₦airaland Forum

A Pipeline, a Licence, and a Storm Brewing: Corruption allegations Draw Global oil giant, Shell, Into Nigeria’s Reform Test

It begins with a pipeline that should have been completed by June 2026. It widens into a regulatory dispute. And it now risks becoming a defining test of Nigeria’s gas reforms under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

At the center is a stalled 80 kilometre gas pipeline from Sagamu to Ibadan, a project backed by over 100 million dollars in investment and built on a protected Gas Distribution Licence issued under the Petroleum Industry Act 2021. The licence granted NGML–NIPCO exclusive rights to distribute gas within Ibadan for 25years based on Nigeria’s Petroleum Industry Act.

On paper, the law is clear. On the ground, the situation is anything but.

For more than three months, construction has been halted following a stop work order issued by the Oyo State Government led by former Shell Contractor and engineer, Governor Seyi Makinde. No detailed public justification has been provided that aligns with existing federal approvals already secured for the project.

What might have remained a quiet regulatory disagreement has now escalated into something far more politically charged. How?

In recent remarks, Nigeria’s Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, who is of the same political party as Governor Seyi Makinde, made a pointed allegation that has since rippled across political and industry circles. He suggested that the Governor of Oyo State and Shell were in what could be described as an “unholy alliance.”

It is a serious claim. One that, if substantiated, would raise profound questions about the intersection of corporate influence, state level action, and federal law.

Neither Shell nor the Oyo State Government has publicly responded in detail to the allegation.

But the silence is now part of the story.

THE SHELL QUESTION

For Shell, this moment carries particular weight.

The company has operated in Nigeria for decades, building one of its most significant global portfolios in the Niger Delta. But that history is not without controversy. From corruption claims to environmental damage claims and community disputes amongst others, Shell has faced years of litigation and, in several high profile cases, adverse rulings tied to its operations in the region.

Those cases, many adjudicated in foreign courts, have shaped a negative reputation that continues to follow the company.

Now, a new question emerges.

Is Shell once again operating at the edge of Nigeria’s regulatory framework seeking to exert undue influence in circumventing Nigeria’s petroleum laws, or firmly within it?

Industry sources including a widely reported meeting between their representatives, Oyo State Government representatives and the newly appointed midstream and downstream chief executive, indicate that engagements involving Shell and the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority could enable the company to enter a gas distribution zone already licensed to another operator in breach of the PIA.

If true, the implications are immediate and far reaching.

A licence meant to protect investors and investments in Nigeria’s gas space ceases to be exclusive against the dictates of the guiding laws. A framework begins to look flexible, and a reform risks appearing reversible.

To many, it seems more than just a commercial dispute and is not just about one company versus another.

Nigeria is in the middle of an energy transition where gas is expected to play a central role in powering industries, stabilising electricity supply, and reducing reliance on expensive diesel. President Bola Tinubu has emerged as a global champion of using gas as a transition fuel in Nigeria and Africa whilst rolling out elaborate but clearly defined plans to achieve it. Yet gas availability remains inconsistent, constraining power generation and limiting industrial output.

Projects like the Sagamu to Ibadan pipeline are designed to close that gap. To halt such a project is to delay not just infrastructure, but impact. To undermine its legal basis is to question the system that enabled it and to introduce competing claims within the same licensed zone is to risk regulatory confusion at a time when clarity is most needed.

This is where the issue moves from commercial to national because at stake is not only an investment, but the credibility of the reform architecture itself.

OYO STATE AND THE FEDERAL QUESTION

The role of the Oyo State Government adds another layer of complexity.

Energy regulation in Nigeria, particularly in the gas sector, is governed by federal law. Yet implementation often intersects with state authority, creating spaces where jurisdiction can blur.

The stop work order issued on the pipeline has become the clearest manifestation of that tension. Was it a regulatory necessity?

A precautionary measure? Or, as alleged by Minister Wike, part of a broader alignment with external interests? Without transparency, speculation fills the vacuum and the regulator must avoid finding itself mired in such allegations.

QUESTIONS THAT WILL NOT GO AWAY

For Shell, the questions are now direct and unavoidable:

Is Shell, a global energy giant, seeking to operate within the Ibadan gas distribution zone already licensed to NGML–NIPCO?
What assurances, if any, has it received from regulators or state actors?
How does it reconcile such actions with the exclusivity provisions of the PIA?

For the regulator, NMDPRA:

Can a Gas Distribution Licence be effectively shared, diluted, or overridden after issuance? According to Nigerian laws, the answer is No.
What precedent does this set for Nigeria’s gas infrastructure market?

For the Oyo State Government:

On what legal grounds does the stop work order stand, given federal approvals already in place?
And how does this action align with national energy priorities or the state’s gas needs?

Nigeria has spent the last two years telling a new story to the world. A story of reform, of discipline, of a country ready to compete for global capital. And it has worked so far with stability returning to Nigeria’s economy and over $20bn of energy investments looking to enter the country in the short to midterm.

But reforms are not tested in policy papers. They are tested in moments like this.

Moments where law meets influence, investment meets interference and promise meets pressure.

For Shell, long mired in issues surrounding ethical operations in Nigeria, this is more than a business decision. It is a reputational crossroads.

For Nigeria, it is something even larger. Whether the country’s laws will hold when they are most challenged or Whether its reforms will stand when they are most inconvenient or even whether Nigeria’s energy investments future will be shaped by the rules of law, adherence to regulatory protections and provisions or by unethical and corrupt relationships.

Until those questions are answered clearly, publicly, and decisively, the pipeline in Ibadan will remain more than steel in the ground.

It will remain a symbol of a country still deciding which path it truly intends to follow. Nigeria must act quickly and decisively because the world is watching.

A petition demanding the termination of pipeline surveillance contracts awarded to companies linked to prominent private operators has gone viral, igniting fresh controversy over the management of Nigeria’s oil and gas security architecture.

The online petition calls on the Federal Government to cancel pipeline surveillance contracts currently handled by Tantita Security Services, Pipeline Infrastructure Nigeria Limited (PINL), and Maton Engineering Nigeria Limited. Tantita is linked to former Niger Delta militant leader Government Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo while Maton Engineering is linked to Mathew Tonlagha.

POLITICS NIGERIA learned that since it surfaced online, the petition has attracted growing public support, with signatories accusing the government of concentrating lucrative security contracts in the hands of a few politically connected firms while oil-producing communities remain impoverished and marginalised. The Petition  has since gained over 200 signatures.

According to the petitioners, pipeline surveillance, a critical task aimed at curbing crude oil theft and vandalism, should be decentralised and handed over to host communities along pipeline routes. They argue that community-based surveillance would not only improve security outcomes but also create jobs and ensure that oil wealth benefits local residents directly.

The petition alleges that the current arrangement has enabled private contractors to amass enormous wealth from public funds without delivering proportional socio-economic benefits to communities in the Niger Delta, where most of the pipelines are located.

Supporters of the campaign insist that people living in pipeline host communities understand the terrain better and have the strongest incentive to protect infrastructure that affects their livelihoods. They contend that empowering locals would reduce sabotage, curb oil theft, and address long-standing grievances over exclusion from oil-related opportunities.

The viral petition has further fuelled debate on social media, with many Nigerians questioning the transparency, accountability, and equity of pipeline surveillance contracts under successive administrations. Some commentators have also raised concerns about the growing reliance on private security outfits for strategic national assets.

As public attention continues to mount, pressure is building on the Federal Government to respond to the demands and clarify whether it intends to review or restructure the pipeline surveillance framework in line with calls for greater community participation.

So far, none of the companies named in the petition has issued an official response to the allegations, while government authorities are yet to comment on the growing online campaign.

Dangote Group CEO’s criticism of the Chief Executive of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), Farouk Ahmed is over the regulator’s refusal of a proposed 15 percent levy on petrol, this newspaper found out.

The Dangote Group has launched a campaign against the NMDPRA chief, probing his personal life and alleging corruption but its been gathered that the attack is to force the regulator’s hands to levy petrol, which would help put Dangote refinery’s competitors out of business.

The proposed levy, if implemented, would have pushed the pump price of petrol beyond ₦1,000 per litre, significantly increasing the financial burden on Nigerians already struggling with high living costs. The levy was rejected by regulators and the Federal Government, with President Bola Tinubu declining to approve it.

Farouk Ahmed has since come under criticism from interests opposed to the decision, with observers linking the attacks to disagreements over pricing control in Nigeria’s post-subsidy fuel market. Officials familiar with the matter say the NMDPRA maintained that introducing the levy at this time would have worsened inflation and transport costs nationwide.

Speaking on the issue, energy analyst, Dr. Philips Emmanuel said the regulator’s position was consistent with the realities of the Nigerian economy.

“Adding a 15 percent levy to petrol right now would have been catastrophic for consumers,” Emmanuel said. “The regulator was right to push back. Nigeria is still adjusting to subsidy removal, and sudden price shocks would only deepen hardship.”

Since the removal of fuel subsidies, Nigeria has faced supply challenges, including limited local refining capacity and logistical constraints. To address this, the NMDPRA has relied on a combination of local supply and strategic imports to ensure fuel availability and avoid prolonged shortages.

Farouk Ahmed, who previously worked in the United States and the United Kingdom within the oil and gas sector, is said to have drawn on international experience in fuel market regulation. Supporters argue that his exposure to mature energy markets has informed his emphasis on regulatory independence and consumer protection.

Another energy expert, Mr. Olanrewaju Adigun, a downstream petroleum consultant, said the dispute reflects a wider struggle over influence in Nigeria’s energy market.

“What we are seeing is a clash between regulation and commercial power,” Adigun said. “Large investors are important, but regulators exist to prevent any single player from setting prices or forcing policy decisions that affect millions of people.”

The disagreement follows debates over Dangote’s fuel quality and market dominance.

An exclusive report by Politics Nigeria revealed that diesel produced by Dangote Refinery had higher sulphur levels than initially presented to lawmakers, raising concerns about environmental and engine safety standards.

Dangote Group has denied the claims, insisting its diesel meets international standards and arguing that some imported fuels enter Nigeria with questionable certifications. The company has also invited regulators to independently test its products.

While the Dangote Refinery is widely regarded as a strategic national asset expected to reduce fuel imports, analysts caution against allowing excessive market concentration.

Concerns have been raised by industry watchers who point to the cement sector, where Dangote Cement controls a significant share of the market. Critics also argue that limited competition in that sector has contributed to persistently high prices, a situation they warn could be replicated in the fuel market without firm regulation.

Addressing personal allegations made against Farouk Ahmed, government officials have stated that lifestyle claims do not amount to evidence of misconduct. They stressed that any substantiated allegations should be presented to security agencies for investigation.

For now, officials say the decision to reject the 15 percent petrol levy was taken in the interest of economic stability and public welfare. They warn that pushing fuel prices above ₦1,000 per litre could have triggered widespread economic disruption.

BUA Group on Saturday rewarded 510 employees with a total cash payout of ₦30 billion at its 2025 Night of Excellence and Long Service Awards, in what the company described as one of the biggest staff reward programmes ever carried out by a Nigerian private sector firm.*

The ceremony honoured workers whose service spans five years to more than four decades, celebrating long-term commitment, loyalty and exceptional performance across the Group’s operations.

Speaking at the event, BUA Founder and Executive Chairman, Abdul Samad Rabiu (CFR, CON), said the occasion was designed to recognise the people whose dedication helped build the company’s story over the years.

Rabiu traced BUA’s growth from “modest beginnings” about 36 years ago to becoming one of Nigeria’s most valuable listed enterprises, noting that its combined market capitalisation has climbed into the trillions of naira. He stressed, however, that the milestones were not achieved by capital or boardroom decisions alone, but by employees who stayed committed long before the results became visible.

According to him, the company’s progress from factories built to systems strengthened and obstacles overcome—reflects the contributions of workers who carried the vision and helped sustain the business through different phases of expansion.

As part of the 2025 awards, BUA disbursed the ₦30 billion to 510 recipients across long service and excellence categories. Due to time limits during the programme, only 41 top-tier awardees received their cheques and plaques on stage from the Chairman. These were the highest-value categories, with individual awards ranging from ₦100 million to ₦1 billion.

A breakdown of the on-stage awards showed 16 recipients got ₦100 million each, nine received ₦200 million each, seven received ₦250 million each, three took home ₦500 million each, while five workers received ₦1 billion each. There was also a special award presented to Kabiru Rabiu for what the company described as exceptional loyalty, leadership and long-standing contribution to BUA’s growth and stability, though the cash value of that category was not announced at the event.

BUA said other awardees had already received their plaques and cheques ahead of the ceremony, while the remaining recipients would get theirs at various plants and operational locations nationwide.

Rabiu described the cash gifts as symbolic, adding that financial rewards cannot fully capture decades of dedication, sacrifice and belief in the organisation’s mission. He also said the Group would continue to expand capacity, invest in advanced technology and deepen its presence across cement, food, sugar and infrastructure, insisting that employees would remain central to BUA’s long-term plans.

The Night of Excellence and Long Service Awards, BUA said, forms part of its internal culture built around shared prosperity and respect for people who drive the business.

The ceremony also drew notable dignitaries and industry leaders, including Aliko Dangote, Ogun State Governor Dapo Abiodun, Minister of State for Finance Dr Doris Uzoka-Anite, and Minister of Arts, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy Hannatu Musawa, alongside partners, customers and other well-wishers.

A fresh storm has erupted in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as National Secretary, Senator Samuel N. Anyanwu, has issued a scathing rebuke to the party’s National Chairman, Ambassador Umar Iliya Damagum, accusing him and members of the National Working Committee (NWC) of flouting the party’s constitution and acting beyond their powers.

In a strongly worded letter dated October 1, 2025, made available to POLITICS NIGERIA, Senator Anyanwu rejected the controversial dissolution of the Akwa Ibom and Cross River State working committees, describing the decision as “illegal, provocative and grossly unacceptable.” He declared that the purported resolutions reached at the September 30 NWC meeting were null and void.

‘You Have Violated the Constitution’

Anyanwu did not mince words as he reminded Damagum of Section 36 (1) (b) and (e) of the PDP Constitution (2017 as amended), which clearly assigns the responsibility of convening meetings of critical party organs—including the National Convention, NEC, National Caucus, and NWC—to the office of the National Secretary.

He accused the National Chairman of bypassing these constitutional provisions, warning that any action taken outside due process cannot stand.

“You should be aware that any action or decisions purportedly reached by an illegally constituted NWC is null and void and of no effect,” Anyanwu stated.

The internal crisis was triggered by a press statement issued by the National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, announcing the dissolution of the Akwa Ibom and Cross River State working committees and their replacement with caretaker committees.

Anyanwu swiftly disowned the move, clarifying that no valid NWC meeting was convened by his office, making any resolutions from such a gathering unconstitutional.

“The decision to undermine the duties of my office as provided by the party constitution is provocative and grossly unacceptable by me,” he said.

‘Retrace Your Steps’ — Anyanwu Warns Damagum

The National Secretary, in a clear message to Damagum and other NWC members, called for strict adherence to the PDP constitution to avoid deepening the leadership crisis.

“It is high time you retraced your steps and conduct yourself and the affairs of our party in strict compliance with the PDP constitution 2017 as amended. A stitch in time saves nine,” he warned. This explosive exchange has laid bare widening cracks within the PDP’s national leadership, coming at a sensitive time as the opposition party works to reposition itself for the 2027 general elections.

Party insiders fear the power struggle between top officials could escalate further if internal procedures are not restored, threatening the party’s unity and electoral strategy.

For all the ambition that has long swirled around regional integration in West Africa, the reality has remained underwhelming. Trade among ECOWAS member states still lags just below 10%. In an era where continents compete not just on GDP but on supply chains, self-reliance, and economic coherence, that figure is a quiet indictment. At the West Africa Economic Summit (WAES) 2025 in Abuja, we saw a region no longer content with aspiration alone. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, both host and the then ECOWAS Chairman, set the tone from the outset. “Intra-regional trade remains under 10 per cent... a challenge we can no longer afford to ignore. The global economy will not wait for West Africa... neither should we.” This was not another echo chamber of intentions. It was a summit where delivery was non-negotiable. Nigeria laid its cards on the table through a $15 billion investment pipeline focused squarely on trade-enabling infrastructure from roads, power, and industrial corridors, to digital frameworks.

The Lagos–Abidjan highway project gained renewed momentum. A dedicated deal room facilitated over $400 million in advanced transactions. And the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) is finally moving from pilot to real-world scale.

Perhaps most crucially, the summit underscored that integration cannot happen without identity. As Abisoye Coker-Odusote, CEO of Nigeria’s National Identity Management Commission, said, “Our markets are bustling, our people are trading, but our systems are not speaking to each other.” Her call for cross-border digital identity recognition wasn’t just technical policy. It was a demand to unlock the informal economy that sustains millions.

WTO Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala echoed the urgency, noting that the region could unlock a $500 billion trade potential. But trade is not just about volume. It is about velocity. How quickly goods, services, payments, and people can move without friction. And that requires more than declarations. It requires the deliberate dismantling of invisible walls between neighbours. WAES 2025 did more than identify the problem. It mapped the solution. Customs harmonisation. Coordinated investment in infrastructure. Youth-focused supply chain finance. A digital ecosystem that finally connects the dots between markets.

President Tinubu’s closing challenge captured the moment succinctly. “Let us move from declarations to concrete deals... build a West Africa that is investable, competitive, and resilient,” President Bola Tinubu said. If the region rises to meet this challenge, WAES 2025 will not merely be remembered as a conference. It will be remembered as the turning point where West Africa stopped trading with hesitation and started trading with purpose.

There is a line between authority and autocracy, between governance and vendetta. Hadiza Bala Usman, once ensconced in the prestige of her office as Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), crossed that line with the quiet arrogance of unchecked power. Now, as she returns from political obscurity to peddle revisionist tales, BUA Group has drawn its line in return, with truth, contract, and unimpeachable fact.

This is no routine rebuttal. This is a public service. When Usman accused BUA Group and its chairman, the eminent industrialist Abdulsamad Rabiu, of breaching a concession agreement at the Port Harcourt terminal, she did more than distort the facts. She insulted the spirit of lawful enterprise. She mocked due process. She trivialised the dignity of her former office.

But BUA has responded with clarity, instead of anger. And not for vanity, but for posterity.

The Contract She Chose to Forget

In 2006, years before Hadiza Bala Usman ever walked the corridors of maritime power, BUA entered into a valid lease agreement with the NPA for Terminal B of the Rivers Port. The mandate was clear: rehabilitate, operate, and expand the terminal infrastructure.

By the time Usman assumed office in 2016, BUA had already begun discussions with the NPA to address remedial works, as the port’s original state was riddled with derelict iron ore remnants, structural deficiencies, and unsafe berths—all legacies of public neglect. These talks were nearing conclusion.

Instead of progressing those talks, she chose disruption. Rather than follow the contract’s dispute resolution mechanism, she wielded authority like a cudgel, summarily terminating BUA’s rights, decommissioning berths, and shutting down the terminal without consultation, without lawful authority, and in contempt of a standing court injunction.

By every measure of law and logic, Hadiza Bala Usman’s actions at the helm of NPA were an affront to good governance. Her decision to terminate BUA’s concession did not follow process. It was not supported by arbitration. It flouted the courts. And it trampled upon Article 17.3 of the concession agreement, which mandates exclusive resolution through arbitration.

No provision in the contract authorised her to decommission the terminal. She has yet to cite a clause. She never will. Because there isn’t one. Worse, after BUA provided indemnities and guarantees, the company was briefly permitted to resume operations, only for Usman to reverse course within three weeks and shut the terminal again, unilaterally. If this was not hostility laced with personal vendetta, then what was it?

The President Saw Through It and Acted

When Abdulsamad Rabiu, ever composed and dignified, sought an audience with then-President Muhammadu Buhari, he did not ask for favours. He brought facts. Contracts. Correspondence. Court rulings.

President Buhari, a man not known for sentiment, responded with presidential decisiveness. He directed the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) to investigate.

The AGF invited all parties: BUA, NPA, and Ms. Usman herself. BUA showed up. She did not. The review still went ahead. And the verdict was unambiguous: Usman’s termination was unlawful. The decommissioning was without basis. The NPA under her had breached its obligations, and BUA’s rights should be reinstated.

The result? President Buhari reversed her decisions. He preserved 4,000 jobs. He saved a $500 million investment cluster in Port Harcourt. He preserved Nigeria’s credibility before its own laws. That is the truth. And Hadiza Bala Usman cannot wish it away.

Hadiza now claims President Buhari was “misinformed.” The audacity is staggering. Here is a former head of a national agency, repudiated by her principal, whose decisions were overturned based on the advice of the nation’s top legal officer—now implying that both men lacked understanding.

It is an insult, not just to Buhari, but to the office of the President.

If Hadiza Bala Usman truly believed she acted lawfully, BUA challenges her to show Nigerians the exact clause that permitted her unilateral decommissioning. Let her cite chapter and verse. Let her test her righteousness against the written word. Otherwise, the record must stand: she acted in abuse of power. She governed with impunity. And she endangered one of Nigeria’s most strategic private sector investments.

After Hadiza, Order Was Restored

Following her removal, the air around the NPA cleared. Due process returned. Under the new leadership, BUA was granted formal approval to resume reconstruction at Terminal B in 2022. No subsidy. No bailout. Over $65 million invested, entirely private.

The contract was awarded to global engineering firm TREVI. Completion is now expected in Q1 2026. Jobs are being restored. Confidence is returning.

This is what governance looks like when ego steps aside. Had Hadiza Bala Usman’s recklessness been allowed to stand, the message to the world would have been catastrophic: that contracts in Nigeria are irrelevant, that court orders are optional, and that investment is hostage to mood swings in public office.

She nearly sabotaged Nigeria’s credibility. She nearly damaged the rule of law. And she nearly cost the economy thousands of jobs and hundreds of millions in private capital.

Rabiu did not just defend his business. He defended the principle of lawful engagement. He stood firm for every entrepreneur who dares to dream in a system often riddled with systemic sabotage.

Through it all, Abdulsamad Rabiu maintained his quiet nobility. Even his recent article, “Two Years of President Tinubu: A Business Perspective,” did not name names. He merely alluded to a former era where impunity was rife, and where business leaders lived in fear of arbitrary disruption. The guilty named themselves.

His endorsement of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s ongoing reforms—fuel subsidy removal, forex unification, and policy stability—has clearly rattled those nostalgic for the old Nigeria. A Nigeria where power was used to punish, not to protect.

And that, perhaps, is why Hadiza speaks now. Hadiza Bala Usman today serves under President Tinubu’s administration. Her energies, if truly dedicated to national progress, are better spent there. “We do not seek a public spat,” BUA stated soberly, “and would like her to concentrate on fulfilling her duties in her new role under the strong leadership of President Tinubu.”

A subtle reminder. A dignified dismissal. And a full stop to her attempts to rewrite what has already been etched into the public record.

Indeed, public office is not a pedestal for pride. It is a platform for trust. When wielded with wisdom, it births legacies. When corrupted by ego, it writes obituaries of policy, investment, and public confidence.

Abdulsamad Rabiu, in all of this, has stood as a model of restraint, principle, and precision. He does not scream. He builds. He does not insult. He corrects. And when his voice rises, it is never to boast but to bear witness.

The facts are no longer disputed. The record is closed. And the lesson is eternal: When pride meets process, only one survives.

As part of its ongoing commitment to national development and regional inclusion, BUA Group has officially handed over a fully equipped multi-purpose building to the newly created North-West Development Commission (NWDC) to serve as its temporary headquarters in Kano State.

The handover ceremony, held at the donated facility on Court Road, Kano, was attended by dignitaries from both the public and private sectors, including representatives of the Commission, community leaders, and officials of BUA Group.

Speaking at the event on behalf of the Founder and Executive Chairman of BUA Group, Abdul Samad Rabiu, Khalifa Abdul Samad Rabiu described the donation as a symbolic and practical expression of BUA’s belief in transformational partnerships between the private sector and public institutions.

“At BUA, we believe inclusive development starts with providing institutions the tools to succeed. This gesture by my father and Chairman of BUA Group, Alhaji Abdul Samad Rabiu, is more than just bricks and mortar. For us at BUA, this donation is about laying a foundation for people-centred growth in the North-West to support President Bola Tinubu’s regional development drive under the Renewed Hope Agenda,” said Khalifa Abdul Samad Rabiu.

In his comments, the Chairman of the North-West Development Commission, Alhaji Lawal Sama’ila Abdullahi, expressed profound gratitude to BUA Group for the timely support, noting that the facility would provide the Commission with the operational footing it needs to kickstart its mandate of fast-tracking infrastructure and economic growth in the region.

“This support from BUA is not just generous—it is strategic. It gives us the necessary momentum as we commence the Commission’s work to transform lives and unlock the immense potential of the North-West,” the Chairman said.

This donation builds on a growing wave of support for the newly established Commission as it complements the Kano State Government’s earlier contribution of a ₦3 billion land parcel for the Commission’s permanent headquarters.

Through this handover, BUA Group reaffirms its enduring dedication to public-private collaboration as a cornerstone of sustainable development in Nigeria.

The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, has reacted to the walkout on the First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, by some women in Rivers State on Thursday.

He described the incident as "very disturbing and embarrassing" and sent a strong message to Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his supporters.

The walkout took place during the Renewed Hope Initiative empowerment programme at the EUI Event Centre in Port Harcourt. The programme was organized by the office of the First Lady and aimed at supporting 500 women in the state with empowerment items.

The women who staged the walkout were reportedly loyal to the suspended governor, Fubara.

Wike, who is currently on official duty in China, released a statement through his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communications and Social Media, Lere Olayinka. In the statement, he apologized to the First Lady and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on behalf of the people of Rivers State.

“Insult on anyone representing the First Lady of Nigeria in an event is a direct insult on the office of the President and Commander-In-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and as a leader in Rivers State, I apologize,” he said.

Wike criticized Fubara and his loyalists for disrespecting the President and his wife, despite seeking peace. The Minister urged Fubara to be honest and bold enough to clearly state his demands to President Tinubu, instead of making one statement today and acting differently the next day.

He said, “It is not enough to be visiting people to plead for peace, those who genuinely want peace work and act for it.
These are the same people pleading for peace, but at the same time doing things that are contrary to what they are pleading for.

“How can you say you want peace and at the same time, you are sponsoring people to insult everyone, including the President and his wife?

“All those shenanigans won't bring peace, and I am sure they know that, because they are not sincere with their up and down pleadings for peace.”

Wike also made it clear that he and his supporters were not involved in the incident.

“As for me and those who subscribe to my leadership, we condemn in totality that yesterday's show of shame and we apologize to our First Lady for the embarrassing conduct of those few women who do not represent the characters and ideals of the people of Rivers State.”

In a time of noise, he builds signal.

Meet Otega Ogra, the Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Tinubu on Digital Engagement, Strategy, and New Media—one of the most trusted minds behind the Nigerian government's digital transformation.

Measured, strategic, and quietly effective, ‘The Tiger,’ as Ogra is often called, is not just managing the message. As head of the Presidential Office of Digital Engagement and Strategy, Otega is reshaping the playbook on how governance earns trust in the digital age.

In Nigeria’s State House, where words carry weight and silence often says more, Otega Ogra has emerged as one of the administration’s most consistent and consequential voices—precisely because he speaks less, listens more, and is less prone to errors associated with presidential communication all over the world. As Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Digital Engagement, Strategy, and New Media and also the head of the presidential office of digital engagement and strategy, Ogra is the strategist behind the screen, and he is redefining how modern governance earns credibility in a digitally native era.

Trusted by the President and valued for his discipline and strategic clarity, Ogra’s appointment in 2023 signalled more than a nod to youth or media savvy. It represented a calculated pivot by President Tinubu through his appointment of a non-journalist and corporate media expert to a senior presidential media role toward data-driven public engagement, institutional trust-building, and narrative coherence—cornerstones of President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

Before entering public service, Ogra served as Director of Corporate Communications at BUA Group and previously held impactful roles at Wema Bank, GTBank, and GIZ, where he built a reputation for translating corporate complexity into accessible, high-impact storytelling. His tenure helped shape BUA’s transformation into a publicly visible, investor-respected industrial powerhouse. It is this experience, where brand equity meets institutional strategy, that he has now brought to governance at the highest level.

But Ogra is not just an executor of messaging; he is an architect of national tone. In a policy-heavy presidency with reform at its core and opposition snapping at their heels, his ‘Unfiltered: The Big Interview’ series has become a digital bridge between government and citizenry—offering fact-based insights into fuel subsidy transitions, infrastructure developments, and macroeconomic shifts. Unfiltered is not a campaign but a discipline, designed to strip away noise and inject clarity into public discourse.

Insiders say Ogra operates with “strategic minimalism”, the ability to combine facts, discretion, and velocity. He is not in competition with chaos; he is building a new grammar of governance, one post at a time. Behind major initiatives—such as the public repositioning of Nigeria’s Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) programme or crisis response in volatile media cycles—his signature approach blends Silicon Valley agility with the gravity of state. Colleagues describe him as a tactician who understands that in the age of hyperconnectivity, precision beats performance. He is obsessed with outcomes, not optics. And in a political ecosystem prone to overexposure, Ogra’s restraint has become his trademark. When he speaks, it matters.

His remit goes beyond media management; it encompasses public psychology, tone leadership, and systems thinking whilst also straddling institutional architecture. At a time when digital disinformation is a national threat and public trust in institutions is under strain, Ogra’s portfolio is both sensitive and central.

Those close to him describe his leadership style as calm but unrelenting, with a bias for data, discipline, and discretion. “He doesn’t confuse noise for momentum,” said one aide. “He measures impact where it matters—on trust, traction, and time.”

Above all, his greatest currency remains the trust of the President, key members of the administration, colleagues, and Heads of MDAs. Few in Tinubu’s inner circle are believed to carry as much operational independence with as much strategic restraint. Ogra is the fixer you don’t see but feel with his success measured not in volume but in stability, not in virality but in institutional traction. He has introduced processes and systems into what was once a role for self-aggrandisement and fame searching. In a presidency that thrives on precision, Ogra, at 37, has earned not just responsibility but respect amongst peers, government officials, media executives and the public - locally and internationally. His quiet, relentless style has helped shape one of the most complex communication landscapes in Nigeria’s democratic history with competence, credibility, and consequence. His understanding of both the algorithm and the audience gives him leverage few in government possess.

As Nigeria aims to reintroduce itself to the world through reforms, technology, and economic discipline, Ogra’s role is will be critical to ensure that in the battle for perception, truth is not just told—it is trusted.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rPnF1b7BjFo

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu threatened to sack the Minister of the FCT, Nyesom Wike, if the results of the upcoming FCT elections goes 'too much in his favour' and that of his party, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP.

Tinubu, speaking during a dinner held on Saturday evening to celebrate Eid-Al-Fitri, said that he warned the minister that he would lose his Job if he did not make sure the APC emerged victorious in the FCT.

In his words; "Give me any opportunity for my party to win elections in FCT. I know where you are coming from, your own party."

"If this thing goes too much in your own favor, you will lose your Job".

The National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) may be on the brink of a major regulatory shake-up as concerns over the pricing strategies, content access, and advertising monopolies of Nigeria’s dominant pay-TV operators come under intense scrutiny.

Though no formal directive has been issued, remarks made by NBC Director-General Charles Ebuebu during an informal exchange with journalists after attending an industry event in Lagos have set the industry on edge, fueling speculation that the regulator is finally moving to rein in exploitative market practices.

The urgency of the situation has been further underscored by a formal petition from DAAR Communications, owners of Africa Independent Television (AIT), which accused major pay-TV platforms of stifling competition and using their market power to restrict access to free-to-air (FTA) content. But if that wasn’t enough to trigger alarm bells in government, what followed surely did—a sudden subscription price hike by one of the country’s biggest pay-TV operators, despite the naira gaining strength and inflation beginning to ease.

The timing of the price increase has sparked outrage, with consumer groups questioning why a company would raise costs at a time when the price of other goods and services is falling. The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) has since challenged the draconian pricing strategy, and in a rare public alignment, the NBC has now declared full support for the FCCPC’s intervention.

Behind the scenes, the presidency has now directed the establishment of high-level ad-hoc teams within the regulatory agency to conduct a short-term review of the sector, signaling that the federal government is not only watching but may be preparing to act decisively.

THE FTA CRISIS: PAY-TV OPERATORS BLOCKING ACCESS TO FREE CONTENT

One of the most contentious issues under review is how pay-TV companies have turned free-to-air (FTA) channels into part of their paid subscription models. While these channels are meant to be freely accessible to all Nigerians, pay-TV operators have long bundled them into premium packages, ensuring that subscribers must pay to access content that is supposed to be free.

This deliberate restriction of FTA access has allowed pay-TV operators to meet their regulatory obligations while suppressing independent broadcasters, effectively cornering the market and forcing consumers into unnecessary payments.

Industry sources suggest that NBC’s review could lead to an enforceable policy ensuring that FTA channels remain truly free, whether a viewer is subscribed to a pay-TV package or not. Such a measure would restore fair competition, allowing independent broadcasters to reach their full audience without interference from dominant platforms seeking to control distribution.

This potential shift is widely seen as a direct challenge to the business model of major pay-TV platforms, which have long relied on their ability to bundle FTA channels into their paid offerings, forcing viewers to subscribe even when they don’t need to. Should NBC move forward with such a policy, it would represent one of the most significant regulatory interventions in the Nigerian broadcast sector in years.

THE ADVERTISING MONOPOLY: TIME TO BREAK THE STRANGLEHOLD?

Beyond price hikes and content access, another key issue under scrutiny is the monopolization of advertising revenue in the pay-TV sector. Industry analysts have long pointed out that a few dominant platforms control a disproportionate share of the advertising market, leaving independent broadcasters struggling to secure funding.

NBC’s review is expected to consider measures to cap the percentage of advertising revenue that pay-TV operators can command. The goal is simple—redirect a greater share of the market to independent broadcasters who rely solely on ad revenue to survive.

Additionally, NBC is said to be considering expanding the digital access fee, currently applied to certain pay-TV services, to all platforms benefiting from the Nigerian media market, including digital streaming services. This would ensure that all players profiting from Nigerian audiences reinvest a fair share into local content production, jobs, and infrastructure development, aligning with the government’s broader economic plan to expand the creative sector into a N3 trillion industry by 2030.

The growing influence of digital streaming services like Netflix, Showmax, and Amazon Prime may also come under increasing regulatory focus. While these platforms have provided greater content diversity and access to global programming, there is concern that they have been allowed to profit from the Nigerian market without making sufficient reinvestments into local content production.

Sources indicate that NBC’s review may explore policies to collaborate with streaming platforms and reinvest a percentage of their Nigerian revenue into local productions. This would ensure that the country’s content creators benefit from the streaming boom rather than simply serving as consumers of foreign content.

NBC AND FCCPC: A UNITED FRONT AGAINST PRICE HIKES

The NBC’s decision to publicly align with the FCCPC on the issue of unjustified price increases signals a rare moment of regulatory unity. The fact that subscription costs are rising even as the naira strengthens and inflation drops raises serious questions about whether consumers are being taken advantage of by operators who are using their market control to set arbitrary prices.

Industry insiders suggest that the regulatory stance could set the stage for a wider investigation into pay-TV pricing structures, particularly how these companies justify their frequent price hikes despite economic conditions that suggest they should be lowering costs, not increasing them.

The possibility of sweeping regulatory intervention has split opinions in the industry.

Independent broadcasters and content creators see this as a long-overdue correction. For years, they have been locked out of fair competition, watching as pay-TV operators dominate advertising revenue, control content distribution, and force subscribers to pay for channels that should be free.

However, major pay-TV providers have been more cautious, with industry executives privately warning that increased regulation could “discourage investment” and “disrupt business models”.

One senior pay-TV official, speaking anonymously, expressed concern that the review process may introduce “unnecessary uncertainty” into the market. “There is a way to ensure fair competition without damaging the industry’s ability to attract investment,” he said.

THE PRESIDENCY’S NEXT MOVE: TO ACT OR TO WATCH?

While the presidency has not issued any direct public orders, its decision to mandate an immediate review of pay-TV and broadcast practices suggests that it is closely monitoring the situation.

The Tinubu administration has repeatedly emphasized the importance of creating a media and entertainment sector that works for all players, not just a select few. Sources suggest that the outcome of NBC’s review will be closely aligned with the government’s economic and creative sector goals—but how far the administration is willing to go remains to be seen.

WHAT HAPPENS NEXT?

With high-level regulatory reviews underway, public backlash against rising subscription prices, and growing government interest in breaking monopolistic control, Nigeria’s pay-TV industry is at a crossroads.

If the NBC follows through on its review, Nigerians could soon see FTA channels that are truly free, advertising revenue that is more evenly distributed, and streaming platforms that reinvest in local content rather than extracting profits without giving back.

But if the dominant pay-TV operators successfully lobby their way out of meaningful reforms, business will continue as usual—with Nigerians paying higher subscription costs for channels that should be free, independent broadcasters struggling for survival, and corporate giants dictating the rules of the game.

One thing is certain—the era of unchecked dominance in Nigeria’s broadcast sector is being challenged like never before. Whether this results in real change or yet another quiet backroom settlement remains to be seen.

A Federal High Court sitting in Abakaliki Ebonyi State capital, has affirmed the expulsion of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) National Vice Chairman South-East Chief Ali Odefa from the party.

This followed the granting of the reliefs sought by applicants in Suit No: FHC/AI/CS/FHR/197, between Hon. Herbert Onyedikachi, Hon Anoke, Egbe, Njoku Nwagu, Moses Idika, Ogbonnaya Idika, Obinna Chukwu, Chief John Igboke, Mrs. Ijeoma Nome, Okorie C. Okorie and nine others as applicants versus Chief Ali Odefa (defendant), PDP and Independent National Electiral Commission (INEC).

The plaintiff had sought for a reliefs seeking an order restraining Ali Odefa from parading himself as a member of the PDP and enjoying the rights and privileges accorded to members of the part iny.

They equally sought for an order restraining Ali Odefa from holding the office of National Vice Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP ) South -East Zone.

Delivering judgement on the suit, the presiding Judge Justice Hilary I. O. Oshomah, granted the reliefs sought by the plaintiffs and affirmed the expulsion of Ali Odefa from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Reacting to the judgement , counsel to the plaintiffs Chief Mudi Erhenede, commended the court for the judgement.

Erhenede asked for cost of N5 million against the 1st defendant Chief Ali Odefa.

However counsel for the defendants Ifeanyi Chukwu, told the court that they were not opposed to the judgment.

Odefa was expelled from the PDP on December 12, 2024, by the Executives of the party in Oguduokwor ward Onicha Local Government Area of Ebonyi State, after a disciplinary committee of the party recommended his expulsion having found him guilty of anti-party activities.

It would be noted that the Federal High Court in its earlier ruling, presided by Justice Hilary Oshomnah, had awarded N100 million damages against the expelled PDP National Vice Chairman South-East Chief Ali Odefa.

The court issued the order restraining Ali Odefa and the police from harassing, arresting or in any form intimidating the applicants on the issue of his earlier suspension from the PDP, Oguduokwor ward.

The internal crisis within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has deepened as a Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Magistrate Court has directed the FCT Police Command to investigate allegations of forgery involving the party’s primary election guidelines.

The order was issued by Magistrate Fatima I. Bukar, prompting law enforcement to interrogate key PDP officials.

Among those questioned were the National Vice Chairman (South-east), Ali Odefa, and factional National Secretary, Chief Sunday Ude-Okoye, along with several staff members from the party’s national secretariat. Additionally, the official printers of the PDP, Abiodun Olu Printers Limited, were summoned but requested additional time, citing their absence from town.

The court’s directive was based on a petition filed by PDP chieftain, Mike Iheanaetu, who alleged that documents presented in legal proceedings that upheld Ude-Okoye as National Secretary were falsified.

The Principal Registrar of the Abuja Magistrate Court, Yusuf Tambaya, formally notified the Deputy Commissioner of Police, instructing a thorough investigation and a report within two weeks. If a prima facie case is established, the court ordered that the defendants be charged accordingly.

Iheanaetu’s petition asserts that the original primary election guidelines were signed on February 17, 2022, by former National Chairman Dr. Iyochia Ayu and National Secretary, Senator Samuel Anyanwu. However, the alleged forged documents lacked a date and signatures. The petition further argues that Section 47(5) of the PDP Constitution does not mandate party officials to resign before contesting public elections.

Conversely, the disputed guidelines state that any political appointee must resign before purchasing Expression of Interest (EOI) and nomination forms, citing Section 84(12) of the Electoral Act 2022. It also allegedly misinterprets Section 47(5) of the PDP Constitution, requiring party executives seeking elective office to resign seven days before obtaining EOI forms.

Iheanaetu’s legal representative, Kalu Kalu, has urged the court to issue a criminal summons against those involved, arguing that the forged guidelines have exacerbated divisions within the party. He maintains that his client has suffered significant harm due to their use.

In response, the FCT Police Command summoned the implicated PDP officials, who provided statements regarding their knowledge of the matter. Investigators have also requested the party’s official printers to present original versions of the guidelines to verify discrepancies.

Suspension of South-south Zonal Secretary

Meanwhile, tensions within the PDP have extended to the South-south region, where the Zonal Executive Committee has suspended its Zonal Secretary, Chief Felix Omemu, for one month. The suspension follows accusations of misconduct and unauthorized public statements discrediting a zonal executive meeting held in Benin City, Edo State.

Omemu had previously issued a statement from Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, challenging the legitimacy of the meeting convened by National Vice Chairman (South-south), Chief Dan Orbih. He contended that such a gathering required approval from the Zonal Working Committee, which he claimed had not sanctioned the meeting.

At the Benin meeting, a motion for Omemu’s suspension was introduced by factional Rivers State House of Assembly Speaker, Martin Chike Amaewhule, and seconded by Hon. Godwin Offiono, a member of the House of Representatives. Amaewhule accused Omemu of breaching trust and inciting division within the party.

Following the suspension, PDP Zonal Legal Adviser George Turnah was appointed as Acting Zonal Secretary. Chief Dan Orbih praised the decision, emphasizing the need to restore order and discipline within the party’s leadership.

The South-south Zonal Executive Committee meeting saw attendance from federal lawmakers representing the region, with the exception of Akwa Ibom State representatives.

Did you know?

The lifecycle of a Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) cylinder is at least 15 years. After this period, cylinders must be inspected, replaced, or removed to ensure safety and optimal performance. This standard is consistent worldwide, reflecting a commitment to safe and sustainable energy solutions.

Global CNG Policies and Success Stories:

•⁠ ⁠India: The Indian government has actively promoted the adoption of CNG, especially in public transportation. Cities like Delhi have mandated using CNG for buses and auto-rickshaws, significantly reducing air pollution and enhancing public health. As of 2024, India plans to establish 20,000 CNG stations by 2030 to support its growing fleet of gas-based vehicles, reinforcing its commitment to cleaner fuel.

•⁠ ⁠Malaysia: Malaysia’s government has promoted CNG usage among taxicabs and airport limousines since the late 1990s. With the removal of fuel subsidies beginning in 2008, the country saw a 500% increase in new CNG cylinder installations, especially among private vehicle owners. Recently, Malaysia launched a program to recall and replace all cylinders installed 15 years ago, providing free replacement to ensure continued safety and compliance.

•⁠ ⁠Canada: Enbridge Gas Distribution, Canada's largest natural gas distribution company, operates one of North America’s largest natural gas vehicle fleets, with over 675 natural gas vehicles. This initiative has reduced fuel costs and aligns with corporate social responsibility goals, setting a standard for CNG fleet adoption.

•⁠ ⁠Germany: The Volkswagen Group, in collaboration with industrial partners, has been promoting CNG as part of a national strategy to achieve 1 million CNG vehicles on German roads by 2025. This commitment represents a significant investment in alternative fuels and highlights the role of public-private partnerships in advancing sustainable fuel options.

How Does This Align with Nigeria’s CNG Policy?

In Nigeria, the PCNGI initiative actively tracks all vehicles converted to CNG, creating a comprehensive safety network for cylinder monitoring. A Nigerian Gas Vehicle Monitoring System is in development, which will simplify the process for vehicle owners to bring in hybrid or fully converted cars when cylinder replacements are due. This way, authorised technicians can safely replace or remove your cylinders after 15 years.

Should You Worry?

No need! The savings you’ll gain from using CNG will far outweigh the lifespan of the cylinder, offering peace of mind and economic benefits. Most drivers save substantially over time with CNG, covering both fuel costs and maintenance savings.

Fuel Savings:
With petrol and diesel prices exceeding 1,000 naira per litre, switching to CNG—currently priced at 230 naira per litre—provides significant cost savings for you. And remember, a litre of CNG equates to multiple litres of petrol, enhancing these savings even further.

FACT OF THE DAY:
The PCNGi is on track to deliver 100,000 CNG conversion kits by the end of this year, with about half of this target already installed and more conversions happening daily. Their near-term goal is to convert at least 1 million vehicles by 2027, ensuring the infrastructure and resources are in place to support the demand.

Who is Switching?

•⁠ ⁠Transporters are converting to CNG to benefit from reduced costs.

•⁠ ⁠Major Nigerian manufacturers are converting trucks and factory operations to CNG, embracing cleaner and cost-effective fuel solutions.

•⁠ ⁠Rideshare drivers (such as Uber) who have converted are already making up to 5x profits due to lower fuel costs.

Visit an authorised conversion centre to make the switch today. Nigeria is shifting to safer, more affordable, and readily available CNG. The choice to #SwitchToCNG is yours.

Granting Dangote Refinery the monopoly it seeks would be a recipe for disaster, unleashing severe hardship on citizens, a major oil firm’s managing director has warned in a series of filing at the Federal High Court in Abuja.

Ali Abiodun, the acting managing director of AYM Shafa Limited, issued this statement in a counter-affidavit to Dangote Refinery’s lawsuit, which seeks to revoke the importation licenses of several oil companies.

The $20 billion privately-run refinery previously sued the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), asking the court to mandate the regulator to withdraw import licenses granted to the NNPC, Matrix Petroleum Services Limited, A.A. Rano Limited, AYM Shafa, Matrix Petroleum Service Limited, and 2015 Petroleum Limited on the grounds of anti-competitive practices.

However, in a statement attached to a sworn affidavit, Abiodun warned of the potential disaster if the refinery’s request is granted.

“Vesting the Plaintiff with the power of monopoly in Nigeria’s petroleum industry as it seeks in this suit will kill competitive pricing of petroleum products, further deteriorate Nigeria’s critically ailing economy, and impose untold hardship on Nigerians—all of which constitute a recipe for disaster in the polity,” he stated in the 74-page document, exclusively obtained by Politics Nigeria.

Abiodun further explained that eliminating importation would lead to a severe shortfall in the supply of petroleum products, which would severely damage Nigeria’s economy and cause significant hardship for Nigerians.

The defendants’ lawyer also argued that granting Dangote’s request would violate Nigeria’s international obligations under the World Trade Organization, its protocols, and other international treaties.

The substantive case is scheduled to be heard in January 2025.

This development follows Dangote’s ongoing disputes with regulators over the pricing of the petrol refined at its plant and its push to secure oil marketers’ patronage.

Last month, Dangote Refinery CEO Aliko Dangote claimed that the plant was processing around 420,000 barrels of crude daily and had over 500 million liters of petroleum available for sale. Both claims have been challenged by industry stakeholders, including the association of oil marketers.

Dangote’s Record of ‘Unfair’ Business Practices

In his 74-page court document, Abiodun also exposed what he described as Dangote’s unfair business practices, citing one example where buyers are required to deposit over 110% in Letters of Credit.

“The plaintiff introduced an oppressive trade practice, requiring buyers to deposit 110% in Letters of Credit (LC) of the quantity they wish to off-take, with the actual price communicated five days after the LC date—after the product has already been loaded from the plaintiff’s refinery.”

Mr. Abiodun, whose firm was among Dangote’s first customers when it opened in April, also challenged the refinery’s claimed production capacity.

He argued that there is no credible, verifiable forensic evidence to show that the refinery can produce 35 million liters of Automotive Gas Oil (AGO) and 9 million liters of Jet A-1 products daily.

“The 4th Defendant was among the first off-takers of Automotive Gas Oil (AGO) from the Plaintiff’s refinery, loading its first 20,000 MT in April 2024, and has since purchased and loaded additional cargoes totaling about 190,000,000 liters—a feat that would make the 4th Defendant a valued customer for any foreign refinery or supplier.”

Despite this significant patronage, Abiodun said Dangote imposes repeated obstacles on the firm’s transactions, making it challenging to purchase products from the refinery.

Oil-Exporting Countries Still Import Fuel

Documents presented to the court also show that many oil-producing nations with far larger production and refining capacities than Dangote continue to import petroleum.

The United States, for instance, imported 8.51 million barrels per day (b/d) of refined petroleum products from 86 countries in 2023, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.

Another example is Saudi Arabia, which, despite being one of the world’s largest oil producers with a total daily refining capacity of 2.9 million b/d, also imports and stores refined petroleum products to ensure energy security.

“Saudi Arabia, with five refineries and a refining capacity of 2.9 million b/d, still imports and stores refined products as part of its energy security strategy,” Abiodun pointed out.

Similarly, other major oil-producing countries—including the UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman—also import and store petroleum products for energy security.

Abiodun concluded by arguing that allowing Dangote Refinery to be the sole supplier of refined petroleum products in Nigeria would make it a monopolist in the petroleum sector, a critical industry for Nigeria’s economy and energy security.

“No country in the world has developed or will ever develop by encouraging monopoly in any of its key economic sectors,” he emphasized.

POLITICS NIGERIA earlier published an investigative report on Dangote's brazen attempt to deceive Nigerian Lawmakers over the quality of AGO produced in his refinery as he battled the NMDPRA over its refusal to withdraw import licenses. The report led to the dissolution of the House Committee on Downstream Petroleum led by Hon. Ikenga Ugochinyere.

The former Commissioner in Imo State on Foreign and International Affairs, Dr Fabian Ihekweme, otherwise known as Omu-De Ancient Seer, has lamented alleged inflation of multi-billion contracts under Governor Hope Uzodimma.

He asserted that corruption in Imo State has now reached "alarming heights" under the administration of Governor Uzodimma, leaving residents and citizens in deep worry and lamentation.

Ihekweme, who made this known in a statement on Monday expressed his concern over the state’s current governance, which he believed, is riddled with malpractices.

He outlined troubling discrepancies in the state’s infrastructure budgets, noting that the Owerri-Okigwe road project, originally budgeted at N58 billion, had been allegedly inflated to an "astonishing N125 billion."

"Similarly, the Owerri-Orlu road, initially set at N45 billion, has seen its cost soar to N105 billion after multiple revisions. Dr. Ihekweme poses critical questions regarding the state’s financial transparency: “How much is Imo State actually paying contractors for these road projects?

"Is Governor Hope Uzodimma working for his own companies or for the people of Imo State? Shouldn’t we have access to information about how much Imo State is spending on these road constructions?”

Ihekweme also raised concerns about the fate of the Nekede Zoo in Owerri, a significant cultural and tourism asset for the people of Imo State.

He questioned, “Where have the animals and botanical trees of the zoo been relocated?

"I hope the lions, rare monkeys, and other native species preserved there have not been harmed or misappropriated for illicit purposes.”

John Dryden, a 17th Century English poet and literary critic, while painting a picture of the unscrupulous nature the politicians of his days stated that “Politicians neither love nor hate”. This description which highlights the emotionless, soulless, treacherous, and decidedly selfish nature of politicians, even till date, can be applied to businessmen. The brazen manner in which they pursue profit at the expense of everything wholesome and noble is comparable only to the shameless way politicians abandon principles in pursuit of power.

My rumination on Dryden’s statement in relation to businessmen was prompted by the report of multi-billionaire businessman, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, saying that he did not enjoy any incentive from government while building his $20 billion refinery. When the report first popped up on my phone, my first reaction was that he must have been misquoted. When the news began to appear on many other platforms, I decided to read various versions of it to understand the context of the statement. That was when I saw that in the same address at the Crude Oil Refinery-Owners’ Association of Nigeria (CORAN) summit, he had also called on the Federal Government to stop mortgaging the nation’s crude oil in forward sales arrangements.

On the surface, Dangote’s call for an end to crude oil forward sales sounded altruistic, especially in the light of the Norwegian example he cited where proceeds from oil are warehoused in a future fund for the benefit of generations yet unborn. But without even scratching below the surface, one begins to see the selfishness in the call. The real reason behind the suggestion, according to him. is “to ensure sufficient feedstock availability” for his refinery. In other words, what Dangote is advocating is: “Don’t sell to others so that you can have enough to give me”. You must not forget that the person making this call has issues paying premium price for Nigerian crude which is premium grade (it typically sells for about $2 or $3 above the other premium grade Brent)!

But that is just the tip of the selfishness and hypocrisy iceberg. The man who is sanctimoniously calling for an end to forward sales of the nation’s crude oil has suddenly forgotten that he is one of the greatest beneficiaries of the scheme. In 2021 when Dangote ran into a financial hitch in funding his refinery project, he ran to the Federal Government under the President Buhari administration for a bailout. The administration promptly charged the NNPC to work out something.

That was how the idea of stake acquisition in the Dangote Refinery by the NNPC came up. To raise funds for the bailout which had been structured in the form of stake acquisition, NNPC carried out a crude oil forward sale in which it raked in the $1 billion that was funnelled to Dangote. Three years down the road, the same man is up in arms campaigning against forward sales as if it is a crime. And all that because he stands to benefit from it through sufficient feedstock availability!

Beyond the selfishness in the call to stop crude oil forward sales, Dangote evinces shortsighted in not realizing that his interest in having sufficient feedstock availability is best served on a sustainable basis if there is sufficient funds for upstream operators to invest in the development of more oil fields to boost overall production. In the face of current global funding challenges, one of the easy ways of raising funds to invest in production is forward sales. Oil producing companies typically do this to raise funds to grow production. If they don’t have funds to invest in further production, the sufficient feedstock availability that Dangote, as a refiner, thinks he wants to secure would suffer as production would start to decline until it gets to a point where there will be no crude oil to supply to the refinery.

Dangote’s claim that he didn’t enjoy any incentive from government while building his refinery is nothing but egotism, selective amnesia, and crass revisionism on display. There is no one in his right senses that can downplay the fact that the successful execution of a huge project like the Dangote Refinery is a huge feat. In fact, almost every Nigerian is vicariously proud of the achievement. But to say that everything about the project was his personal effort without input any from the government is the height of needless egotism.

Perhaps, Dangote has forgotten that Nigerians are aware that he enjoyed huge import duty waivers on almost all the long lead items used in the construction of the refinery. He may have also forgotten that Nigerians are aware that when the dollar-to-naira exchange rate began its yo-yo dance during the President Buhari administration, he enjoyed a concessionary rate from the government without which the cost outlay for executing the project would have ballooned out of control. But all these do not amount to anything worthy of being acknowledged as incentive. Selective amnesia is the name of the game!

[b]The involvement of government in the Dangote Refinery was further highlighted by the former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Mr Godwin Emefiele, who at the inauguration of the refinery on 22nd May, 2023, announced that Dangote had paid of 70% of the loans acquired to finance the refinery project even before the refinery rolled out a drop of refined product. That Emefiele assumed the role of the Chief Accountant of Chief Financial Officer of the Dangote Group at that occasion is quite telling. One of the revelations by the former CBN boss was that the apex bank provided about N125 billion to Dangote for domestic currency requirements while also ensuring the availability of foreign exchange (FX) to pay for imported equipment. “Today, total loans outstanding have dropped from over $9 billion when this project started to $2.7 billion”, Emefiele stated. It is still a mystery as to how Emefiele got involved in the Dangote Refinery project to the point that a refinery that had not started producing had enough money to pay off 70% of its loans. If that is not incentive, then Dangote and God know what is.[/b]

Right from the conception stage of the Dangote Refinery, the Nigerian government showed sufficient interest in the project and did everything to support it to fruition. Dangote himself is on record as explaining recently that the Federal Government allocated two brownfield oil blocks to him which he was supposed to develop to guarantee feedstock supply to the refinery. This means that government was actually desirous to see him succeed without any encumbrance, even to the stage of feedstock supply. Ironically, the same person is taking the government to task on the forward sale of crude oil even though the same government made provision for him to have his own dedicated feedstock supply arrangement right from the very beginning.

It[b] is difficult to understand Dangote’s concept of incentive. He needs to shed more light on the kind of incentive he wanted from the government that he was denied that warranted that comment. While we await his further explanation, it is expedient to let him know that he has no right to determine for anyone, least of all the government, how and where they should sell their crude oil. The Domestic Crude Supply Obligation clause in the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) which he is harping on does not guarantee that anyone is under obligation to supply the entire feedstock need of his refinery. That is why it has embedded in it a willing-buyer-willing seller clause. If the producer does not have funds to produce and so does not have crude oil to sell, the buyer will have no crude oil to buy no matter how willing the producer is to sell.[/b]

If Dangote thinks that it does not require funds to produce the crude oil which he wants to refine, he should go and develop the brownfield oil blocks allocated to him and get feedstock rather than engage in cheap and senseless activism.

Ben Ekori, an energy sector and public affairs analyst, writes from Port Harcourt.

Two Lagos-bound vessels linked to family members and friends of Dangote Refinery CEO Aliko Dangote are on course to deliver cargoes of imported premium motor spirit (PMS), also known as petrol, from Malta, POLITICS NIGERIA can authoritatively report after reviewing a cache of documents including maritime tracking details.

This development comes weeks after Dangote’s shocking now-debunked allegations blaming others about the importation of low-quality fuel from the European country. The billionaire, who had earlier accused Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) of sabotaging his refinery, said that some NNPCL officials were importing substandard petrol products into the country from a blending facility in Malta. This claim was later proven to be false.

Although NNPCL officially refuted and debunked Dangote’s claims saying that neither NNPCL nor its officials owned a blending, publicly available data however showed that Nigeria's petroleum imports from Malta went as high as $2.8 billion last year. One of the local energy companies, Matrix Energy, was allegedly claimed as one of the firms importing substandard petroleum products from Malta by Businessday Nigeria - a claim the company has rebuffed with evidence and instituted a N10billion defamation suit against Businessday and another newspaper for alleging its products were substandard and didn't meet regulatory threshold. As at the time of filing this report, the case is currently in court.

North and South

However, fresh evidence has also shown that Dangote’s family members and circle of friends in the petroleum sector might be among the top importers of PMS from Malta. Credible maritime data corroborated by industry experts showed that at least two other cargoes connected to his family member and an associate are expected to arrive on the shores of Nigeria on September 7.

One of the vessels ferrying the cargo, Meronas, belongs to MRS Oil & Gas Company, a subsidiary of MRS Holdings Limited owned by Dangote’s half-brother Sayyu Dantata.

The vessel, currently sailing under the flag of Greece, departed Malta on August 22 and is scheduled to arrive Lagos on September 7, according to AIS data provided on vessel tracking website, Vessel Finder.

Another Oil tanker vessel from Malta, Clean Justice will be delivering a cargo of PMS to Eyrie Energy, an Abuja-based company founded by a board director at MRS, Amina Maina.

Maina, according to MRS Group’s website, oversees all trading, supply, and operations of the group's activities spanning over six countries, including Nigeria. Apart from her role at MRS, is also a close associate of Mr Dangote. In fact, both Maina and Dangote were part of the Economic Coordination Council (PECC) set up by President Bola Tinubu at the start of his administration.

Both MRS and Eyrie Energy are part of a network of local and international energy companies supplying PMS to NNPC while it has been widely revealed that officials of MRS are currently representing and leading negotiations with the Ministry of Finance on behalf of Dangote Refinery in the Federal Government’s Crude for Naira programme.

According to a March 4th letter, the General Manager of Risk Management, MRS, wrote to the NNPCL managing director, submitting shipping documents for a petroleum product delivery from Malta OPL.

The letter also referenced attached original documents including a letter from supplier; bill of loading; certificate of quantity; certificate of quality before loading; certificate of quality after loading; master receipt; notice of readiness load port; vessel survey report before and after loading; ullage report before and after loading; bunker survey report (fuel oil & diesel oil); cargo pumping log; time log and VEF.

While it is not immediately clear if Dangote is aware of his half-brother company’s involvement in Malta importation, an industry source told POLITICS NIGERIA that it is ‘hypocritical’ for the billionaire to “shield his own” while pretending to expose others.

“Dangote knows that refiners margin is currently low and he won’t be able to sell and compete with other suppliers to NNPCL, he needs to control who sells to NNPC and also control the price they sell to NNPC.

Another Industry Expert, Dr. James Oyekunle, speaking on the development, wondered if there was more to this entire issue as he observed that there could be a political undertone.

"It is difficult to ignore as most of the companies targeted have mostly been owned or operated by southerners or affiliated with international companies whilst key marketers from the north seem to be missing from these negative attacks."

How Malta became Nigeria’s favourite import destination

Little have been reported about Nigeria’s import from Malta until Dangote’s revelation. This perhaps could be as a result of the measly amounts recorded in past years. For instance the value of imports from Malta stood at $13.32 million in 2016, which is significantly low when compared with $2.8 billion recorded in 2023. This however changed after a 2020 Cash for Crude deal which international oil trading company, Vitol, and indigenous marketer, Matrix Enegry, provided Nigeria with a badly needed cash advance in return for Nigerian crude to be refined and blended elsewhere and imported into Nigeria as PMS. Malta was one of their chosen blending destination amongst others.

In 2023, two foreign oil companies, LITASCO and Pontus SA wrote to the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), seeking approval of Malta as one of the load port locations that imports can originate from.

Sources familiar with the moves told POLITICS NIGERIA that as part of its newly defined regulatory responsibilities under Nigeria’s recently signed Petroleum Industry Act, the NMDPRA sent its staff to visit and inspect the blending plants and an approval was issued by the regulator afterwards.

“PMS used in Nigeria can’t be produced straight from refineries but rather blended to meet Nigeria grade, even at the refineries, they blend in their tanks to meet these specifications which are standard globally. Even all fuel coming from Amsterdam, Antwerp, Rotterdam, fujairah are all blended to achieve the required grade and specifications of PMS,” said an industry source.

"Given the recent revelations, accusations both true and false, and counter-accusations, it is important for all parties to approach the ongoing fuel importation and refinery discussions with openness and responsibility."

"Dangote's concerns about the integrity of fuel imports from Malta though now debunked, coupled with the involvement of his close associates and family members in similar operations, casts an uncanny light on the cutthroat operations of the oil industry."

"As more information comes to light, it is important for industry regulators and authorities to ensure that accountability is upheld without bias and consumers are protected, regardless of one's standing or connections.", he said.

“In terms of quality, when we started, our quality was about six hundred to six fifty ppm, the ppm was one of the best in terms of quality at the time we started. But as of today, we are at 87 ppm. And you can take a sample on Monday. By Monday, we will be less than 50 ppm. By the beginning of August, we will be at 10 ppm.”

“In terms of quality, nobody can produce anything better than us. I just got the result from our official 5 minutes ago, we are now down to even 32 ppm,” – Aliko Dangote (Credits: Nairametrics)

In the heat of his bickering with oil sector regulators, Aliko Dangote, CEO of Dangote Refinery, claimed that the diesel fuel produced by his refinery had low sulphur content.

Speaking to Newsmen last month, he claimed that product from his refinery was of impeccable quality, However, a cache of official documents exclusively obtained by POLITICS NIGERIA reveals that Africa’s richest businessman may have misrepresented facts and possibly manipulated information.

Following a comprehensive analysis of data sourced from certified laboratory results and delivery records, this newspaper can authoritatively report that the diesel fuel from Dangote Refinery contains high sulphur content—at least 400 percent higher than European Union (EU) standards.

Mr. Dangote recently accused major players and regulatory agencies of sabotaging the $19 billion refinery’s efforts to secure necessary feedstock for its operations. In response, Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Authority (NMDPRA) CEO Farouk Ahmed stated that Dangote’s fuel has higher sulphur content, a harmful element in crude oil. According to him, the Lagos-headquartered refinery and other modular refineries produced diesel with sulphur content ranging from 650 ppm (parts per million) to 1200 ppm.

Sulphur, a natural element in crude oil, is usually removed during refining processes because high amounts in fuel damage engines and cause environmental pollution.

“When fuel with high sulphur content is burnt, it produces sulphur dioxide (SO2), a harmful gas that contributes to environmental pollution. This is particularly concerning as sulphur dioxide is a major contributor to acid rain, which can harm ecosystems, damage buildings and infrastructure, and pose health risks to humans and animals,” a chemist at the University of Cambridge explained.

The harmful impact of sulphur in fuel has led many countries to introduce stringent regulations to lower its amount in diesel fuel. For instance, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency reduced sulphur content in diesel to 15 ppm, while the European Union specified a maximum of 50 ppm. One ppm equals 0.0001 weight (wt) percent.

Dangote’s ‘Publicity Stunt’

To discredit the NMDPRA CEO’s claims and shield itself from public scrutiny, Dangote Refinery organised a testing of its diesel during a tour of the facility by a group of House of Representatives members on July 20. Samples from the refinery were collected alongside some diesel samples procured from two filling stations along the Lekki-Epe Expressway.

“Lab tests revealed that Dangote’s diesel had a sulphur content of 87.6 ppm, whereas the other two samples showed sulphur levels exceeding 1800 ppm and 2000 ppm respectively,” Mr. Dangote announced.

“In terms of quality, when we started, our quality was about six hundred to six fifty ppm; the ppm was one of the best in terms of quality at the time we started. But as of today, we are at 87 ppm. And you can take a sample on Monday. By Monday, we will be less than 50 ppm. By the beginning of August, we will be at 10 ppm.”

However, according to impeccable sources familiar with the company’s operations, the testing did not reflect the actual results of the diesel fuel Dangote Refinery supplies to the market.

“That test is far from the reality on the ground. It was done to mobilise members of the public against the federal government and force the government to reach a deal with the refinery,” said a source who pleaded anonymity for security reasons.

“Sulphur in Dangote Diesel as High as 1200” — Documents Show

Official documents, including lab results of diesel fuel supplied to retailers between April and July, revealed that the sulphur content in Dangote diesel went up to as high as 1200 ppm. The fuel, delivered in 32 batches, was supplied to different depots of Rain Oil, AA Rano, TMDK Oil, Kashton, NIPCO, Sobaz, and other retail companies.

In line with NMDPRA regulation, these supplies were tested by Dangote’s quality assurance team and verified by independent international testing companies who also issued certificates of analysis.

Between April and July, the amount of sulphur found in Dangote diesel averaged 937 ppm, with the lowest of 705 ppm in April and the highest of 1200 ppm in a supply to NIPCO on June 16.

In fact, on July 22, two days after the lawmakers’ visit, Dangote Refinery delivered a shipment of diesel fuel containing 950 ppm of sulphur to AA Rano’s depot in Ijegun, Lagos. The certificate of quality, dated July 21 was authorised by an independent laboratory Intertek, in line with NMDPRA regulation.

Records also showed that the same shipment was first tested by Dangote’s quality control department on July 13 and was confirmed to contain 1095 ppm of sulphur. The certificate of analysis was authorised by Nikunj Parikh, a senior chemist at Dangote, and witnessed by an independent lab chemist, Solomon Efe.

The spokesperson for Dangote, Tony Chiejina was unreachable at the time of reporting as calls to his known telephone number went unanswered.

Meanwhile, Haruna Bala, a Lagos-based chemist and researcher, has described the refinery’s attempts to manipulate the public as an “unethical move” which could hurt the company’s reputation in the oil market.

He added that such practices are not only fraudulent but a blatant disregard for climate change, noting that many countries are moving towards low sulphur diesel.

“High-sulphur diesel is a significant contributor to air pollution, releasing harmful sulphur dioxide and particulate matter into the atmosphere. It is a shame that Dangote diesel is not in any way safer than the imported ones we cry about all these years.”

The Nigeria oil industry is without doubt the mainstay of its economy and has also acted as a stabilizing factor for national security, peace and development. In view of this indisputable fact, successive governments always placed premium on the industry with a view to making it, a global player in line with global best practices in order to attract local and international investors into the industry with a view to achieving its maximum potentials for our collective good and national security.

The prime interest of the Nigerian government to uplift and change the face of the industry from its chaotic and unplanned processes and system to compete globally, attracted local and international attention led to a series of activities both locally and internationally which birth the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) after decades of series of advocacy, agitations, debates, discussions, and other civilized means of constructive engagements in order to restore sanity, orderliness and organized processes to the main stay of the Nigeria economy.

Since time immemorial, debates and discussions about the Nigerian oil industry is one that has evoked emotions and passions even among industry watchers, oil experts and economists on how to tap into the full potentials of the industry for national security and development. These interests of changing the face of Nigeria’s oil industry for good culminated into the bringing to life after several attempts of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) under the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari administration in 2021.

The Petroleum Industry Act came into existence as a game changer to address critical needs and interests in the oil sector and to attract competitive local and international investors and players in line with global best practices. As the long awaited game changer, the PIA made provisions for the establishment of two regulators in the industry. They are: The Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and The Nigeria Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NMDPRC).

These two above mentioned regulatory agencies scrapped the role of the former Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) which was formerly a player and regulator. The PIA ensured that the NNPC which is the state agency transited into a limited liability company that operates under the Companies and Allied Matters Act 2022 and is thus a player and no longer a regulator under the law.

Not unusual, only recently, the Nigeria’s oil industry has come under public spotlight as a result of the allegations of sabotage being leveled against the International Oil Companies (IOC) and the NNPCL by the Dangote Refinery management with regards to its difficulty or inability to source crude oil locally for production.

The allegations by Dangote Refinery management have evoked debates and discussions across Nigeria and beyond because of its strategic position in changing the landscape of the Nigerian economy from an importer of finished petroleum product to a producer and exporter.

Sadly, an investigation of the allegations against the IOC’s by Dangote Refinery Management, revealed otherwise. While we sympathize with Dangote Refinery for trying to manipulate the system to enjoy favourable advantage in an industry that is bound by rules and regulations which has been firmed up by the PIA for global best practices, we need to remind ourselves that the reason for the enactment of the PIA was to restore orderliness and competitiveness to Nigeria’s oil industry which has suffered from years of undue favouritism, nepotism and unbridled corruption and contributed in no small measure to the mess in the industry until now.

The Nigeria’s oil industry is an international industry of Joint Venture (JV) partners in which the players have contractual agreements for which they are bound as signed, so for Dangote Refinery management to be raising alarm of sabotage when it’s aware of the economic reality, speaks volume of its intention as a business entity.

We must also make it known to all and sundry that as much as we appreciate the efforts of the Dangote Refinery to change the economic landscape of the Nigerian state, it must be admonished to be ready and willing to play by the rules of engagement, rather than this resort to unethical practice of raising false alarm.

Also, one cannot but commend the NNPCL for living up to its responsibility of safeguarding national security as enshrined, under section 64 of the PIA, which makes provision for the NNPCL to serve as a supplier of last resort to guarantee energy security for the country which it has continued to perform creditably, even in the midst of excruciating economic and business conditions.

Thus, it is imperative on Nigerians to always cross check the facts because the world is a global village with the realization that ensuring global best practices in Nigeria’s oil industry is key to economic sustainability and national security rather than emotions.

Aiteo Eastern Exploration and Production Limited, one of Nigeria’s largest indigenous producers, has recorded crude sales of $325m about N471 billion in the first half of the year and could be on course to reach the N1 trillion naira mark in revenue for 2024, according to financial records obtained from banking sources.

The sources, who asked that their identities be masked because they are not authorised to speak on the development, said Aiteo’s remarkable earnings is on the heels of its successful return to crude production late last year, at its OML 29 asset in Nembe Bayelsa, after constant crude theft and vandalisation forced it to shut production for over two years.

The company, which African billionaire, Benedict Peters, founded, has shipped around 3 million barrels of Nembe Crude Oil Blend for the half year and is steadily increasing output, according to the banking sources, who showed us data to back the claim.

“Aiteo loaded 954, 176 barrels on the vessel named AEGEAN MARATHON in February 2024, in March MT Delta Kanaris loaded 953, 252, in May 2024, MT POPI P loaded 957, 757 barrels, while MT AQUABLISS loaded 233, 655 in January’, according to data seen by THEWILL. Nembe Blend average for the period was around $86pb and exchange rate on Friday was around N1485 – $1.

Aiteo declined to comment on this report.

THEWILL recalls that Aiteo acquired OML 29 and the Nembe Creek Trunk Line (NCTL) from Shell in a landmark transaction in 2014 that closed at around $3.01bn where a group of lenders raised $2bn with Peters contributing about $1bn dollars in personal fortune to conclude the deal and restart production.

The consortium of lenders that committed $2bn according to data seen exclusively by THEWILL include: Zenith – $323m, First Bank & GTB – $200m each, Fidelity Bank – $175m, AFC – $125m, Ecobank Nigeria & Union Bank – $100m each, Sterling Bank – $60m and Shell Western – $512m.

Peters’ initial equity contribution for the purchase was $898, 237, 697.35 in cash with an additional $257m injected at closing for fees and other ancillary costs and costs to restart production. Other small equity holders contributed $136m, which the banking sources said Aiteo is already in the process of buying out.

OML 29 is a joint venture asset owned by the NNPC and Aiteo with the latter as operator.

THEWILL reports that Aiteo’s sister company, Bravura Holdings, a mining company with operations mainly in Southern and Central Africa, has also seen its fortunes on the rise after securing mining deals for lithium production in Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Congo.

A few days ago, Bravura announced the completion of Zimbabwe’s first world-class lithium facility, the Kamativi Lithium plant with an annual producing capacity of 30, 000 tonnes.

*** This report has been updated to correct the total revenue for Aiteo’s half year.

The Abdul Samad Rabiu Initiative for Africa (ASR Africa), in commemoration of the 2024 International Widows’ Day, has presented a N10 million grant to the International Women’s Society (IWS) in Lagos.

Dr. Ubon Udoh MD/CEO of ASR Africa announced this donation during a Widows and Empowerment Feast organized by IWS in Lagos, Nigeria. The grant is part of ASR Africa’s ongoing efforts to invest in social development as one of its primary areas of focus.

Speaking at the event, Mrs. Adeola Adebanke, the chairperson of the Widows’ Trust Fund of IWS, expressed her utmost joy and satisfaction toward the grant donated to the organization by the Chairman of ASR Africa and the BUA Group, Abdul Samad Rabiu. In her statement, she prayed that the chairman continues to make giant strides and break new boundaries.

During a goodwill message, Dr Ubon Udoh (MD/CEO, ASR Africa) appreciated the good job done so far by International Women Society since its establishment in 1957. He mentioned that the grant is a testament of the commitment of the Chairman of ASR Africa and the BUA group at improving the livelihoods and welfare of Nigerians. He added that the grant, which will be distributed to widows in partnership with IWS, is aimed at bringing relief to the beneficiaries while ensuring its relevance and sustainability.

The high point of the event was the presentation of the grant to the beneficiaries. In addition, 250 widows received palliative care packs from BUA Foods Plc which comprise rice, pasta, edible oil and semolina. The widows who were visibly grateful, expressed their gratitude to ASR Africa, its chairman, and executives of BUA Foods Plc for the timely palliative care packs received.