₦airaland Forum

themanderon:
Won according to inec right? Why did they have to switch off the server and call results by 4am while many were asleep?
Look at the recent elections in South Africa and compare with the rubbish we have been holding here for ages. Results were uploaded in real time and everyone had access to it. No mago mago, no biribiri. Why can't we replicate such here?

garykoeman:
Result from southeast delay the announcement of result on time.


Southeast result came out the last as a result of rigging.

simpleseyi:
.
You will
Still post this gibberish after your humiliation in 2027

Goke7:
I don't usually respond to stuff like this, but you're right. It's disappointing to see educated men speak this way. If you can't win or contest in an election, it's foolish to admit that INEC and the judiciary will just award the winner.

This is gaslighting, and the man, as you said, is indeed foolish

yarimo:
Always speaking like a fool

lightwind:
He's actually saying the truth, and millions of REASONABLE Nigerians agrees with him.

$

simpleseyi:
Bitter old man. Cry well well.

Now we have 30 sitting state governors, 2/3 majority of the National Assembly, we have INEC and our home girl Small-Tiger is the head of the Supreme Court, so you will cry for long

yarimo:
Always speaking like a fool

hatchy:
You....always supporting Tinubu like someone without br@!n

SixSeven:
This time around, the ministers and presidential aides will speak on behalf of the President during campaign

[quoe author=sixseven post=137876394]


I thought their Emilokan knew it was going to be him, he did not even need any prophesy that he even asked El Rufai to speak for him during his campaign. He knew his 'team' but to cover Nigeria's back in international space after getting there, he is showing confusion. Mr Teamship, the man who can spot talents. The joke is on you.



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RtvPDLq2P3E[b]Even here where he wasn't debating with anyone, he still could not bring himself to answer questions. [/b] The world is watching Nigeria and they can see how we are making a full of ourselves.


Since APC came to power, Presidential Media chats are a thing of the past. They don't believe that giving accountability is necessary. Wike has more media chats than the President and what is he usually talking about? Politics! Not governance. If they were in opposition and PDP did the same thing, they would have screamed 🤡

simpleseyi:
.
The bitter old man wants Tinubu to appoint Peter Obi’s wife as INEC Chairperson and the gay son as head of Supreme Court

garykoeman:
Result from southeast delay the announcement of result on time.


Southeast result came out the last as a result of rigging.

helinues:
Delulu talk..sebi The INEC and the judges are Mauritanians

Eish

SixSeven:
Democracy is a scam if one country can decide how crazy another's democracy is crazy. Demonstration of craze...

This is why it will not work in Africa because it's crazy how the demo works here. The rulers have figured out how to manipulate the system to benefit them without direct responsibility.

In 1999 - 2003, the Executive did not like the Legislature and orchestrated the removal of the Senate and Reps different times. However you must be aware that the leaders of those houses were not 100% clean. Do you remember Salisu and Toronto Certificate? Within four years, the Senate alone had three presidents. Salisu Buhari’s removal over the Toronto certificate scandal was justified on ethical grounds, but the speed and coordination of the process revealed something deeper, the executive influence was never far away. Evan Enwerem and later Chuba Okadigbo fell amid allegations of misconduct, yet the pattern suggested that leadership crises were being managed politically, not institutionally. Accountability was selective, reactive, and often convenient for the power brokers. Nigeria began its democratic process on a faulty foundation. The Governors will learn after the 2003 tsunami by the PDP how to grab it in the next paragraph.


In 2003–07, the major issue of this tenure was the attempt tamper with constitutional limits through political pressure. Even though Obasanjo denies it today, there is enough documentation on how the third-term agenda was not just about tenure elongation but it was a stress test of whether constitutional rules could withstand executive might. The Legislature was flooded with inducements and intimidation. That the amendment failed remains significant, but equally significant is how close it came to succeeding. Democracy survived this phase by a narrow margin, not by institutional strength but thank God it survived. Credit to Sen Ken Nnamani.


In 2007–11, this tenure combined electoral legitimacy collapse, legislative scandal, and executive weakness. The 2007 elections severely damaged democratic credibility, yet governance proceeded without correction. Yar Adua's attempt to correct the anomaly of an election succeeded a bit when he set up an electoral panel to review our electoral system. Inside the Legislature, the Patricia Etteh crisis and later the Dimeji Bankole era exposed how leadership of the House became entangled with patronage and post-tenure criminalisation. The defining rupture, however, was Yar’Adua’s illness and death. The secrecy surrounding presidential incapacity paralysed governance and exposed a constitutional vacuum. The “Doctrine of Necessity” that elevated the Vice President was a timely fix but it also confirmed that Nigeria’s democracy often survives by improvisation rather than adherence to clear rules. Thank you Dora Akunyili and we can't forget the role of Mr Aondoaka and those who claimed that the President could rule from anywhere in the world. A pattern that will be repeated later under Buhari and now, Tinubu. This period was where the Governors started learning to cut their teeth. They became more influential in Nigerian politics. The Governors' Forum was influencing national politics. This was the period of one party state by PDP that made Ogbulafor boast that PDP will rule for 60 years. Obasanjo had taught the Governors lessons but Yar Adua and Jonathan's scholarly approach to democracy may have cost us a lesson on tight fisted executive.

DORA AKUNYILI'S EXPLOSIVE MESSAGE TO YAR'ADUA

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=47UulCINeuo

In 2011–15, the main issue of this period was oversight without enforcement. The National Assembly appeared assertive, especially during the fuel subsidy probe, which revealed massive corruption. Yet the failure to secure decisive prosecutions weakened public trust. You must remember that Farouk Lawan was recently forgiven in the Tinubu's presidential pardon list but what he did at that time was a symbol of the corruption at the top. At the same time, electoral reforms under Attahiru Jega restored some credibility to elections, creating a contrast between improving electoral process and stagnant governance accountability. Democracy looked better at the ballot box than in outcomes. Change became possible but the Governors played a major role in redesigning how party politics was. The party was no longer the class captain, each Governor was now taking hold of the party structure at each state.

AUDIO: The $3 million conversation between Farouk Lawan and Femi Otedola - Part 2

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qUnWDgEMDa8

$3million bribery: Farouk Lawan request removal of Otedola's company from fuel subsidy report

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v7gzT5vd0vE


In 2015–19, this tenure was dominated by open institutional confrontation. Bukola Saraki’s emergence as Senate President against party and executive preference triggered years of conflict. His trial at the Code of Conduct Tribunal placed the Judiciary squarely within political struggle. Simultaneously, the Executive openly disobeyed court orders in security-related cases, signalling impatience with judicial restraint. This was not just an executive–legislative problem, it was a systemic breakdown of respect among arms of government because APC was in power, so yih can't blame the opposition. Power was increasingly exercised as moral authority rather than constitutional obligation.
The first attack on the judicial system began here with the Onnoghen trial by the Buhari government. The death of the media also started during this time. APC, which had oiled the machinery of the media to their advantage could not let the same machine take them out. They came out hard on critical thinking and through the Minister of Information, the Press review started here.


In 2019–23, the tenure was defined by the open surrender of legislative independence. Unlike earlier Assemblies that at least struggled with the Executive, this one publicly embraced alignment as a governing principle. Legislative leaders openly described the National Assembly as a “partner” rather than a check. Oversight weakened noticeably. Budgets were passed with little resistance, confirmations sailed through, and major policy questions rarely produced institutional pushback. The loss of teeth was not accidental. Senate President Ahmed Lawan repeatedly framed the National Assembly as a “partner” of the Executive rather than a check on it. In public statements, he emphasized working “in harmony” with the presidency to pass legislation and implement national policies, warning against “unnecessary grandstanding” that could delay governance. Oversight weakened - bills, budgets, and ministerial confirmations proceeded with minimal scrutiny. A prominent example was Godswill Akpabio’s smooth confirmation as Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, which drew little interrogation despite prior controversies. Please off your mic. Committees that would normally probe ministers or government contracts rarely escalated findings, signaling a tacit decision that cooperation, not confrontation, was the guiding principle. The loss of teeth was not accidental, it was openly acknowledged, marking a clear departure from Assemblies that had previously struggled even contentiously to assert themselves.
Democracy during this period functioned procedurally but hollowly, with elections and legislative processes intact but scrutiny and accountability diminished.

From 2023–present, the current 10th National Assembly has intensified this pattern. It had easily won the worst National Assembly even before concluding its tenure. Senate and House leaders, including Akpabio, have publicly reinforced the idea that lawmakers are not elected “to fight the Executive” but to collaborate on national priorities. Akpabio stressed that legislators should support executive-led bills that serve the nation, even if critics label this a “rubber-stamp” legislature. Committees continue to exist, but oversight has become largely symbolic. Critical national issues, security challenges, rising inflation, and controversial economic policies see limited legislative pushback. What stands out is not conflict but its absence, making it clear that the Legislature now prioritizes alignment and on a mandate they wish to stand on with the executive over independent scrutiny. In practical terms, the National Assembly functions, but as a facilitator of executive priorities rather than a co-equal branch ensuring accountability. This Assembly has trashed any respect whatsoever you may have for the Legislature. Publicly singing on your mandate they shall stand, trying to praise the President's work and laughing over serious issues that affect Nigerians or completely ignoring them have made them weaker than the whisker of a cat.

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Looking at Nigeria’s National Assembly from 1999 to today, a clear pattern stands out. Each four-year tenure faced big challenges, but the Legislature often let itself be shaped by politicians and party leaders instead of standing up to protect the people’s interests. The 10th Assembly shows this clearly. Leaders openly put the President’s wishes above their constitutional duty. They approve bills and budgets without asking tough questions. Committees that should investigate government programs barely do their work. By choosing to cooperate instead of check power, the Legislature has weakened democracy from within. At the same time, the Judiciary has often compromised, bending under pressure or choosing caution, which has limited its ability to fully check government power. Go to court!!!


This problem is not unique to Nigeria. In countries like Venezuela, democracy exists on paper but is erased by politicians who manipulate institutions for their own gain. We can see the same pattern here. But pointing out these failures does not give outsiders the right to lecture Venuezela. Even strong democracies like the United States struggle with their own political crises and institutional problems. True democracy only works when the people and their own institutions hold power accountable. No one else can do it for us.

©️ SixSeven


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qL6QgwDREmo

yarimo:
losers only agreed with him are you among the losers? Just asking for the leaders of serial losers ATIKU and obi

yarimo:
Always speaking like a fool

simpleseyi:
.
The bitter old man wants Tinubu to appoint Peter Obi’s wife as INEC Chairperson and the gay son as head of Supreme Court

yarimo:
Always speaking like a fool

OKOATA:
But this time around the world radar is on him and the USA is also on him. He should try and rig 2027 and see. Hope you guys know whats on space lately. Trump and Neyanthu are cleansing the world of evil leaders so be warned.

yarimo:
Always speaking like a fool

simpleseyi:
.
The bitter old man wants Tinubu to appoint Peter Obi’s wife as INEC Chairperson and the gay son as head of Supreme Court