₦airaland Forum

Precious right?

djeezy:
With their permission it's okay. Devoid of that is simpliciter invasion of privacy. If you decide to check, you may not like what u'd find.

What if you found out something odd?

Before I start this post, I want to say that what works for one person may not work for another. This is my spin on things… I’m entitled to express what works for me and you’re untitled to disagree….
Personally I don't think there is a big deal in going through one's partner's phone. Not because you feel like they are cheating or you don’t trust them but sometimes you’re just curious. Its not like I’m dumb, naive, insecure, envious or possessive. I know guys and ladies are capable of cheating just like every other person but I don’t go through my parner's phone expecting to find some dirt. I do it because I’m curious and nosey… that’s it so what is your take on this?

Thelmerh:
mee. This is actually my first day on nairaland. am so excited.

Welcome!

I try?

Most of this under age girls likes to explore and date guys much older than they are. Meanwhile what most of this older guys do is just to bleep and run

Hmmm......No 2!

She's better of without me and she deserves a cheat like her

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Detained leader of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, Mr. Henry Okah, has insisted that President Goodluck Jonathan’s agents sponsored the March 15, 2010 and October 1, 2010 bombings in Warri and Abuja respectively for political considerations.

Okah made the allegation in a 194-paragraph affidavit deposed to in the South Gauteng High court in Johannesburg, South Africa in Case No: A570/10.

The allegations first came to light in an interview Okah granted Arabic satellite television, Aljazeera, in October 2010, weeks after the blast. In the interview, he blamed the attacks on Jonathan’s aides and claimed he was arrested for refusing to influence MEND, to retract its claim of responsibility.
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Since then, Okah has been denied bail at least twice, with one at the South Gauteng High Court, Johannesburg, where he is filing a new application for bail based on “new facts.”

The sworn affidavit was expected to be filed at the court between Tuesday and Wednesday as part of his renewed bid to secure bail, after spending more than one year in a South African jail.

His trial is set to start on October 1, 2012, exactly two years after a devastating blast that occurred less than a kilometre from the Eagle Square in Abuja, where Jonathan was attending Nigeria’s 50th anniversary.

He said the March 2010 car bomb blast (which he said occurred on March 14, 2010) at the Government House Annex, Warri, where South-South governors were attending an amnesty meeting, was intended to pave the way for the removal of Delta State Governor, Emmanuel Uduaghan, and his replacement by the Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Godsday Orubebe.

“It is my belief that President Goodluck Jonathan’s government working with a faction of MEND planned and executed the bombings of 14 March 2010 and 1 October 2010.

“The purpose of the 14 March 2010 bombing in my opinion was to create an atmosphere of insecurity in Niger Delta where President Goodluck Jonathan at that time, was fighting to oust the governor Mr. Emmanuel Uduaghan whom President Goodluck Jonathan intended to replace with his Minister for Niger Delta, Mr Godsday Orubebe,” Okah said in the affidavit.

On the Independence Day bombing, which claimed 10 lives, Okah said it was meant to sway public opinion against the North and some of its leaders who were planning to run against Jonathan in the April 2011 presidential election.

Okah has been held at the Johannesburg Prison since October 2, 2010, and is currently standing trial for alleged involvement in the October 1 bomb attack.

He alleged that Jonathan was upset when MEND claimed responsibility for the October 1 attack, against a plan to blame it on Northern elements.

He stated, “The bombings of 1 October 2010 were also intended by President Goodluck Jonathan government to create anti-North sentiments nationwide in order to galvanize support from other sections of Nigeria against other Northern candidates in the Presidential election.

“Under the arrangement, MEND, I believe, was not to claim responsibility for the bombings which the Nigerian government hoped to pin on General Babangida and other Northern elements. The claim of responsibility by the central group for a bombing, possibly carried out by a faction of MEND, punctured the plans of President Goodluck Jonathan to round up his opposition and hold them in custody until after the elections.”

He claimed to have come under pressure from some of Jonathan’s aides to get MEND to retract its claim of responsibility for the bombing, recalling that his “refusal to cooperate in this scheme resulted in President Goodluck Jonathan placing a call to President Jacob Zuma during the evening of 1 October 2010, requesting President Zuma’s personal assistance in securing my arrest. My noncooperation was interpreted by President Goodluck Jonathan as support for the Northern politicians.

“The South African Government’s direct interference was responsible for securing search and arrest warrants against me.”

Okah also claimed to have influenced Jonathan’s appointment of Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke as minister of petroleum resources, at the prompting of a Jonathan aide. He alleged that between April 4 and 5, 2010, he received approximately 20 calls from Alison-Madueke, asking him to “put in a good word for her” with Jonathan to consider her for the position.

He also countered evidence and public statements by the SSS detailing his alleged involvement in the October 1 blast. Okah provided telephone numbers used by Jonathan’s aides and Alison-Madueke in reaching him.

The Presidency has, however, described Okah’s allegations as “false.”

In a statement by presidential spokesman, Dr. Reuben Abati, the Presidency said the allegations were without any factual foundation and promised that government would full representation in court once the trial commenced fully.

The statement reads, “The attention of the Presidency has been drawn to reports in the media of allegations made against President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan in an affidavit said to have been sworn to by Mr. Henry Okah, who is facing trial in South Africa for his involvement in terrorist acts against the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

“The Presidency categorically affirms that these allegations are false in their entirety and without any factual foundation.

“As the case of Mr. Okah’s involvement in the plotting and execution of terrorist attacks in Nigeria is already before a court of competent jurisdiction in South Africa, the Presidency does not intend to say anymore on the matter for now and will, in accordance with due process and international law, make a full representation on the matter to the court when the trial opens.

“The Presidency also advises the Nigerian media to respect the sanctity of the legal and judicial processes in this matter and avoid becoming willing tools in the hands of Mr. Okah and his agents in an entirely diversionary trial by the media aimed only at falsely impugning the character and integrity of the President and officials of his administration.”

By Stephen Davis
I read with interest Asari Dokubo’s comments published on
September 14 in the Daily Post.
Asari is quite correct in saying that he knows me well and
has met members of my family. In 2004, the Niger Delta
was aflame with conflict. Asari, Ateke Tom and Tompolo
were waging a fierce war against the Nigerian federal and
state governments. Many people had been killed.
Nigerian military were having trouble contending with
Asari’s guerrilla warfare. Small, highly mobile and heavily
armed militant forces in fast boats struck across the Niger
Delta targeting oil installations and military posts. Nigeria’s
oil output at one point dropped to as low as 600,000
barrels per day and on average was halved to one million
barrels per day.[b]By Stephen Davis
I read with interest Asari Dokubo’s comments published on
September 14 in the Daily Post.
Asari is quite correct in saying that he knows me well and
has met members of my family. In 2004, the Niger Delta
was aflame with conflict. Asari, Ateke Tom and Tompolo
were waging a fierce war against the Nigerian federal and
state governments. Many people had been killed.
Nigerian military were having trouble contending with
Asari’s guerrilla warfare. Small, highly mobile and heavily
armed militant forces in fast boats struck across the Niger
Delta targeting oil installations and military posts. Nigeria’s
oil output at one point dropped to as low as 600,000
barrels per day and on average was halved to one million
barrels per day.[/b]By Stephen Davis
I read with interest Asari Dokubo’s comments published on
September 14 in the Daily Post.
Asari is quite correct in saying that he knows me well and
has met members of my family. In 2004, the Niger Delta
was aflame with conflict. Asari, Ateke Tom and Tompolo
were waging a fierce war against the Nigerian federal and
state governments. Many people had been killed.
Nigerian military were having trouble contending with
Asari’s guerrilla warfare. Small, highly mobile and heavily
armed militant forces in fast boats struck across the Niger
Delta targeting oil installations and military posts. Nigeria’s
oil output at one point dropped to as low as 600,000
barrels per day and on average was halved to one million
barrels per day.

This was a devastating blow to Nigeria’s economy and the
operations of the major international oil companies. Apart
from the economic impact, communities were suffering
from the conflict with many innocent people killed in
military efforts to purge the communities of militants.
My wife and I were living in Port Harcourt and, in 2004, I
explored the idea of a peace deal with an Ijaw friend, Von
Kemedi. As an Ijaw, he knew Asari who was also Ijaw. Von
was able to make contact with Asari who agreed to meet
with me.
Von and I subsequently travelled through the swamps in a
speed boat to Opurata village to see the damage to
villages before transferring to a canoe that we paddled to
another village from where we were met by Asari’s men in
another fast boat. With a blindfold on we were taken to
another island where we waited until another boat escorted
us to Asari’s camp. A vigorous discussion took place that
night surrounded by Asari’s well-armed fighters. By the
end of the night, the foundation of a peace deal has been
set down.
I subsequently took the peace proposal to President
Olusegun Obasanjo and found him ready and willing to
support peace and disarmament. The deal also
encompassed demobilisation and a programme to
reintegrate the militants back into the communities. This
required a skills training programme which President
Obasanjo supported. A final essential element was weapons
surrender and destruction. The protocol used was that set
down by the UN and was agreed by both sides.
At the Villa
I stayed in close contact with Asari by satellite phone each
evening around 5pm. We worked out the details of the
peace process. The first step was a ceasefire. The ceasefire
was set in place on September 8, 2004, but in the
following days was broken three times and each time it was
the Nigerian military that broke the ceasefire. Even when
under fire during a ceasefire breach Asari, honoured his
word and withdrew, firing only for self-protection.
To complete the peace deal, President Obasanjo directed
me to oversee the extraction of Asari and his key
commanders in September 2004. I travelled to the Niger
Delta with a handful of SSS men headed by Fubara Duke, an
Ijaw man known to Asari and trusted by President
Obasanjo.
At 1am on September 29, 2004 Asari, and his commanders
met us at Abonnema Landing in the Niger Delta and we
proceeded to Port Harcourt airport where we boarded a
plane at dawn to take us to Abuja and direct to President
Obasanjo in the Cabinet Room. That day was punctuated
with amazing revelations as Asari recounted events that led
him and his men to defy the government and launch a
guerrilla style campaign.
Asari always kept his word to me. He gave me an
undertaking on the ceasefire and kept it even in the face of
breaches by the military. When it came to time for
weapons surrender, he asked me how many weapons I
wanted him to surrender. I said, ‘ Asari you have 3,000 men,
so I want 3,000 weapons.’
Asari gave a commitment to hand over 3,000 guns, 100
general purpose machine guns and some rocket launchers
which were subsequently destroyed in a series of public
destructions to UN standards overseen by the Army at Bori
Military Camp in Port Harcourt in mid-November 2004.
President Obasanjo kept his word and on October 1, 2004
the peace accord was announced and Asari and his
commanders returned to the Niger Delta.
Asari is correct is saying I never paid him anything. I never
paid anyone and no one paid me either by way of funds or
favours. President Obasanjo did not offer to pay me for the
Niger Delta peace accord and I did not seek payment. The
peace deal was built on trust. I went to Asari’s camp
unarmed and without any security.
Asari and his key commanders travelled with me and the
small SSS contingent totally unarmed. We trusted each
other with our lives and that built trust. There can be no
peace without trust. Without trust, there is merely a
ceasefire which will eventually be broken and the fighting
resume.
Asari said in his interview with the Daily Post that
President Obasanjo broke his word. I am not so sure of
that. What I think Asari may be referring to is the
demobilisation and skills training that did not materialise
after the peace accord. Funds were to be set aside to train
the ex-militants for employment and to reintegrate them
back into their communities. This phase of the work was to
be undertaken by the state governors.
By March 2005, a full six months had passed without any
sign of training and reintegration. It was no surprise then
to find 200 Niger Delta ex-militants had been recruited by
foreign mercenaries to participate in a coup attempt in
Equatorial Guinea. The ex-militants were intercepted as
they departed Warri in a ship bound for Guinea. They had
each been promised $5,000 and an AK47.
Had the promised skills training and reintegration been
implemented, these young men probably would not have
agreed to join the coup attempt in Equatorial Guinea. So
Asari is right but it was more likely that the governors
were not sincere and not former President Obasanjo. It was
the governors that had armed, promoted and used the
gangs for political purposes in much the same way that
former Governor Modu Sheriff was alleged to have done in
Borno State..
It was this failure to honour the agreement to demobilise
by providing skills training and reintegration that fuelled
discontent and provided the conditions that formed MEND
which added bombing and kidnapping to its mode of
operation.
Contrary to Asari’s understanding, former President
Obasanjo did not bring me to Nigeria on my recent trip to
seek the release of the Chibok girls or for any other
purpose. Nor did President Jonathan or anyone else. I came
to Nigeria in April this year to seek the release of the
Chibok girls at my own expense and of my own volition
because I could see no progress on the release of the
kidnapped girls.
Girls horrifying rape
While Asari may not believe any girls were kidnapped, let
me assure you that hearing the stories of some girls who
have escaped from Boko Haram camps is a sobering
experience. There are many girls who have been kidnapped
apart from the girls from the Chibok school.
The kidnapping of girls by Boko Haram has been going on
for at least a year. Initially Boko Haram kidnapped girls
because the fighters could not go back home to their
wives. They used the kidnapped girls. Girls tell how they
were raped every day, week after week.
One girl was raped every day, sometimes several times a
day by groups of men. Some did not survive the ordeal. The
escaped girls tell harrowing stories of rape and abuse. They
are traumatised and require medical treatment and
counselling. These girls are testament to the horrifying
truth about the kidnappings.

But the Chibok kidnappings were only the start of my
recent journey to Nigeria. It soon became apparent the
(alleged) sponsors did not want any interference in their
plan. The “political Boko Haram” which (allegedly) started
out as Sheriff’s ECOMOG (so named after the military
peace keeping forces operating in Liberia at that time
because an SDP – Social Democratic Party- candidate was
protected from an angry mob in Bama by a group of youths
supporting the SDP) that targeted his political opponents
in the 2003 and 2007 elections have since mutated into the
Boko Haram we see today that terrorises through
beheadings, butchering innocent villagers, bombing
innocent people at shopping malls and in churches, raping
and kidnapping.
It is true that Sheriff fell-out with Yusuf and the allegation
stands that when the military captured Yusuf in late July
2009 and handed him over to the police in Borno State, he
was allegedly executed on Sheriff’s instruction. Thus the
root of the perception that Sheriff cannot be a sponsor but
a hated enemy of Boko Haram. But the core of the old
Yusufiya is no longer part of Boko Haram.
Boko Haram is a mutation of political Boko Haram and
Shekau’s Ansaru. The Yusufiya grew out of the Izala
movement and had great respect for Izala. Boko Haram now
beheads Izala followers. The “slaughterers” work with the
political assassins and suicide bombers.
The sponsors of Boko Haram do not care how many
innocent Nigerians are slaughtered, how many women are
raped, how many girls and boys are kidnapped, how many
villages are plundered. I have met too many victims to say,
“It is not my problem”.
We are each diminished if we allow such crimes against our
fellow citizens to persist. The Nigerian military is
diminished if it uses Boko Haram tactics to address the
problem. Evil will flourish and triumph if good men and
women do nothing.
Many Nigerian politicians have said little and done nothing
to curb the slaughter of Nigerians that is being supported
by the sponsors. While fathers die to protect their
daughters and wives are raped and butchered the sponsors
of Boko Haram are accorded privileges and protection.
They fly in private jets and are accorded military protection.
Are the sponsors of Boko Haram so far above the law?
Have the citizens of Nigeria lost the right to bring these
men to justice? Who will stand up for the poor and
oppressed who are being slaughtered and raped in their
hundreds? By the grace of God we trust that good men and
women will stand up and justice will prevail.

Souce: www.vanguardngr.com/2014/09/when-i-met-asari-and-agreed-a-peace-deal-stephen-davis/

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3.5mm jack Yes

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3G Network HSDPA 850 / 900 / 1900 / 210

4G Network LTE - SM-G7105

SIM Optional Dual SIM (Micro-SIM, dual stand-by)

Announced 2013, November
Status Available. Released 2014, January

BODY Dimensions 146.8 x 75.3 x 8.9 mm (5.78 x 2.96 x 0.35 in)

Weight 163 g (5.75 oz)

DISPLAY Type TFT capacitive touchscreen, 16M colors
Size 720 x 1280 pixels, 5.25 inches (~280 ppi pixel density)

Multitouch Yes

SOUND Alert types Vibration; MP3, WAV ringtones

Loudspeaker Yes

3.5mm jack Yes

MEMORY Card slot microSD, up to 64 GB

Internal 8 GB, 1.5 GB RAM

DATA GPRS Yes

EDGE Yes

Speed HSDPA, 42.2/21 (region dependent) Mbps; HSUPA, 5.76
Mbps/ LTE, Cat3, 50 Mbps UL, 100 Mbps DL (SM-G7105
only)

WLAN Wi-Fi 802.11 a/b/g/n, dual-band, Wi-Fi Direct, DLNA,

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Bluetooth v4.0, A2DP, EDR, LE

USB microUSB v2.0

CAMERA Primary 8 MP, 3264 x 2448 pixels, autofocus, LED flash, check
quality
Features Geo-tagging, touch focus, face and smile detection,
image stabilization

Video 1080p@30fps, stereo sound rec., check quality
Secondary 1.9 MP
FEATURES OS Android OS, v4.3 (Jelly Bean), upgradable to v4.4.2
(KitKat)

Chipset Qualcomm MSM8226 Snapdragon 400
CPU Quad-core 1.2 GHz Cortex-A7
GPU Adreno 305

Sensors Accelerometer, proximity, compass
Messaging SMS(threaded view), MMS, Email, Push Mail, IM, RSS

Browser HTML5
Radio FM radio
GPS Yes, with A-GPS, GLONASS

Java Yes, via Java MIDP emulator
Colors Black, White, Pink

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- MP4/WMV/H.264/H.263 player
- MP3/WAV/eAAC+/FLAC player
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Charles Okah, a suspected member of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), blamed for the 2010
Independence Day bomb that killed at least 10 people with many more injured, has written to the Catholic Archbishop of Lagos,
Cardinal Olubunmi Okogie, saying he was pressured by government to implicate leading opposition figures in the incident.

“At the SSS Headquarters Abuja where we were flown to, blindfolded with our legs and hands bound, my ‘cooperation’ was solicitd for something completely different to my surprise,” Mr. Okah, whose younger brother is being tried in South Africa over the same
allegation, said in his November 19, 2012 letter from the Kuje Prison in Abuja. “My captors threw me a lifeline; offering me our
freedom and a lucrative contract in exchange for false testimony against my younger brother Henry, who is resident in South Africa.

“I was to write a false statement claiming to have been told by Henry about the bomb plot and naming the following persons as his
conspirators: Former Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida, Chief Raymond Dokpesi, Mallam Nasir El Rufai, Chief Timipre Sylva, and Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan. I bluntly refused.” Mr. Okah has been in prison custody since 2010 after he was arrested over the incident.
Mr. Okah’s younger brother had also said in a shocking court depositions a few months ago said Mr. Jonathan and his aides
organized the attacks in a desperate political strategy to demonize political opponents, and win popular sympathy ahead of the 2011 elections.
“The purpose of the 14 March 2010 bombing in my opinion was to create an atmosphere of insecurity in the Niger Delta where
President Goodluck Jonathan at that time, was fighting to oust the governor Mr. Emmanuel Uduaghan whom President Goodluck
Jonathan intended to replace with his Minister for Niger Delta, Mr Godsday Orubebe,” Mr. Okah said in a 194-page affivadavit
obtained by PREMIUM TIMES.
“The bombing on 1 October 2010 was a platform for the elimination of political opposition from the north in the form of General
Ibrahim Babangida. The bombing of 1 October 2010 was also intended by the President Goodluck Jonathan Government to create
anti North sentiments nationwide in order to galvanize support from other sections of Nigeria against other northern candidates in the Presidential elections,” he said.
In his letter to Cardinal Okogie, Charles Okah has now leveled the same allegation against the administration, saying he is being
persecuted for refusing to implicate opposition elements as requested by government.
He also talked about the poor treatment he and his colleagues were facing in prison custody.
Read full letter below.

November 19, 2012
Charles T. Okah
Single Cell Block
Kuje Prison
Abuja, Nigeria.
His Eminence
Cardinal Olubunmi Okogie
c/o Catholic Church Secretariat
Lagos, Nigeria.

Your Eminence:

October 1 2010 Bomb Blast Setup and Government Double Standard

Greetings in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and I hope this letter meets you well. The reasons I choose to direct this letter to you are that I am a Catholic and you are an old boy of my alma mater, St. Gregory’s College, Lagos.
I write from Kuje Prison Abuja where two other Catholics and I have been languishing in solitary confinement for 2 years on trumped-up charges relating to the October 1, 2010 bomb attack claimed by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND).
My name is Charles Tonbra Okah, aka Billy Bones. On October 16, 2010 my residence in Apapa GRA was invaded by operatives of the State Security Services on the warrant that I was the suspected spokesman for MEND using the pseudonym “Jomo Gbomo.” My eldest son, visiting from the United States where he attends the University of Kansas (KU) was also arrested.
At the SSS Headquarters Abuja where we were flown to blindfolded with our legs and hands bound, my ‘cooperation’ was solicited for something completely different to my surprise. My captors threw me a lifeline; offering me our freedom and a lucrative contract in exchange for false testimony against my younger brother Henry, who is resident in South Africa. I was to write a false statement
claiming to have been told by Henry about the bomb plot and naming the following persons as his conspirators: Former Head of
State, General Ibrahim Babangida, Chief Raymond Dokpesi, Mallam Nasir El Rufai, Chief Timipre Sylva, and Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan. I bluntly refused.
To maintain pressure on me, I was told that my son would be implicated in the bomb matter, my containers of legitimate imports then at the Tin Can Port would be impounded and my business destroyed. I still did not budge, tossing their lifeline back with royal
disdain.
When they realized I was not going to connive in their scheme, they became formal and reverted to the main reason for my arrest. I
was asked for the MEND password which I told them I did not know. They bound me in a chair, took off my trousers and clamped a
device to my penis. My legs were then put inside a basin of water. The device when turned on passed a high voltage of electricity to my body and I lost consciousness. This was on Monday October 18 at about 6pm. When I regained consciousness, I discovered I was at the National Hospital emergency room. I remember the doctors asking why I had trauma marks on my chest where the SSS doctor performed Cardio Pulmonary Resuscitation (CPR). The SSS operatives were evasive in answering questions at the hospital. That night I was released and taken to rest for the night at the State House Clinic. That was the last time a torture was carried out on me.
My son was eventually released after Mr. Femi Falana visited in the company of my wife after a month of being denied access to a
lawyer. However, my containers have been impounded up to date and my bank account frozen.
The SSS stopped asking about the MEND password after Jomo Gbomo made another statement while I was in their custody but
refused to still let me go because I did not cooperate earlier with them. Meanwhile in the ongoing trial in South Africa, Henry is
accused of being the same Jomo Gbomo by the same people who say I am JG.

Double Standard in Kuje Prison:
On December 24, 2010 we were remanded in Kuje prison as a result of our application to be removed from the SSS detention cell.
Unknown to us, the SSS passed instructions from “above” to the prison authorities to carry out “special treatment” in order to
stampede us into a trial towards conviction. For 2 years we have been locked up in solitary confinement, are not allowed to exercise or get sunlight outside and are forced to sleep on the floor when bunk beds are available. Even a court order by Justice Gabriel Kolawole to the prison for a change in our confinement style was ignored after it was superseded by an ‘order from above.”
In late 2011, while locked up inside our cell block, prison officials clothed in protective apparel, face masks and gloves carried out
fumigation without opening us to wait outside. Our protests fell on deaf ears and by the time they were finished we were in distress.
The Youth Corper doctor on call tried her best within her limits to the emergency she was confronted with. The poisonous gas and
barbaric action reminiscent of the Nazi concentration camp infamous gas chambers, eventually led to the death of one Francis
Osuwo, aka Gboko, also roped into this case by the SSS and a man I have never met before.
Interestingly, the four persons in detention were strangers to each other except for one Obi Nwabueze who is a family friend and close associate of Henry.
The fumigant, whose chemical constituent were never relayed to us, have affected my neurological system and I have been on a
daily prescription of strong neurological medication prescribed by a neurologist of the National Hospital, Professor Bwala.
While the Boko Haram suspects at Kuje prison are allowed to worship in the prison mosque, we have never set foot in the prison
chapel. They are also enjoying privileges such as cable television, radio, liberty to move within the prison walls, bunk beds to sleep
on and phone calls to their families. We are denied all of the above.
When I asked the current Controller of FCT Command the reason for the disparity, he said “the fear of Boko Haram is the beginning of wisdom.” He further said the Moslem community was concerned about their welfare in custody.

Double Standard in the Court:
Even in the Courts where justice is supposed to be blind, the double standard is glaring. While Senator Ndume, accused of being a
financier to Boko Haram was given bail by the same Judge presiding over our case, we have been denied bail.
I understand that this Senator was permitted by the same court to travel on his religious obligation to Mecca for the lesser Hajj while we are refused from attending mass in a chapel less than 50 meters from our cell block.
The court is willing to permit the Senator approval to travel abroad for his medical check if he can provide proof that such check up is not done locally. Meanwhile, I have been denied my application to go on a compulsory checkup which in my case is mandatory for a kidney donor, having donated my left kidney to my mother 30 years ago.
Our cases have been adjourned repeatedly for cruelly long durations. The last time I appeared in court was March 2012 and the next adjourned date is January 31, 2013, that is if that date will not be shifted again under a flimsy excuse.
All we ask is for a free and fair justice from an independent Judiciary that should release us instead of holding us as scapegoats over an obvious power show. While this government continues holding us hostage, our families are becoming destitute.
Our rights to freely worship as Catholics is being infringed by the state who have more respect for Islam when all religions should be treated equally.

Double Standards in the Polity:
The National Security Adviser, Col Sambo Dasuki (rtd.) was quoted as saying that the government of President Goodluck Jonathan has the phone numbers of suspected Boko Haram sponsors. Later the Inspector General of Police said certain individuals had been put on a “watch list” as suspected Boko Haram sponsors.
Now the big question is why did the government not simply have our phone numbers and put us also on its ‘watch list” while we
move about freely? They did not hesitate to arrest us, clamp us on trumped-up charges and detain us on flimsy excuses. They did
not merely talk, they took action even in South Africa where my brother was arrested since 2010. Is there a better word to describe this other than hypocrisy?
The same government eager to negotiate with Boko Haram who claimed responsibility for over 100 attacks where Catholics have
suffered the brunt, have refused to negotiate with MEND and continue to delude themselves that all is well.
Why would this government expect Boko Haram to unmask it leaders and negotiate when they can see that perceived leaders and
supporters of MEND are being persecuted and jailed?
I welcome a fact-finding visit from the Church in the company of credible Human Rights groups to verify our allegations.
On the two occasions Kuje Prison was visited by the Bishop of Abuja during the Christmas of 2010 and 2011, he was surreptitiously steered away from where were we are held hostage and I believe he has no idea of what is going in inside Kuje prison.
Our prayers is that leaders of our Churches will be more sensitive and proactive in politics of the land that touches the lifes of their
followers and not leave delicate issues solely in the hands of corrupt and selfish politicians, and majority of the population rid of a
“Potiphar” mentality who believe lies when told by SSS.
May God save our beloved country.
Yours Sincerely,
Charles T. Okah


http://premiumtimesng.com/news/110397-how-govt-pressured-me-to-implicate-babangida-el-rufai-others-in-2010-bombing-
okah.html

THE Senate in dismissing the N4 billion that was proposed as First Ladies’ Mission House, a project that Mrs Patience Jonathan, the President’s wife was promoting, was so polite it missed an opportunity to make a point the growing appetite for opportunism.

Mrs Jonathan wanted a facility for activities of African first ladies. It was her pet project, a private venture, under a non-governmental organisation she runs.

How did the concerns of a private organisation become an item in the budget of the Federal Capital Territory, FCT? What gave the authorities of the FCT the audacity to imagine they could expend N4 billion of public funds on a private facility?

We find the FCT’s effrontery terrifying. If the amount was not big to draw attention, would it have passed? If it was concealed on a less prominent heading would the Senate have noticed?

Who initiated the inclusion of the project in the budget? Does the Senate not think it should investigate the attempt to mismanage public funds?

The proposed N4 billion expenditure would have been only 1.14 per cent of the FCT’s N350.73bn budget which the Senate passed, but that is beside the point. Whether it was N1 or N1 billion, public funds should be used for public projects and for the benefit of the public.

Appropriateness of the proposed expenditure had been an issue since last February when the FCT presented the budget to the National Assembly. Various civil society groups, political parties and the public were against the project. Their argument was simple – it was a private project.

Chairman, Senate Committee on FCT, Senator Smart Adeyemi, said “It is worthy of note that the proposed appropriation for the construction of building for the African First Ladies’ Peace Mission house has been distributed to meet pressing needs in the area of engineering and satellite towns.” He failed to mention that public opinion counted in that decision.

Abuja is decaying, but like the President of the Senate, David Mark said,  the authorities tend to see the dilapidation in physical terms, not in the lives of people, especially outside the developed municipality.

“There is a lot of traffic congestion. The streets are not being kept in very good condition; the gardens and the lawns are not being maintained; I think there are a lot of areas where the city has to work very well,” Mark said at the session.

Water, electricity, transportation, roads, housing, hospitals, schools are in shambles in FCT, in areas without lawns, streets or gardens. The saved N4 billion should be used to improve the lives of ordinary people. Governments are about the welfare of the people, ordinary people too, not just projects.
Source:The Vanguard-http://www.vanguardngr.com/2013/06/senate-n4b-first-ladies-project/

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