₦airaland Forum

APOPTOSIS:
We warned him but he refused.
People must have money in their pockets before diving into this
What's the human capital index of Ebonyi people ?
A street survey across Ebonyi would tell you what their plights are...
How many of them are frequent flyers let alone would want to fly into Ebonyi..
Anambra Airport is understandable.
Anambra was already due for one...

APOPTOSIS:
We warned him but he refused.
People must have money in their pockets before diving into this
What's the human capital index of Ebonyi people ?
A street survey across Ebonyi would tell you what their plights are...
How many of them are frequent flyers let alone would want to fly into Ebonyi..
Anambra Airport is understandable.
Anambra was already due for one...

Ewedegubbler:
Flyover. Yet ubiam na emelu unu aru

ebufa:
Ebonyi government trying very hard to be fulani! Na only Islamic schools full ebonyi.......you never know where ndiAbakaliki stand on any issue.........see Umahi licking Tinubu's feet , show me any road in Igboland that the mumu has completed.......yet he is blackmailing southeast governors to give his private construction company contracts........if not for hard-core Biafrans in ebonyi........fulani for don take the place! We will rescue Ebonyi sha!!

mohbadliveson:
Kemi Badenoch's shadow cabinet

Tokskob2008:
Shouldn't this kids be tried in juvenile court and where on earth are they supposed to come up with the outrageous bail money and sureties

AntiZikist:
An accelerated hearing will be sought before the Supreme Court and a final judgement passed at most within 2 weeks .

After which the House will reconvene and begin the process of impeaching Fubara for operating an illegal budget.

There's no escape for Fubara.

mrvitalis:
The case has been appealed ans stay of Exercusion would be granted... After that supreme Court.. Who knows maybe by 2045

This has no bearing even if I feel the case is baseless

yyba:
We need videos of when they are been received and register as APC members in there wards please

AntiZikist:
When did Ojukwu consult and secure an agreement with the minority people to join his useless Biafra ?

The same Ojukwu who led mostly Ibo soldiers to pillage ijaw communities in a bid to force Adaka Boro to surrender is the same one you think minority people will stupidly follow into his Biafra ?

What of the invasion and occupation of the then Midwest by Biafran forces and how they went about terrorising non Ibo people ?

Are you aware that a civilian militia composed mainly of Itsekiri, Urhobo, Bini, ijaw and Isoko youths was formed against the occupying biafran orcs?

Pls, present here any document or declaration entered by minority peoples in both the then Midwest and minority provinces of old Eastern Nigeria that they wanted to be part of your Biafra ?

Also can you explain why biafran soldiers were so paranoid of minority people assisting the federal forces ? Why should this be if they entered into your Biafra willingly?

Finally, don't give me that crap about the token useful idiot Philip Effiong as an excuse that the minority people were all in on Biafra.

Ezewuzie01:
Sit at home only takes place in the five south east states. Ikwerres have said it repeatedly that they are not Igbos and they want nothing to do with biafra. But you still see some Igbos are going around through their social media pages forcing Igbo identity on people who have repeatedly rejected them. That is embarrassing for Igbos as it makes Igbos look cheap, desperate, and beggarly.

gabbytabby:
Your emphasis is misguided because the issue is whether the establishment of the EFCC is constitutional or not. Not whether it aligns with federalism as you perceive it.

Cmoke:
So you say below that EFCC is unconstitutional "...centralization of anti-corruption enforcement violates state sovereignty." The foregoing argument is laughable because unlike the USA where most states were truly sovereign prior to the formation of USA, .Nigeria states were NEVER sovereign as they were creations of their master - the federal government! Secondly, how do you reconcile your arguments with the power of the Nigeria Police to operate nationwide?


The NPF a creation of the 1999 constitution, while EFFC is domesticated act of the national assembly which lacks jurisdiction over the 36 federating units of the country, which means unliked police with 36 commanding units,EFFC act will go through 36 states houses of Assembly for passage of the bill so it's jurisdiction will cover a whole that's the broader discussions of these very topic


You also lost us when you argued below that since "... several state governments and public officials have raised concerns about the EFCC’s authority, particularly regarding its involvement in state financial matters. The ongoing debate about the legality of the EFCC underscores the need for clarity..." Since when do several armed robbers raising concern about anti robbery laws lead to the conclusion that the laws are unconstitutional?

Cmoke


By Angela Ochioma

Femi Falana’s defense of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in response to Dr. Olisa Agbakoba’s claim about its legality raises several contradictions and shortcomings. While Falana attempts to paint the EFCC as constitutionally valid, his position undermines key principles of federalism and fails to address the agency's perceived overreach. The nature of Falana’s argument also reveals selective use of judicial rulings that gloss over essential nuances, weakening his stance on the EFCC’s legality.

One of the key issues with Falana’s argument is his dismissal of federalism concerns. Federalism is a core component of the Nigerian Constitution, which recognizes the autonomy of individual states in governance. Dr. Agbakoba’s critique of the EFCC hinges on this principle, arguing that the centralization of anti-corruption enforcement violates state sovereignty. Falana, however, overlooks this critical point. He defends the EFCC by asserting that the agency is supported by constitutional provisions, such as Section 15(5) of the 1999 Constitution, which mandates the state to abolish corrupt practices. But this broad interpretation of the law runs the risk of empowering the EFCC to interfere with state governments, eroding the delicate balance of power between the federal and state levels.

Falana's argument also suffers from internal inconsistency. On the one hand, he advocates for the authority of the EFCC to operate nationwide and prosecute corruption at all levels of government. On the other, he professes support for federalism, which emphasizes decentralization and the autonomy of states. This contradictory stance casts doubt on his commitment to the principle of federalism and raises concerns about his selective application of constitutional ideals. The EFCC, while vital in combatting corruption, operates in a manner that raises legitimate questions about federal overreach. Falana's failure to fully acknowledge these concerns undermines his broader argument.

Another issue with Falana’s defense is his selective citation of Supreme Court rulings to bolster the EFCC’s legality. He references past cases like **Attorney-General of Ondo State v Attorney-General of the Federation**, where the Supreme Court upheld the constitutional validity of anti-corruption bodies like the ICPC. However, this precedent does not directly translate to the EFCC’s operations, as the ICPC’s mandate and scope differ from the EFCC’s broader and more intrusive powers. The absence of a nuanced discussion on how these rulings apply to the unique challenges posed by the EFCC weakens Falana’s argument. Instead of addressing the specific nature of the EFCC’s overreach into state affairs, Falana uses broad rulings to justify its existence, ignoring the complexities involved in balancing federal powers with state sovereignty.

Moreover, Falana's failure to substantiate his claim that no court has ever declared the EFCC unconstitutional highlights a gap in his defense. While it may be true that no legal ruling has annulled the EFCC Act, this does not automatically legitimize the agency's actions, especially in cases where states have pushed back against federal interference. Falana overlooks the fact that several state governments and public officials have raised concerns about the EFCC’s authority, particularly regarding its involvement in state financial matters. The ongoing debate about the legality of the EFCC underscores the need for clarity, and Falana’s simplistic dismissal of these concerns does not help to resolve the issue.

Finally, Falana’s call for the National Assembly to amend the Constitution and formally entrench the EFCC and ICPC only further complicates his position. While this move may provide legal backing for the agencies’ existence, it does not address the fundamental issues of federal overreach and accountability. Instead of offering a comprehensive solution, Falana’s proposal risks entrenching an imbalance of power between the federal government and the states, potentially exacerbating tensions between different levels of governance.

In conclusion, Femi Falana’s defense of the EFCC is riddled with contradictions and selective reasoning. His argument overlooks the legitimate concerns of federalism, fails to engage with the nuances of judicial rulings, and sidesteps the ongoing debate about the agency's role in state affairs. While the fight against corruption is undoubtedly important, it must not come at the expense of state sovereignty or constitutional balance. Falana’s inconsistent defense does little to resolve these tensions and raises more questions than it answers about the future of anti-corruption efforts in Nigeria.

Kobojunkie:
How? Show evidence of this claim.

If an agency was created as an arm of the Nigerian Police Force and signed into Law in 2002 by Nigerian Law makers, what makes said agency an illegal organization?

Kobojunkie:
How? Show evidence of this claim.

If an agency was created as an arm of the Nigerian Police Force and signed into Law in 2002 by Nigerian Law makers, what makes said agency an illegal organization?

Kobojunkie:
So?

Kobojunkie:
The very same section you just quoted from the constitution... Section 214.

Kobojunkie:
Why do we need to engage in such useless endeavors abeg? Get Straight to your point instead!

Kobojunkie:
Wrong! The Nigerian Police Force was instead created by the Police Act which was amended in 2020— Police Act 2020— by the Law makers in Nigeria.

The Constitution instead required the existence of a Police Force in the Country. The makeup, and number of arms(agencies that comprise Law enforcement, etc.), of that Police Force, however, was left to the decision of the Lawmakers. The decision of the Lawmakers to create several arms for the Police Force(NPF, EFCC, DSS, ICPC...) is well within that defined by the Supreme Law of the Land.

---

The United States can be used as an example here. When it comes to Federal Law enforcement, there are at least 80 different agencies — DHS, CIA, FBI, Coast Guard, ICE, Office of the Inspector General....(there are so many of them, and they are all part of Federal Law enforcement.

Kobojunkie:
The EFCC Act of 2002 was enacted — signed into Law — in 2002 and the EFCC began operations in April of 2003 , after the appointment of the pioneer Executive Chairman, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu. .

Kobojunkie:
EFCC was established— became law — in 2002 via the EFCC Act of 2002. Look at the image below to see the difference in dates?

Kobojunkie:
Here's a simple question for you. What international anti-graft agency did Nigeria join and when did Nigeria join it?

Kobojunkie:
EFCC didn't have 2/3rd approval of the State Governors? Why was such an approval need or even considered necessary abeg? Did the establishment of the NPF also require approval from the State Governors or what?

2. EFCC is established as part of the policing system in Nigeria. So, I really do not understand for a minute why any of this non-issue is being made an issue at all.

Kobojunkie:
Wrong! You cannot CONSTITUTIONALLY amend or legislate corruption away!

Even that independent appointment of the chairman can tomorrow sell out to the highest bidder. We have seen this happen time and time again in history, enough to realize that it does not take more laws to boot corruption but rather transparency and involvement/participation of the people at all levels... When the people become the eyes and ears at every level of Government... then we have a better chance of beating corruption in that country.

Winks2:
I can emphatically tell you that this Party, APC has prepared the results of 2027 Presidential Elections.
Why did I say this? It's because the confidence they have to win the coming general elections, despite the deplorable and pitiable state of the country ls really very shocking. They are in high spirits, they are bold and confident. I don't know where the confidence is coming from, but they are sure of emerging victorious.

In ur village!!!! It was written

They feel they can go Scot free, regardless of their misgovernance and poor representation. They have always taken us for granted since our Votes are inconsequential. Irrespective of whether we vote or not, they think they Will still Win, since they have the results already.

yyba:
Those that means everyone should disobey court orders? Where were when he was disobeying court orders? What did you do as patriotic Nigerian?

CyrusVI:
And for thst reason, he also shouldnt obey court order?

You guys are worse than the APC you attack everyday

Anarchist in the making

yarimo:
Keep fooling yourself, obaseki said more than this today he is regretting his actions

Lifestone:
This is loud and clear, they don't want to be part of the South Eastern Region. Why are Igbos strongly claiming Ika people are of Igbo extraction. With this statement from the Dein, this should be laid to rest.