw what God did for us by bringing in Tinubu any day Obi or Atiku rule this country my dear we are finished write it some where

Islie:
https://dailytrust.com/battle-for-2027-how-apc-coerces-opposition-politicians/#google_vignette

chisomkachy:
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has withdrawn the alleged money laundering suit it filed at the Federal High Court against Lagos Speaker Mudashiru Ajayi Obasa.

Naija News understands that the anti-graft did not give any particular reason for its application for withdrawal.

Following the application to withdraw, Justice Nicholas Oweibo discharged the ‘lien/Post No Debit’ placed on Obasa’s three accounts in Standard Chartered Bank.

The accounts are (US Dollars) 0001852063; (Current) 0001852056 and (Saving) 5002309624.

The judge also set aside the ex-parte orders he made on September 15, 2020, which led to the freezing of the accounts.

Recall that the court on September 15, 2020, granted an interim order freezing Obasa’s accounts following the EFCC’s application in a suit marked FHC/LCS/1064/2020.

The agency had said it was investigating the Speaker for the alleged offences of conspiracy, diversion of funds, abuse of office and money laundering.

But Justice Oweibo, on August 16, 2023, heard the application to unfreeze the accounts in his chamber.

During the hearing, the EFCC was represented by Mr. Sulaiman I. Sulaiman, while Obasa was represented by Mr. Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika (SAN).

The EFCC lawyer told the court that the application to unfreeze the accounts was pursuant to Section 44(2)(K) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and Sections 26, 29 and 34 (1) of the EFCC (Establishment) Act, 2004, and under the court’s inherent jurisdiction.

Section 44 of the Constitution concerns constitutional rights to property.

Justice Oweibo held: “It is hereby ordered that an order is hereby granted to the respondent/applicant setting aside the ex-parte orders of this court made on the 15th day of September 2020 upon the ex-parte motion of the Applicant/ Respondent in relation the funds of the Respondent/Applicant domiciled in the accounts stated in the following schedule:

“ACCOUNT NAME, FINANCIAL ACCOUNT INSTITUTIONS, TYPE OF ACCOUNT, 1. Mudasiru Ajayi Obasa, Standard Chartered, (US Dollars) 0001852063 2. Mudasiru Ajayi Obasa, Standard Chartered (Current) 0001852056 3. Mudashiru Ajayi Obasa, Standard Chartered (Saving) 5002309624.

“Issued at Lagos, under the seal of this Honourable Court and by the hands of the Presiding Judge this 16th day of August 2023.”

https://dailytimesng.com/obasa-efcc-withdraws-suit/

Previous Threads:
https://www.nairaland.com/5877642/obasa-64-bank-accounts-linked#89878603

https://wap.nairaland.com/6167844/lagos-assembly-speaker-obasa-efcc#94728150

https://www.nairaland.com/6168612/obasa-court-orders-efcc-freeze#94741534

asfrank:
Is this the rubbish ADC can come up with after a failed election.

Wait and collect final beating in the general elections

anonimi:
Petrol should never cost more than N70 per litre, says APC

January 19, 2015

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has described as mere tokenism the reduction of petrol price from N97 to N87 per litre, saying the petroleum product ordinarily should sell for N70.

On Sunday, the federal government announced the reduction of petrol price, citing the fall of global crude oil price.

But the APC through Lai Mohammed, its spokesman, on Monday accused the government of making a show out of deceit, saying “a 10.3 per cent slash in the price of petrol was a mere tokenism at a time the price of crude oil has crashed by about 60 per cent”.

It argued that the pump price of a litre of petrol should not be more than 70 Naira, alleging that at N87 per litre, the government was forcing Nigerians to subsidise the massive corruption in the oil sector by N17 for every litre of fuel.

https://www.thecable.ng/petrol-never-cost-n70-per-litre-says-apc/

miracle002:
Wait, what is really going on here. Apc is yet to fufil their campaign promises of 2023, instead they are talking about 2027 elections.

God decided to punish us by bringing This disaster APC to us