₦airaland Forum

Excerpts from the book, Soldiers of Fortune; Nigerian Politics From Buhari to Babangida

Funny, I got to know this book in a review by Chief Femi Fani-Kayode. I will highlight major points for the lazy readers. Enjoy

[size=14pt]The Pen versus the Sword[/size]

The seeds of confrontation between soldiers and journalists were sown long before the military’s return to power in 1984. The press had a field day under the civilian government of President Shagari. Freed by the absence of criticism-sensitive soldiers in government, the press launched constant vitriolic attacks against public officials and often published articles that would not have been tolerated in even the most liberal Western democracy. Some journalists interpreted the phrase “freedom of the press” as a carte blanche licence to publish personally abusive articles against public officials.

A few journalists were charged with sedition (inciting rebellion against the government). The esteemed Professor of African politics,
Ali Mazrui, claimed that: The years 1979 to 1983 were perhaps the freest four years in Nigeria this century, certainly from the point of view of the open society and candid dissent. The names and reputations of the rulers were emphatically not spared.
Perhaps nowhere else in the Third World were those in power more blatantly denounced in their own country as ‘pirates and robbers’ than as they were in Shagari’s Nigeria. It is arguable that Shagari’s four years were the golden years of press freedom in Nigeria. Sometimes
the press came close to inciting violence. Sometimes opposition leaders actually did incite violence – and got away with it. If political dissent means anything, it reached its highest peak in Shagari’s Nigeria, sometimes higher than in Western countries with their laws against
‘clear and present danger’ and against disclosure of ‘official secrets’

Some newspapers were owned and/or financed by powerful political oligarchs and served merely as mouthpieces for the advancement of their benefactor’s political platform or viewpoints. The incoming military government was concerned about the role of the press in degrading the Shagari government and wished to avoid falling into the same pitfall.

It was against this backdrop that the FMG enacted the Public Officers (Protection Against False Accusation) Decree (Decree 4).
This decree made it a criminal offence to publish any article that was false or which even if true, brought or was calculated to bring
the FMG, any state government or any public officer into ridicule or disrepute. Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor of The Guardian
newspapers were unfortunate enough to fall foul of Decree 4. Decree 4 alienated the press and made it hostile to the Buhari regime. The imprisonment of their members not only made the press criticise Decree 4, but incentivised them to dig for other shortcomings of the Buhari regime.

Buhari’s tough stance on crime and corruption, and use of the death sentence for convicted drug traffickers, endangered members of the elite who were involved in these practices. He had already imprisoned several prominent members of the political elite, and his uncompromising stance on corruption was threatening the future economic livelihood of corrupt military, business, and political elites who had not yet been incarcerated.

A split opened in the SMC with Buhari, Idiagbon, Magoro and Rafindadi on one side, and Babangida heading the opposition. The pivotal point that pushed the tension between Buhari and Babangida into overt confrontation was Buhari’s investigation into financial irregularities at the Ministry of Defence. The investigation threatened Babangida directly as he had been working at army headquarters in the previous years, firstly as the Director of Army Staff Duties and Plans, and currently as the Chief of Army Staff.
These investigations led to the discovery of suspicious financial disbursements and alleged racketeering by Babangida’s close ally Colonel Aliyu Mohammed. Mohammed’s explanations (which were corroborated by Babangida) that the disbursements were used to fund the coup that brought Buhari to power were not accepted, and Buhari retired Mohammed. Babangida also claimed that the NSO was monitoring the activities of SMC members, and had even bugged his own telephone lines. Major-General Bali later claimed that “Babangida and Abacha were really very frightened under Buhari. Nobody knew the reason but they were really hysterically jittery and desperate.

Buhari compounded his problems by not rewarding the key junior and mid-ranking officers who staged the coup that brought him to power with lucrative political postings. This created discontent among officers who were essentially coup specialists. Other officers in the government and junior officers took their complaints to Babangida. Babangida later admitted that he opportunistically took advantage of the turning of the political tide against Buhari:
"There was a lot going in our favour. So we seized the moment…You see we are very smart people. We don’t
intervene when we know the climate is not good for it or the public will not welcome it. We wait until there is a frustration in the society. In all the coups, you find there has always been one frustration or the other. Any time there is frustration we step in. And then there is demonstration welcoming the redeemers."

[size=14pt]Another Coup Plot[/size]
Major-General Ibrahim Babangida was Buhari’s greatest threat, although Buhari did not seem to realise it. Senior officers had long anticipated that Babangida was prepositioning himself to topple Buhari. Bali recalled that “Hannaniya, Suleiman and I concluded among ourselves that Babangida was merely going to use the post as a launching pad to the presidency. So if we knew that early, Buhari too must have known. Yet he watched passively."

Prior to being overthrown, Nigerian leaders often demonstrate a fatalistic reluctance to heed overt warnings or correctly interpret danger signals. Balewa and Ahmadu Bello were murdered a few days after failing to respond to warnings from cabinet ministers and senior army officers about an impending military coup. Aguiyi-Ironsi was murdered by soldiers in his own guard detail after refusing to believe warnings that they were plotting against him. Gowon was overthrown by his own trusted officers after refusing to believe concrete intelligence reports directly naming and linking those same officers with a coup plot against him. Murtala Muhammed was shot dead in his unescorted car shortly after his deputy Olusegun Obasanjo urged him to take his personal security more seriously.Buhari and Idiagbon demonstrated the same self-destructive tendency to ignore danger signs. In early 1985, a military intelligence officer, Colonel Chris Alli, privately voiced his concerns about rumours of a coup to Major-General Idiagbon. In characteristically taciturn manner, Idiagbon simply replied “let them try”. Erroneously believing that Idiagbon had the security situation under control, Alli said no more about the coup rumours. After being informed of a coup plot by his Langtang kinsmen Brigadier Dogonyaro and Lt-Colonel Shagaya, Bali claimed he warned Buhari, who nonchalantly replied that he had confidence in his guards’ ability to do their job.

According to Babangida, the planning to overthrow Buhari began in January 1985 – just one year after Buhari came to office. The period of time between April and July 1985 was the most critical phase in the planning. Babangida says it was a “collective decision” to overthrow Buhari. One of the coup plotters, Major Aminu, also revealed that “it was not IBB’s decision alone that Buhari should go; it was the collective decision of the military”. There was a subtle plot by Babangida loyalists to discredit Buhari’s regime. They would sanction publicly unpopular measures that made Buhari appear harsh and unsympathetic. These included the arrest and detention of government opponents and journalists, a raid on the home of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the seizure of his passport, and the stifling of political debate on when the country would be returned to civilian rule. On April 15 1985, the Minister of Internal Affairs, Major-General Mohammed Magoro, suddenly announced the FMG’s intention to expel all illegal immigrants in Nigeria before May 10. With oil prices dropping, a depressed economy and rising unemployment and inflation, illegal immigrants were an easy target. The sudden expulsion order caused severe hardship on foreigners who were forced to leave at short notice. Ghanaians were estimated to make up approximately half of the 700,000 foreigners to be expelled,
with the others coming from other west African countries such as Burkina Faso, Benin, Chad, Gambia, Niger and Togo.

Although most of the illegal immigrants came to Nigeria for work and economic opportunities, some had also fled drought and famine in their home countries. It was the second such expulsion order in as many years following a similar exercise in 1983 during which over two million illegal immigrants were expelled from Nigeria.
Many of those now being forced to leave had been expelled in 1983 but had sneaked back into the country. Chaotic miles-long queues of refugees built up on Nigeria’s borders as illegal immigrants frantically tried to leave before the expiry of the deadline. None was allowed to depart with more than N22. At 6 pm on May 10, Nigeria closed its borders, trapping hundreds of thousands of refugees who were not able to leave before the deadline.
Buhari took the blame for these decisions but later revealed that they were sanctioned by the same men who overthrew him. It was
all part of a plot to make the regime unpopular enough to create public support for a military coup.

[size=14pt]On a Collision Course[/size]
Buhari and Babangida were as different in physique as they were in temperament. Buhari was extremely tall and reed thin, while Babangida had a stocky thick physique reminiscent of the armoured tanks he commanded. While Buhari was stern, focused and uncompromising, Babangida was amiable, cunning, and tactically adroit. Babangida had created a mini-personality cult within the military. He systematically cultivated a loyal following of sycophantic midranking officers over the years by making grandiose gestures and buying lavish presents for officers junior to him. Additionally, many of the officers in key army units were either his former cadets from his days as an instructor at the NDA, or served under him when he commanded the armoured corps. Such officers included Abubakar Umar, Mohammed Buba Marwa, Tunde Ogbeha, Lawan Gwadabe, Joshua Madaki, Chris Garuba, John Mark Inienger and Ndong Essiet Nkanga. These men staged the coup that brought Buhari to power, and Babangida established networks of direct personal loyalty from them to him. With his superior charm, Babangida
could then easily draw on this reservoir of goodwill to convince them to switch loyalty and abandon Buhari.

Babangida’s job was made easier by the fact that many junior officers who were instrumental in bringing Buhari to power felt under-represented in the FMG. Some were aggrieved that having brought the military to power, they were not permitted to exercise
power and enjoy the wealth and patronage associated with it. Buhari recalled, “I was removed because certain members of my cabinet felt because they were in public office, they were entitled to things other than what is specified in their terms and conditions of service”.

Although Buhari was his close friend, for Babangida this was pure business. Babangida later remarked that: “To be able to stage a coup you have to be close to somebody. I was a very good friend of Buhari, there’s no doubt about it.”
To finalise the plot, Babangida toured army formations under the pretext of conducting his duties as Chief of Army Staff. Lt-Colonel David Mark, military governor of Niger State (Babangida’s home state) provided cover for the conspirators by facilitating their meetings in Babangida’s hometown Minna. However, there was a sticking point. The GOC of the 2nd Division in Ibadan, Major-General Sani Abacha, was a mysterious figure. If Babangida could not obtain his support for the coup, it would fail and Babangida and his friends would end up in front of a firing squad. Babangida went to Abacha to personally plead for his support in deposing Buhari, realising that only a direct approach could talk him round.
According to Babangida:
Nobody could get him [Abacha] to be involved except me because of our relationship. If it were any other person, he would have gone to the side of Buhari. But when I sat him down, he said ‘You are my chief, anything you want I will do.’ So the personal relationship also helped in trying to recruit people into this unholy alliance.

Continued..

[size=14pt]The Perfect Coup[/size]

On the evening of August 26, 1985, Buhari was joined in his residence by Majors Abubakar Dangiwa Umar (a Harvard University educated officer born into an aristocratic northern family who was also the former ADC to former Chief of Army Staff Hassan Usman Katsina), Lawan Gwadabe, Abdulmumuni Aminu and Sambo Dasuki (the son of Ibrahim Dasuki, who later became Sultan of Sokoto). The majors arrested Buhari at gunpoint. Buhari’s ADC Major Mustapha Jokolo was arrested at the Ikeja Cantonment after being sent by Buhari to check the situation there. After the coup, Buhari was detained for more than two years, badly affecting his family life and causing him to divorce his wife Safinatu upon his release.

At 6am on Tuesday August 27, 1985, Brigadier Joshua Dogonyaro (commander of the Armoured Corps) made a nationwide broadcast
announcing the dissolution of the SMC, FEC and National Council of States. The announcement also imposed a dusk to dawn curfew
in Lagos and all state capitals, and told the public to stand by for further announcements.
Contrary to popular recollection, Dogonyaro’s broadcast did not actually announce the overthrow or replacement of the Buhari regime. It merely catalogued the failings of the Buhari regime and disillusionment felt by some of its members. The reason for the nuanced wording of Dogonyaro’s broadcast was to ensure the pacification of Buhari loyalists, and consolidation of power by the putschists, before announcing Buhari’s overthow (the prompt announcement of which could have provoked violent resistance from Buhari’s supporters).
Although Dogonyaro’s broadcast was very carefully worded, it revealed the extent of dissent and splits within the SMC. Dogonyaro
spoke of:
"An absence of cohesion in the hierarchy of government…lack of unanimity of purpose among the ruling body. Subsequently, the business of governance has gradually been subjected to ill-motivated power-play considerations. The ruling body, the Supreme Military Council, has, therefore, progressively been made redundant by the actions of a select few members charged with the day-to-day implementation of the SMC’s policies and decisions."

It was Major-General Abacha (not Dogonyaro) who announced (for the second time in 20 months) in a subsequent mid-afternoon
broadcast that the government had been overthrown in a bloodless military coup. Brigadier Idiagbon was out of the country on a religious visit to Saudi Arabia (with Mamman Vatsa), but returned to the country after hearing about the coup, even though he knew he would be arrested and placed in detention as soon as he got back.

The coup was executed largely by northern and middle belt minority officers including Major-General Abacha, Brigadiers
Dogonyaro and Useni, Lt-Colonels David Mark, John Shagaya, and Ahmed Abdullahi, Majors Umar, Gwadabe, Aminu and Dasuki.
Graduates of the NDA’s Third Regular combatant Course were particularly active in the coup. Some of the soldiers involved in the coup looted Buhari’s personal property in Lagos. His removal in a palace coup by the same officers who brought him to office was reminiscent of General Gowon’s overthrow in 1975 by the same soldiers who staged the coup that brought him to power in August 1966.

After having a champagne breakfast to toast their success, the plotters’ inner caucus held a meeting at Bonny Camp to flesh out details of the new leadership. The meeting was attended by the following officers who arrived dressed in full battle attire: Babangida, Major-General Sani Abacha, Brigadier Joshua Dogonyaro, Brigadier Aliyu Mohammed, Navy Commander Murtala Nyako, Lt-Colonel John Shagaya (commander of the 9th Mechanised Brigade, Ikeja), Lt-Colonel Ahmed Abdullahi (Minister of Communications), Lt-Colonel Tanko Ayuba (commander - Nigerian Army Signal Corps), Lt-Colonel Anthony Ukpo and Major Abubakar Umar(Administrator of the Federal Housing Authority).
Nigerians were kept in the dark about the new leader until Major-General Sani Abacha appeared in combat fatigues on national television just before 3:30 pm to make a follow-up broadcast announcing Babangida’s appointment as the new head of state.
Babangida later said he was unanimously chosen to lead by the new caucus without any disagreement. After Abacha’s broadcast a press briefing was held with over 100 journalists. Babangida’s inaugural broadcast as head of state was very explicit in revealing the extent of disagreement in the SMC:

"Let me at this point attempt to make you understand the premise upon which it became necessary to change the leadership. The principles of discussions, consultation and co-operation which should have guided the decision-making process of the Supreme Military Council and the Federal Executive Council were disregarded soon after the government settled down in 1984….it turned out that Major-General Muhammadu Buhari was too rigid and uncompromising in his attitudes to issues of national significance. Efforts to make him understand that a diverse polity like Nigeria required recognition and appreciation of differences in both cultural and individual perceptions, only served to aggravate these attitudes….Major-General Tunde Idiagbon was similarly inclined in that respect. As Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, he failed to exhibit the appropriate disposition demanded by his position. He arrogated to himself absolute knowledge of problems and solutions, and acted in accordance with what was convenient to him, using the machinery of government as his tool. A combination of these characteristics in the two most important persons holding the nation’s vital offices became impossible to contend with."

Babangida’s broadcast also singled out the NSO for criticism(perhaps unsurprisingly, given that the NSO had bugged his telephones). He announced that the NSO “will be overhauled and re-organised”. Having singled out Buhari, Idiagbon and Rafindadi’s NSO for criticism, it was no surprise that all three men were immediately retired. One of Babangida’s first acts was to retrieve most of the taped conversations from the NSO’s wiretaps on his phones. So why did Babangida overthrow a friend and colleague of over 20 years’ standing? It seems that personal differences between him and Buhari partly motivated the coup. Years later Domkat Bali claimed that Buhari was toppled due to a personality clash between him and Babangida:

From my assessment then and now, I think it was mainly changing of power for influence moreso than any other reason given... you see, it was more like a power struggle between IBB and Buhari than whatever reason may have been given politically, economically, or whatever. It was more of a personal conflict based on power struggle.

Babangida’s press secretary, Debo Bashorun, later confirmed that the fate of Aliyu Mohammed was a key motivating factor in pushing Babangida into a coup plot against Buhari:
The coup itself was not a nationalistic one. He [Babangida] was trying to protect his interests by protecting Aliyu Mohammed who later became Chief of Army Staff, among other things.

What were the “other things”? The allegedly disrespectful attitude of Idiagbon to his military superiors deepened the wedge between the Buhari and Babangida camps. Although officially the regime’s number two, Idiagbon was by rank and length of service, junior to some other officers in the regime such as Bali, Babangida, Vatsa and Abacha. The immense power he wielded, and his uncompromising attitude, antagonised some senior officers.

Bali later recalled that:
"Buhari is a very likeable and honest person. You can always know where you stand with him on any issues, he is very straightforward. He is a man who adheres to principle. Idiagbon is also a man of integrity but the mistake he made was that he took his job far too seriously. At a point, he almost became like a bully…he became disrespectful to people who were senior to him. In fact he was responsible for some of the problems which were later used as excuse for the overthrow of the Buhari regime."

Babangida was among those who felt Idiagbon did not show the expected level of deference to officers senior to him. Although, such formalities may be regarded as pedantic by civilian observers, adherence to military protocol and seniority is crucial to the maintenance of military cohesion and discipline. Such personal differences can in a military regime become matters of national security and regime instability. As will be shown, security was to become Babangida’s forte.

*SMC: Supreme Military Council

Author: Max Siollun
Publisher: Cassava Republic Press
Publication date: July, 2013
MissandMrs Pages: 348pp
Format: Hardcover
ISBN: 978-978-50238-2-4
https://www.fortunesoldiers.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/Soldiers_banner_lesscomp1.jpg

Freed by the absence of criticism-sensitive soldiers in government, the press launched constant vitriolic attacks against public officials and often published articles that would not have been tolerated in even the most liberal Western democracy.

Hope you all are seeing this.

The pivotal point that pushed the tension between Buhari and Babangida into overt confrontation was Buhari’s investigation into financial irregularities at the Ministry of Defence. The investigation threatened Babangida directly as he had been working at army headquarters in the previous years, firstly as the Director of Army Staff Duties and Plans, and currently as the Chief of Army Staff.
These investigations led to the discovery of suspicious financial disbursements and alleged racketeering by Babangida’s close ally Colonel Aliyu Mohammed.

He was about to expose Babangida's corruption

Major-General Bali later claimed that “Babangida and Abacha were really very frightened under Buhari. Nobody knew the reason but they were really hysterically jittery and desperate.

You just have no choice but to respect General Muhammadu Buhari. No wonder many top politicians Femi Fani-Kayode don't want him.
This is who we need abeg! To clean up our system.

There was a subtle plot by Babangida loyalists to discredit Buhari’s regime. They would sanction publicly unpopular measures that made Buhari appear harsh and unsympathetic. These included the arrest and detention of government opponents and journalists, a raid on the home of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the seizure of his passport, and the stifling of political debate on when the country would be returned to civilian rule.

Buhari's regime was discredited by traitors who wanted power. Indeed Babangida is a cunny man

The coup was executed largely by northern and middle belt minority officers including Major-General Abacha, Brigadiers
Dogonyaro and Useni, Lt-Colonels David Mark, John Shagaya, and Ahmed Abdullahi, Majors Umar, Gwadabe, Aminu and Dasuki.Graduates of the NDA’s Third Regular combatant Course were particularly active in the coup. Some of the soldiers involved in the coup looted Buhari’s personal property in Lagos. His removal in a palace coup by the same officers who brought him to office was reminiscent of General Gowon’s overthrow in 1975 by the same soldiers who staged the coup that brought him to power in August 1966.

Our beloved senate president was actively involved in the coup

Buhari is a very likeable and honest person. You can always know where you stand with him on any issues, he is very straightforward. He is a man who adheres to principle. Idiagbon is also a man of integrity but the mistake he made was that he took his job far too seriously. At a point, he almost became like a bully…he became disrespectful to people who were senior to him. In fact he was responsible for some of the problems which were later used as excuse for the overthrow of the Buhari regime.

Buhari and Idiagbon in summary.

Buhari recalled, “I was removed because certain members of my cabinet felt because they were in public office, they were entitled to things other than what is specified in their terms and conditions of service”.

To those who believe Tinubu is out to loot our treasury. Buhari, A man of intergrity won't allow it. Undecided voters, you can now keep calm and vote GMB.


It's sad that Buhari was overthrown, it was a missed opportunity for Nigeria. Corrupt people everywhere, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi exposed corruption, he was fired. Our leaders, GEJ inclusive, are not out to do what's best for our nation.

The very fact that he truncated our democracy is just enough, It didn't end there, he took pleasure in jailing without trial. I can go on and on... THE SINS OF BUHARI IS JUST TOO MUCH.

Am man dat once raped our democracy, now coming back and children are shouting change, I pity dis generation. Wad change can a 72 years old man give to ya? Open ya eyes kids and vote for transformer ebele jona!

Yorubas are the problem

SeverusSnape:
[s]The very fact that he truncated our democracy is just enough, It didn't end there, he took pleasure in jailing without trial. I can go on and on... THE SINS OF BUHARI IS JUST TOO MUCH.[/s]

Rubbish.

OREMUSSANCTUS:
[s]Am man dat once raped our democracy, now coming back and children are shouting change, I pity dis generation. Wad change can a 72 years old man give to ya? Open ya eyes kids and vote for transformer ebele jona![/s]

Gibberish.

RevDesmondJuju:
Yorubas are the problem

Balderdash.

3 of you must have evolved by mistake. I bet you're still at the Homo habilis stage of evolution

FORGET THE LIES OF PDP THUGS.check out this quote.

"nigerian journalism had its worst history of ethics of practice under shagari.then, journalists engaged in unprofessional practices such as political psycophancy,vendeta agianst perceieved opponents of their paymasters.

This buhari cam to correct.under the amiable general discipline was back in the journalism world".

RevDesmondJuju:
Yorubas are the problem

comments like this makes us to believe igbos are bastards and too dumb to read and comprehend

Some newspapers were owned and/or financed by powerful political oligarchs and served merely as mouthpieces for the advancement of their benefactor’s political platform or viewpoints. The incoming military government was concerned about the role of the press in degrading the Shagari government and wished to avoid falling into the same pitfall.

When I start threads here some people will insult me.

Look at what I wrote about how the press was used as an excuse by Buhari

BackDatAssUp:
The pleb is an outright ignoramus who is easily swayed by sentiments.

His or her ignorance is like a double headed snake which can easily be manipulated for one's advantage or destruction. Shakespeare was able to capture the whimsical reed-like constituion and wavering principles of the plebeian gathering in Julius Caesar during the state funeral. In this scene, we see Brutus one of the conspirators and murderers to Ceaser's death giving an oratory on Ceaser and telling the crowd why Ceaser's death was a sacrifice needed to save the republic. The crowd is first swayed by Brutus's false grief and ovation to Ceaser. The crowd is moved by Brutus "mourning" of a death of a close friend and that of a loss of Rome's greatest general. Brutus sensing that the crowd was on his side will then justify Ceaser's murder as a sacrifice to Rome's republic and democracy- a process in which non of the plebs were part of, for in ancient Rome, only those of noble birth could aspire to elective positions.

Today, the plebs are on force. Brutus has come to defend his motives and murder of lady liberty. Brutus in this sense is none other than Buhari.

Buhari's toppling of a democratic government in 1983 was greeted by cheers by the plebs in the southwest. Buhari defended his coup on the grounds, just like Brutus that he had come to save our republic from decline. The mobs churned out and admired this "selfless general" who had risked all including his neck on a noose in "saving" them from an evil government.

Just like Brutus, Buhari's coup was hinged on the rhetoric of salvaging the nation.

When Buhari was toppled by IBB 20mths later the plebs also jubilated on the streets. Buhari had in the period of 20mths silenced all political figures and would be opponents by throwing them in jail on trumped of charges of corruption. This was a brilliant move by Buhari, because not only did this get rid of any would be opposition to his dictatorship but this move also endeared him more to the eyes of the plebs who had been made to see the political class as their oppressors. Buhari, having dealt severely with the political class will then move against that 4th estate, the Press. The press like the plebs also contributed to Buhari's emergence and popularity. Buhari, gauging propaganda press release fom the southwest controlled media against the Shagari govt, was more motivated to do a coup. The southwest press were also very happy to see Shagari go in a hope that Awolowo will emerge as president once a transition to democracy is rolled out by Buhari regime. They were wrong. Not only did Buhari not give any hint towards a transition back to democracy but Buhari will later state his disdain for the democratic process by stating that the very plebs were not capable of electing good leaders and as such only military rule will do. The press was then swung into action by a desperate power hungry Awolowo against the Buhari govt.

Sensing this very early and knowing how crucial the press was instrumental to his own emergence as head of state, Buhari will then enact the most draconian piece of legislation in our history as a nation - decree 4.

Decree 4 was a death sentence on freedom of speech and the press. Buhari will soon make examples of the press and his seriousness on gagging the press by throwing three journalist who had published factual accounts of corruption in his regime.
The press was finally and easily defeated and Buhari soon emerged undisputed ruler and dictator over the land.

Power, they say corrupts absolutely and within a few months later Buhari will turn his might on the plebs themselves by unleashing soldiers on them. Jay walking across ikorodu road was restricted by the presence of stern looking soldiers with whips ready to be deployed on that pleb who chose to cross the high way. Barbed wire barricaded the usual crossing points thereby given the allusion of containing erring cattle.
Curfews were enforced, places of relaxation became absolutely Haram and every first Saturday of the month, the entire nation was on lockdown like a Barrack during fatigue.

Just like Brutus,Buhari was eventually defeated by bother General. Mark Anthony also spoke in Ceaser's funeral immediately after Brutus. Mark Anthony was gifted with oratory skills and also a knees understanding of how whimsical the plebs mind is. In between sobs, Mark Anthony made his ovation to Ceaser. The plebs will then riot after Mark Anthony pointed out Ceaser's murderers in their midst.
Like Anthony like IBB. IBB shared a good command of speech presentation and his coup address to the action was more like both a wake up call and relieve from 20mths of the most despotic regime to ever manage the affairs of this nation.

31 years later, the plebs are still yet to learn their lesson.

Tundeajani:
comments like this makes us to believe igbos are bastards and too dumb to read and comprehend

God punish you

I am not igbo.

Yorubas are the problem fact!

RevDesmondJuju:
God punish you

I am not igbo.

Yorubas are the problem fact!

go and die

Tundeajani:
go and die

see this dead carcass

Tundeajani:
go and die

go and diet

Cc Lalasticlala, Seun, Obinoscopy, Ishilove, Maclatunji

Mods, how far?

Allow that guy to rest nah.

The GrandPa needs to take care of the Grandchildren.

I don't know what he forgot in State House that he intends to go and pick.


Anyway sha,

Jonathan Till 2019.

Lobatan.

RevDesmondJuju:
Yorubas are the problem

Omo irankiran

I am sure you are from the primitive tribe who eats people and wake their father up with vicious kicks

Dont blame Yorubas for your problem rather your family are the problem with you

OREMUSSANCTUS:
Am man dat once raped our democracy, now coming back and children are shouting change, I pity dis generation. Wad change can a 72 years old man give to ya? Open ya eyes kids and vote for transformer ebele jona!

76years old man done it in UK Witson Churchill, his second spell as prime minister.
Ronald Reagan done it in US at the age of 71 so what makes you think Buhari can't do it at 72?
Nigerians shine your eyes Jona is one a mission to bankrupt this country, vote the amiable General to rescue the country from the hands of scavengers.

alaoeri:
76years old man done it in UK Witson Churchill, his second spell as prime minister.
Ronald Reagan done it in US at the age of 71 so what makes you think Buhari can't do it at 72?
Nigerians shine your eyes Jona is one a mission to bankrupt this country, vote the amiable General to rescue the country from the hands of scavengers.

den tell me how buhari will "done" it at d age of 72, wen he can't even jog a 100 metres.

OREMUSSANCTUS:
den tell me how buhari will "done" it at d age of 72, wen he can't even jog a 100 metres.

Is jogging part of characteristics of a good leader? If yes, how many meters can GEJ jog?

OREMUSSANCTUS:
den tell me how buhari will "done" it at d age of 72, wen he can't even jog a 100 metres.

If na to jog 100m den take be president.

Most Jonathan supporters just open their mouth sans common sense

SeverusSnape:
The very fact that he truncated our democracy is just enough, It didn't end there, he took pleasure in jailing without trial. I can go on and on... THE SINS OF BUHARI IS JUST TOO MUCH.

pls list out d names of pple buhari jailed witout trial

alaoeri:
Is jogging part of characteristics of a good leader? If yes, how many meters can GEJ jog?

guy even a blind man knows dat buhari is too fragile, buhari is not strong to lead dis nation. Let's be realistic and be factual, I knw ya too eager for change, buh can tinubu give ya such change? Ve always asked dis question and dey all run away, wen tinubu was d governor, mention 5 projects, capital solid project d guy did? Considering how financially bouyant lagos Is. Am waiting for an answer. Cos d foundation of buhari is built on tinubu, d "alfa" and "omiga" of corruption.

raumdeuter:
If na to jog 100m den take be president.

Most Jonathan supporters just open their mouth sans common sense

mumu, datz how dey will be saying shit, how do ya expect a man dat is not healthy to lead a country as diverse as naija? Wen I say jog, not in d literal context, u apply d "golden rule" here, u want make I question ya waec? Ma bro stop being a c*unt, ya can do better

walemoney007:
pls list out d names of pple buhari jailed witout trial

Are you a Nigerian?

https://www.reactiongifs.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/mj-laughing.gif

OREMUSSANCTUS:
mumu, datz how dey will be saying shit, how do ya expect a man dat is not healthy to lead a country as diverse as naija? Wen I say jog, not in d literal context, u apply d "golden rule" here, u want make I question ya waec? Ma bro stop being a c*unt, ya can do better

So it's the ogogoro man that is more fit?

I can bet Buhari will finish Jona in a duo. You think its play to be a soldier?

CaptainAmerica1:
So it's the ogogoro man that is more fit?

I can bet Buhari will finish Jona in a duo. You think its play to be a soldier?

ma bro, all his qualifications he acquired his base on recommendation letter cum quota system. He's not worth or merit where he's now, and if ya insist he got papers, remember, it was around 1976 dat dey started offering hausa as a subject. Now howand where did he pick dat result from?

OREMUSSANCTUS:
[s]ma bro, all his qualifications he acquired his base on recommendation letter cum quota system. He's not worth or merit where he's now, and if ya insist he got papers, remember, it was around 1976 dat dey started offering hausa as a subject. Now howand where did he pick dat result from?[/s]

Do you live under a rock?
http://www.cambridgeassessment.org.uk/news/statement-in-response-to-nigerian-presidential-election-enquiries/

CaptainAmerica1:
Rubbish.



Gibberish.



Balderdash.

3 of you must have evolved by mistake. I bet you're still at the Homo habilis stage of evolution

https://img.pandawhale.com/43655-carlton-dancing-gif-D8cC.gif

OREMUSSANCTUS:
guy even a blind man knows dat buhari is too fragile, buhari is not strong to lead dis nation. Let's be realistic and be factual, I knw ya too eager for change, buh can tinubu give ya such change? Ve always asked dis question and dey all run away, wen tinubu was d governor, mention 5 projects, capital solid project d guy did? Considering how financially bouyant lagos Is. Am waiting for an answer. Cos d foundation of buhari is built on tinubu, d "alfa" and "omiga" of corruption.

The blueprints of Fashola's administration was drafted during Tinubu's regime & Ambode will continue with it to achieve the mega city plan, Tinubu as a governor started from scratch by building roads e.g dualization of Kudirat Abiola way Ikeja, completing the state Secretariat Alausa, Building staff quarters etc & Fashola compliment his effort. Buhari isn't fragile & him as the President,
Corruption will reduce to the bearest minimum.
Wasteful spending will be curtail.
Contractors dare not abandon projects.
Competents hand will be appointed.
Believe me GMB will outperform GEJ afterall 4years ago we are all behind GEJ but he misused the opportunity he had on a plater of gold.

Lazy OAF!

He was too busy molesting his 'child-bride' and fell asleep after a very good

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