₦airaland Forum

Reminds me of Bolarinwa Oluwasegun who often impersonated military officers (he pretended to be a general, then a colonel) and he once pretended to be a local government chairman. On another occasion he forged President Buhari's signature and on another occasion he tried to address End SARS protesters and when they wouldn't listen to him he fired gunshots into the air to scare them away.


Fake Army General Arrested By EFCC Reportedly Shot At #EndSars Protesters
https://www.nairaland.com/6938286/fake-army-general-arrested-efcc

EFCC Arrests Fake Army General Who Claimed Buhari Nominated Him As COAS for Alleged N270m Fraud
https://www.nairaland.com/6937989/efcc-arrests-fake-army-general

Buhari Signature Falsification: Fake General Nabbed
https://www.nairaland.com/6939437/buhari-signature-falsification-fake-general

Yoruba Groups Call For Release Of Detained General
https://www.nairaland.com/8377071/yoruba-groups-call-release-detained

Image123:
Someone would still dare to do this in future because the consequences remain a slap on the wrist.
naptu2 mentioned one in the other thread. i am sure he's still alive today.

naptu2:
I was going to create this thread, but my network disappointed me.

Please include the part about the Buhari era council.

I INDEPENDENTLY SEARCHED NIGERIA'S BUDGET DOCUMENTS FROM 2019 TO THE PRESENT. HERE IS WHAT I FOUND ABOUT THE PFIPC SCANDAL THAT NOBODY IS TALKING ABOUT.

THE NAME DID NOT COME FROM NOWHERE

Everyone is focused on Adeyemi the man. Nobody has gone back to ask where the name "Presidential Economic Advisory Council" actually came from. I did. And the answer changes this entire story.

The Presidential Economic Advisory Council is not a Tinubu creation. Tinubu's economic body is called the Presidential Economic Coordination Council. He established it in March 2024, inaugurated it in July 2024, and chairs it himself alongside Dangote, Elumelu, the Senate President and the Governors Forum Chairman. It has a different name, a different structure and a different budget code.

The Presidential Economic Advisory Council is a creation of Buhari. Buhari established it in September 2019 to replace the Economic Management Team that Osinbajo was heading. It had real named members. Prof. Doyin Salami as chairman. Charles Soludo. Bismark Rewane. Eight economists reporting directly to the President with a defined mandate and a legal institutional identity.

When Tinubu came in and created the PECC in 2024, the Buhari-era PEAC was never formally dissolved. No gazette removing it. No Budget Office circular revoking its institutional identity. It simply went dormant. But dormant in Nigeria's government system is not the same as deleted.

That dormant status is exactly what was exploited.

PART 2 — WHAT THE BUDGET DOCUMENTS ACTUALLY SHOW

I searched the 2024 Appropriation Act. The Presidential Economic Advisory Council does not appear. Budget code 0111062001 is not there.

I searched the 2025 Appropriation Act. The Presidential Economic Advisory Council does not appear. Budget code 0111062001 is not there either.

I checked the 2026 Appropriation Act, signed by President Tinubu on April 17, 2026. Budget code 0111062001 appears for the first time, on pages 50 and 51, listed as:

"Presidential Economic Advisory Council / Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council"

Total allocation: N1,302,978,784.

Personnel costs: N802,978,783, including N573 million in salaries. Overhead: N200,000,001. Capital: N300,000,000 under Research and Development.

The capital allocation is broken down into ten specific programme lines. N182.5 million for logistics for the World Investment Summit 2026. A Harvard Program on Negotiation. A Certified Investment Management Analyst course. A WTO trade negotiations course. Strategic investment management training. Negotiation and leadership courses.
This is not a vague placeholder. This is a detailed, populated budget submission with ten line items written in correct budget language by someone who knows how budget submissions are prepared.

This code was not carried forward by Buhari. It did not exist in 2024 or 2025. It was created fresh and inserted into the 2026 budget during the September to December 2025 preparation window. The same window in which Adeyemi was arrested in October 2025 and charged in November 2025.

PART 3 — THE BORROWED NAME AND WHY IT WAS CHOSEN

This is the dot nobody has connected publicly.

Whoever inserted budget code 0111062001 did not invent the name "Presidential Economic Advisory Council" out of thin air. They borrowed it from a real Buhari-era body with an institutional history, former members, and a legitimate place in the record of government advisory structures. A budget reviewer seeing that name would not immediately flag it as suspicious. It sounds like something that exists. Because something by that name did exist. Under a previous president.

That is the specific function the Buhari-era PEAC served in this operation. Not as an active siphoning vehicle across multiple budget years. The evidence does not show that. What it shows is that its dormant name was used as camouflage for a fresh 2026 insertion. Familiar enough to pass review. Obscure enough that most reviewers would not immediately know whether it was still active under the current administration or not.

This is research, not forgery. Whoever did this knew enough about the history of Nigerian presidential advisory structures to identify a dormant body whose name could be reactivated without triggering immediate scrutiny. That knowledge does not exist in the general public. It exists within a specific group of people with institutional memory of how government advisory bodies are named, coded, and tracked within the Budget Office system.

And one more thing. The Presidency's July 1 statement called both the PEAC and the PFIPC fictitious entities. But the PEAC was not technically fictitious. Adding PFIPC made it so. It was a real body of the Buhari administration. The name was real. The history was real. The exploitation of that history is what is new.

PART 4 — THE CIVIL SERVANTS AND THE OAGF TRAIL

Premium Times' reporting, based on court documents, adds the most specific layer to this story, and it needs to be read carefully.

In April 2025, Adeyemi wrote to the Accountant General of the Federation on PFIPC letterhead, requesting the deployment of staff to fill five vacancies, including a Principal Accountant, Accountant I, Principal Auditor, Senior Auditor, and Auditor I. He also wrote a separate letter requesting the transfer of two named staff from the Office of the Chief Economic Adviser to the President.

The OAGF processed that request.

On August 28, 2025, three senior civil servants were officially posted to the PFIPC. Their names are in court documents. Ojo Victor, 55, Assistant Chief Accountant. Omeh Amarachukwu, 40, internal auditor. Wakili Saidu, 45, audit department. Their posting letter was published on the OAGF's own website.

They collected their letters and presented themselves to Adeyemi on September 1. He told them to resume on September 8. They did. They were shown to a shared open office. They were never given any assignments. Never given any documentation. Never briefed on any mandate.

Ojo Victor's statement to police: "I have not been documented, and no schedule has been given to me since my assumption, which I find very strange."

Wakili Saidu: "Since then, there has been no correspondence between me and the DG."

Omeh Amarachukwu: "I only go to work once a week, the reason being that we have nothing to do since we were posted there."

All three said independently that they had never heard of the agency before seeing their names in the posting letter. The OAGF processed a staff deployment request from a fake agency, published the posting letter on their own website, and sent three senior civil servants to sit in an empty office for weeks.

Nobody at the OAGF called the SGF's office to ask if this agency was real before processing that request.

PART 5 — THE FULL PICTURE AND THE QUESTIONS THAT REMAIN

Let us put the confirmed timeline together.

September 2019: Buhari creates the Presidential Economic Advisory Council with real members and a legal mandate.

March 2024: Tinubu creates the Presidential Economic Coordination Council, effectively superseding the PEAC. The PEAC is never formally dissolved.

April 2025: Adeyemi writes to the OAGF on PFIPC letterhead requesting civil servant deployments. The OAGF processes the request.

May 2025: Adeyemi meets Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu at the National Assembly. Voice of Nigeria, Vanguard and Punch cover it as a legitimate government engagement.

June 2025: Adeyemi receives a Chinese investment delegation and announces a Nigeria-China bilateral investment platform.

August 28, 2025: Three OAGF civil servants are officially posted to the PFIPC. Their posting letter appears on the OAGF website.

September 2025: Adeyemi visits EFCC Chairman Ola Olukoyede. A joint statement is issued. He also briefs NERC on the World Investment Summit.

September to December 2025: During the same budget preparation window, budget code 0111062001, titled Presidential Economic Advisory Council/Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council, is included in the 2026 executive budget bill, with an allocation of N1.3 billion and ten specific programme lines.

October 10, 2025: Adeyemi hosts foreign ambassadors at Wells Carlton Hotel, Asokoro, without the Foreign Affairs Ministry's knowledge.

October 17, 2025: Chief of Staff petitions DSS and Police.

October 22, 2025: Dolapo Babatunde Tanimola, the man Adeyemi says helped him procure the forged appointment letter, dies in a fire at Kachi Hotel in Utako. There is no independent news report of this fire. The only place it exists in the public record is inside the Presidency's statement.

October 27, 2025: Adeyemi is arrested.

November 27, 2025: Eight-count charge filed at the Federal High Court. Two co-defendants identified only as Femi and Anu remain at large.

December 19, 2025: President Tinubu presents the 2026 Appropriation Bill to NASS. Budget code 0111062001 is already inside it.

April 17, 2026: President Tinubu signs the 2026 Appropriation Act into law. Budget code 0111062001 with N1.3 billion survives every review stage.

The questions that remain unanswered.

Who specifically submitted the budget proposal for code 0111062001 and through which MDA desk? Who at the OAGF approved the staff deployment request without verifying the agency's legal existence? Who at the Federal Secretariat allocated office space without cross-checking the SGF's register. Who at NITDA issued a .gov.ng domain to an unregistered agency. What the GIFMIS expenditure records show for code 0111062001 in 2026. Who Femi and Anu are and why their full names have not been published despite being co-defendants in an active federal case.

Adeyemi goes to court on July 27. That court process needs to answer all of the above, not just the eight counts against one man.

The borrowed name of a dormant Buhari-era body. A brand-new budget code created during the same months as the suspect's prosecution. A key witness dead in a fire with no press coverage. Three civil servants sitting in an empty office. A .gov.ng domain nobody has explained. And a N1.3 billion budget line in a signed presidential document.

This is not the profile of a lone con artist with a forged letter.

naptu2:
Enitan Bello @enitandev

https://x.com/i/status/2073026192819597317

ashawopikin:
This post is front page worthy, i some of those photos were photoshopped. Things like this happened because of greed and corruption from government, and will continue to happi because these are no consequences. Just dey watch there will be noise for at least another one month, then Nigeria will move on with another "hot" topic.

joseph1832:
social media will move on, but Nigeria won't. The system will prosecute those responsible but social media won't follow it, because it's not trending anymore.

joseph1832:
social media will move on, but Nigeria won't. The system will prosecute those responsible but social media won't follow it, because it's not trending anymore.

ashawopikin:
give me one of such cases that those involved were persecuted?. There is no way social media wont know., the politicians knows this and are using it to their dull advantage. Just watch, another trending topic will soon come out. The Akara don trend pass, now na bwala's comment about Nigerians abroad, with so much foing on now, na bwala news swy trend, bwala!

naptu2:
Bolarinwa Oluwasegun (can you believe that's not his real name) was sentenced to 7 years in jail.

ashawopikin:
bros, no be that fake army general. That one is common knowledge na, he is even out already.

naptu2:
Bolarinwa Oluwasegun pretended to be a colonel, a major general, President Olusegun Obasanjo's son, a local government chairman, a chief from Ogbomoso, a prince from Ogbomoso, etc. He was actually made an assistant to Governor Ademola Adeleke, but he was sacked for fraud.

He attempted to address End SARS protesters in 2020 (I don't know in what capacity) and he began shooting when they refused to listen to him.

He also forged President Muhammadu Buhari's signature and claimed that Buhari was about to make him the chief of army staff. He used the forged signature to con people out of hundreds of millions of naira. It was this that made the EFCC to arrest him.

I have just discovered that his name is actually Hassan Karim Ayinde.

Anyway, he was sentenced to 7 years in jail.

naptu2:
So you admit that he was prosecuted?

ashawopikin:
its common knowledge, how many percent of such cases, mayne like 0.2 %. The only reason that fraudster was sentenced was because, he didn't know one oga at the top and he is no a politician or a a political service holder. How many political has been persecuted since ?

naptu2:
Hahahahaha

You first claimed that nobody has been prosecuted and you challenged the guy to cite an example. I cited an example and now you have started shifting the goalpost. If I cite another example, you'll come with another story.

OK, what about Emmanuel Nwude, wasn't he an oga at the top?

I await your new story.

Image123:
2017 — THE OGBOMOSO STADIUM AND THE $600

While the international WYO fraud was running, he was simultaneously running a local version at home. He sold forms to Ogbomoso youth, presenting himself as World Youth Leader. He collected money from his own community. His own people. In a stadium.

He promoted the World Economic Youth Summit 2017 through a self-created Facebook page. The summit website was wyesummit.org. It was designed by a company called Webline at No 2 Ogunyase Street, UI, Ibadan. Registration was $600 per person. Real people paid real money into his accounts.

The Ogbomoso community eventually confronted him publicly. He was disgraced in front of his own town.

No prosecution. No consequences. He was 29 years old and had already defrauded two categories of victims: his university and his home community.

2018 — THE AWARDS HE GAVE HIMSELF

A tribute piece published in October 2025, days before his arrest, listed the following in his official biography:

Grand Commander of World Youth United Nations Organisation, 2016. United Nations Award of Most Excellent Youth in the World, 2018.

The World Youth United Nations Organisation does not exist. It is not registered anywhere. It is not in any UN database. He created the institution specifically to give himself an award from it.

He then listed that award in his public biographical profiles for years. Nigerian media and social media users circulated these profiles as factual.

2023 — INSIDE OSUN STATE GOVERNMENT

In 2023, Governor Ademola Adeleke's administration in Osun State appointed him Senior Special Assistant on Protocol. The appointment was legitimate. The role was real: handling visa and travel documents for the governor and government officials.

He lasted four months.

He was fired for shady deals that included forgery. The governor's office noticed suspicious activity from his desk. The appointment was terminated.

No criminal charge was filed. No public statement was made regarding the finding of the forgery. He left Osun State for Abuja.

The man who would later forge a presidential appointment letter and request diplomatic visa facilitation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had learned, or refined, those specific skills inside a state government. He was not prosecuted for what he did there. The pattern held.

MARCH 8, 2024 — THE ABUJA OPERATION BEGINS

He was 37 years old. He had been running variations of the same fraud for over a decade. Every time he was caught, nothing happened. He had no criminal record. No prosecution. No formal consequence of any kind.

He came to Abuja and forged a presidential appointment letter dated March 8, 2024. The letter bore the Chief of Staff's forged signature, fake State House letterhead, and falsified reference numbers. A presidential spokesman later confirmed that the specific forgery tells: genuine State House letterheads do not carry contact telephone numbers. Adeyemi's letter had one. The letter also originated from the Chief of Staff's office, which is procedurally wrong. Appointment letters for agency heads are issued by the SGF's office. That was the first red flag built into the document itself. Nobody caught it.

With that letter, he ran an operation for 19 months. Federal Secretariat office. NITDA-approved .gov.ng domain. Three CBN accounts. 34 commercial bank accounts. 314 civil service staff approvals from the Head of Civil Service. A recruitment waiver from the OHCSF. Posted civil servants from the OAGF. A budget code in the 2026 national appropriation act with an allocation of N1.3 billion. Meetings with the Deputy Speaker, the EFCC Chairman, NERC, a Chinese investment delegation and foreign ambassadors.

All of it built on a forged letter from a man who had been doing this in Ogbomoso since his twenties.

WHAT THE RECORD ACTUALLY SHOWS

The distance from LAUTECH to the Federal Secretariat is approximately 15 years. The method never changed. The confidence grew. The stakes escalated. The consequences never came.

A Nigerian internet user flagged him in 2017 with documented evidence. The real WYO issued a fraud warning in 2017. Ogbomoso knew. His university knew. Osun State found out and quietly let him go.

Every institution that encountered Adeyemi Adeyemi Matthew at any point in this fifteen-year record had the opportunity to stop what would eventually become one of the most audacious institutional penetration operations in Nigerian government history.

None of them did.

The question the investigation into the PFIPC cannot afford to answer narrowly is simply what he did inside the system. The equally important question is what the fifteen years before the system showed him about what he could get away with.

The answer to that question is: everything.

https://x.com/i/status/2075211664744452149

naptu2:
Hahahahaha

You first claimed that nobody has been prosecuted and you challenged the guy to cite an example. I cited an example and now you have started shifting the goalpost. If I cite another example, you'll come with another story.

OK, what about Emmanuel Nwude, wasn't he an oga at the top?

I await your new story.

ashawopikin:
haha , that fake general own no be case na, if not the military that put pressure on the case, they would have swept it under the carpet. Emmanuel nwude, that one no get mouth na.

ashawopikin:
give me one of such cases that those involved were persecuted?.

THERE MAY BE DOZENS MORE ADEYEMI-STYLE PFIPCS IN NIGERIA'S BUDGET THAT HAVE GONE HISTORICALLY UNDETECTED. NOBODY KNOWS. HERE IS THE 27-YEAR STORY THAT EXPLAINS WHY.

WHAT IS AN MDA AND WHY THE COUNT MATTERS

MDA stands for Ministries, Departments and Agencies. The institutional machinery of the Nigerian federal government. Every naira the government spends flows through one. Every civil servant works in one. Every government service is delivered by one.

Three categories.

Ministries: the core departments you know. Departments: smaller administrative units.
Agencies: regulatory bodies, parastatals, commissions, development funds, implementation units. The most numerous. The least monitored.

Every legitimate agency requires an enabling law, a gazette, a budget code, a DG, a board and a staff establishment. In theory. The question this thread will answer is: what happens when that theory meets political reality across 27 years and six administrations?

The answer is Adeyemi. But Adeyemi is not the beginning of the story. He is where the story arrived.

1999 TO 2007: OBASANJO AND THE FOUNDATION

Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999, with approximately 25 federal ministries inherited from the military. Manageable. Verifiable. Small enough that a permanent secretary could name most of them.

Then the civilian logic begins.

New president. New political debts. Federal character requirements across 36 states. New policy priorities need new institutional homes. Privatisation creates regulatory gaps. ICPC created in 2000. EFCC created in 2002. New bodies. Legitimate purposes. But each one adds to a count that nobody is tracking centrally.

The critical question nobody is asking at this stage: for every new agency created, is there a corresponding update to a central verification system that every other institution must consult before processing that agency's requests?

There is not. The SGF maintains a register. But it is not connected to anything mandatory. Each new agency enters the system and is verified only by whoever it approaches. No cross-institutional check. No live registry. The foundation of the problem is laid here quietly before anyone notices.

2007 TO 2015: YAR'ADUA AND JONATHAN AND THE ACCELERATION

2008: Yar'Adua expands ministries from 22 to 28. Niger Delta gets its own ministry. Power separated from Energy. Each new ministry needs new departments. Each new department needs new units.

Then Jonathan's transformation agenda. Agriculture gets an implementation body. Aviation. Power. Education. Each sector has a dedicated unit that sits alongside the existing ministry. SURE-P creates its own agency. The Amnesty Programme creates multiple implementation units for 30,000 former Niger Delta militants.

By 2012, the Oronsaye Committee finds:

541 parastatals, commissions and agencies
929 total entities in the federal budgeting structure
263 with statutory enabling laws
50 with NO enabling law. In the budget. Getting money. No legal basis.

Those 50 agencies are the most important number in this entire thread. Not because of what they cost. Because of what they prove. The system had already lost the ability to verify its own membership. 50 bodies were receiving public funds with zero legal foundation, and nobody had caught it. Nobody was even looking.

Jonathan's white paper committee rejects most Oronsaye recommendations. The 50 unverified agencies continue.

2015 TO 2023: BUHARI AND EIGHT YEARS OF COMMITTEES

Buhari inherits a system with 50 documented, legally baseless agencies and 929 budget entities with no central verification infrastructure.

His response: three committees across eight years.

2021: Goni Aji committee reviews the 2012 report. 2021: Amal Pepple committee reviews agencies created from 2014 to 2021.
2022: Ebele Okeke committee produces a white paper on the Aji and Pepple reports.
Three retired Heads of Civil Service. Three reports. Eight years. Zero implementation.

During those eight years, new agencies continue to be created. Some with proper enabling laws. Some with presidential instruments. Some with questionable legal foundations. Nobody is cross-checking because the cross-check system still does not exist.

The question of how many agencies, during the Buhari years, entered the budget without a proper legal basis has never been publicly answered. Not because the answer is zero. Because nobody audited it.

When Buhari leaves in May 2023, the system's verification infrastructure will be structurally identical to what he inherited. Larger in count. No more accountable.

2023 TO 2026: TINUBU AND THE INHERITED STRUCTURE

I independently counted the 2023 Appropriation Act across all 43 sector PDFs. 811 unique MDA budget entries. Down from 929 in 2012. Some quiet reduction occurred across Jonathan's and Buhari's years without formal credit being taken.

Tinubu inherits this structure. New ministries are added for Marine and Blue Economy and Art, Culture and Creative Economy, reflecting genuine policy priorities in untapped sectors.

February 2024: FEC approves Oronsaye implementation. 29 agencies to be merged. 8 subsumed. 4 relocated. 1 scrapped. 12-week committee with a clear mandate.

Implementation remains incomplete. Several agencies supposed to be merged are still operating independently. The structural incentives to create new agencies, political accommodation, federal character, and genuine specialisation are the same incentives every administration before this one faced. They do not disappear with a directive.

I ran the same count on the 2026 Appropriation Bill. Approximately 891 unique budget codes. Up from 811 in 2023. Net addition of approximately 80 entities in three years.

The more important question across all these numbers- 929 in 2012, 811 in 2023, 891 in 2026- is not which administration added the most. It is whether, at any point in this 27-year trajectory, anyone built the verification system that would make the next Adeyemi impossible. The answer across every administration is the same.

WHY NOBODY KNOWS AND WHY THAT IS THE POINT

891 budget entities. No live cross-institutional verification system connecting them.

When Adeyemi wrote to NITDA, there was no mandatory SGF registry check.

When he wrote to OHCSF for 300 staff, there was no mandatory SGF registry check.

When he wrote to OAGF for self-accounting status, there was no mandatory SGF registry check.

When budget code 0111062001 was submitted, no automatic SGF registry check was performed.

When CBN processed his account, there was no mandatory SGF registry check.

Adeyemi was caught because he hosted foreign ambassadors.

An unusual visibility event. Most fake or improperly constituted agencies never do anything that visible.

In 2012, Oronsaye found 50 agencies with no enabling law. That problem was never resolved. The audit that would tell us the current number has never been conducted.

Across Obasanjo, Yar'Adua, Jonathan, Buhari, and Tinubu, new agencies were created; the verification system never kept pace, and the gap between what exists in the budget and what can be verified in real time has accumulated over 27 years.

Adeyemi did not discover a new loophole. He walked through a door that had been open since before he was trying to defraud anyone. He simply did it more audaciously and on a larger scale than anyone who came before him.

The number of historically undetected PFIPCs across Nigerian budgets is unknown. That it is unknown is precisely the problem.

THE FIX

One live MDA registry maintained by the SGF's office. Updated in real time. Publicly accessible. Everybody listed with its enabling law, gazette reference, establishment date, supervising ministry and budget code.

Mandatory verification built into every institutional workflow:

NITDA cannot issue a .gov.ng domain without a confirmed registry match
OHCSF cannot approve staffing without a confirmed registry match
OAGF cannot grant self-accounting status without a confirmed registry match
Budget Office cannot assign a cost centre code without a confirmed registry match
CBN cannot open a government agency account without a confirmed registry match

Automatic suspension of budget allocations for any entity that fails to produce a gazette within 12 months of its creation.

Annual audit of all budget entities against the registry. Any entity in the budget that is not in the registry is automatically flagged and publicly visible.

Nigeria has 38 ministries already on paperless digital workflow systems. The infrastructure exists. What is missing is the political decision to connect them.

The House of Representatives ad hoc committee investigating PFIPC has a mandate to recommend measures to prevent recurrence. This is the measure. Not expensive. Not radical. Basic governance hygiene that a government with 891 budget entities cannot afford to be without.

Adeyemi found the gap. He was not the first. He will not be the last unless the gap is closed.

ashawopikin:
This post is front page worthy, i some of those photos were photoshopped. Things like this happened because of greed and corruption from government, and will continue to happi because these are no consequences. Just dey watch there will be noise for at least another one month, then Nigeria will move on with another "hot" topic.

naptu2:
Story, story, STORY!

You don't need long story when you are on point.

Fact remains, they were prosecuted and jailed and I can list many more that were prosecuted and jailed.

You only asked for one and I have provided more than one.