₦airaland Forum

Kukutente23:
Exactly what a bot would say
The post you quoted was actually on your side and insulting Obi not you as you concluded. So it's definitely not an Obidient account
If you were not a bot you'll see that
What constitutes a standard response if I may ask

I no get time to dey shalaye. If that particular account no be Obidient, no wahala. But the pattern remains the same: less substance, more insult, more distraction. If you have a counter, drop it. If not, no need for long grammar.

sweerychick:
OP Tinubu took tough calls. Nobody’s denying that. But “serious direction” has to show up in your pot, your meter, and your safety. Right now the macro slides say “reforming,” the micro slides say “we’re still bleeding.” check my counter thread in politics section.

I agree with you. but macro still matters.
Macro is important because a sick foundation cannot produce a healthy house.

If the exchange rate is chaotic, reserves are weak, subsidy is bleeding government, and debt is choking the treasury, then life at the market stall will only get worse over time.

So macro improvement is like repairing the engine of a bus.
Passengers may still be sweating inside for now, but if the engine is not fixed, the bus will not move at all. A fair conclusion is this: the reforms are working at the level of stabilization, reserves, ratings, market confidence, and some structural repair — but they are not yet working enough in the kitchen, transport park, and market stall. Both things can be true at the same time.

Kukutente23:
It's obvious this is a bot account
Seun take note

Thank you . but it is not. i sometimes repost a standard response for nincompoops who cannot address issues frontally.

TemplarLandry:
He speaks like an imbẹ́cile. Add that.

Thank you for proving the point of my article. When Obidients cannot answer substance, they quickly switch to abuse.

“slowpoke” is not an argument; it is what people use when they have run out of one. If my ten reasons are weak, address them one by one.

But once you abandon the issues and start attacking the writer, you have already confessed that the facts are heavier than your response.

There is a proverb: when a man cannot untie the knot, he begins to curse the rope. Insult may satisfy anger, but it never defeats substance. In the end, the empty drum makes the loudest noise, but it still remains empty.

TemplarLandry:
He speaks like an imbẹ́cile. Add that.

Thank you for proving the point of my article. When Obidients cannot answer substance, they quickly switch to abuse. “slowpoke” is not an argument; it is what people use when they have run out of one. If my ten reasons are weak, address them one by one. But once you abandon the issues and start attacking the writer, you have already confessed that the facts are heavier than your response. There is a proverb: when a man cannot untie the knot, he begins to curse the rope. Insult may satisfy anger, but it never defeats substance. In the end, the empty drum makes the loudest noise, but it still remains empty.

Jlow2:
give ten problems tinubu has solved in nigeria since he assumed office in 2023

Since you asked. 12 more. Remember i promised 100. here is an additional 12 focus on infrastructure. Please sray tuned

Twelve Road Reasons I Will Be Voting for President Tinubu in 2027

1. He is not just announcing roads; he is commissioning them.
That matters in Nigeria, where too many governments speak in signboards and leave potholes behind.

2. Abuja now has visible, completed road projects, not only drawings.
The N20 arterial road was completed and commissioned this week , adding a major new carriageway to the capital’s road network.

3. The Ushafa–War College road in Bwari is completed and in use.
That is important because it shows infrastructure is reaching beyond the glossy city centre into the wider FCT.

4. The Kuje corridor has been transformed from a death trap into a working route.
That kind of project affects commuters, workers, and airport access in real life, not just in speeches.

5. The Outer Southern Expressway corridor has moved from long talk to commissioned carriageways.
That is practical urban expansion, not ceremonial politics.

6. The Enugu–Port Harcourt road has seen real completion, not endless excuse.
Its Enugu–Lokpanta section was commissioned, ending years of frustration on one of the South East’s key corridors.

7. The collapsed New Artisan bridge in Enugu was reconstructed.
That is the kind of intervention that restores safety and economic movement, not just optics.

8. The Akpoha bridge in Ebonyi was delivered as a replacement for a near-collapsed structure.
That is infrastructure as rescue, not just politics.

9. The Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway has moved beyond argument into visible execution.
Its first section was commissioned, and work on the opening stretch reached high completion levels before inauguration.

10. The Abuja–Kaduna–Kano corridor is no longer frozen.
The Zuba–Jere section has been reported as fully completed, showing movement on a road of major northern economic importance.

11. The administration is building roads as economic corridors, not isolated patches.
That is the logic behind the coastal highway and the Sokoto–Badagry superhighway: connect trade, reduce logistics cost, and tie regions together.

12. The pattern is now clear: completion, commissioning, and continuity.
No government is perfect, but this one has enough completed roads and measurable progress to show that its infrastructure story is no longer theory.

Jlow2:
give ten problems tinubu has solved in nigeria since he assumed office in 2023

Thank you . here are the first ten set with focus on areas tinubu have materially improved several long-running structural problems
Note this just part 1. i will give 100 specific , verifiable problems tinubu has solved. Thank you for asking.

Here are **ten problems Tinubu has solved or substantially addressed [/b]since 2023**. I’m saying **“[b]solved or substantially addressed”** on purpose, because some of these areas are clearly improved but not fully finished. that's why am voting for him again so that he can complete the good works he has started.

1. The petrol-subsidy drain.
Tinubu ended the long-running petrol subsidy regime that had become a major fiscal burden and distortion in public finance. That did not remove pain, but it did remove a structural leak that had been draining state capacity for years.

2. The multiple-exchange-rate mess and FX opacity.
Reuters reported that stronger net reserves and improved market confidence were linked to clearer forex rules, better transparency, and reduced distortions in the currency market. That means the old opaque FX regime has been materially cleaned up. ([Reuters][3])

3. Nigeria’s external-accounts weakness.
Nigeria moved from balance-of-payments deficits in 2022 and 2023 to a **$6.83 billion surplus in 2024**, with a **$13.17 billion goods-trade surplus** and higher remittances. That is a real macroeconomic turnaround.

4. Weak reserve buffers.
Reuters reported net FX reserves rose to **$34.8 billion by end-2025**, up from **$3.99 billion two years earlier**, while gross reserves also climbed strongly. That is a major improvement in Nigeria’s external safety cushion.

5. Excessive fiscal slippage.
Reuters reported Tinubu said the fiscal deficit narrowed to **3.0% of GDP in 2024** from **5.4% in 2023**, supported by stronger government revenue. That is not cosmetic; it is a sign of fiscal repair.

6[b]. The unresolved minimum-wage dispute.[/b]
The government negotiated a new **₦70,000 minimum wage**, and Reuters reported parliament passed the bill, ending the labour dispute around the wage floor. That did not end hardship, but it did resolve a major national industrial standoff. ([Reuters][5])

7. The long-stalled state-police debate.
Reuters reported lawmakers advanced the constitutional reform for **state police** with Tinubu’s backing, calling it the biggest progress yet on a reform long debated as a response to deepening insecurity. ([Reuters][6])

**8. Oil-and-gas revenue leakages.**
Reuters reported Tinubu ordered that all oil and gas revenues owed to government be paid directly into the **federation account**, ending the old pattern of heavy deductions before remittance. That is a concrete fix to a long-standing fiscal complaint.

9. Electricity-sector fiscal stress.
Reuters reported Nigeria cut electricity subsidies by **35%** after tariff reform for Band A users, reducing the tariff shortfall from **₦3 trillion to ₦1.9 trillion** and raising sector revenue. That is a real cleanup of one chronic problem, even though the power sector remains weak. ([Reuters][8])

**10. Stagnant electricity output and weak rural access.**
Reuters reported power generation rose about **30%** to nearly **6,000MW** after part of the grid overhaul was completed, and separately reported a **$200 million mini-grid deal** to expand power access for **1.5–2 million people** in rural and peri-urban areas. That does not solve power, but it does show concrete movement on generation and access.

Tinubu has not solved everything Nigerians complain about, but he has clearly solved or materially improved several long-running structural problems that previous governments avoided, delayed, or decorated.

Macro signs mean the economy is standing up straighter; micro signs mean the people are still waiting to feel the relief in their pockets.


The roof may be getting repaired, but the rain is still falling inside the room.


So when we say the reforms are working at the macro level, we mean the engine is improving. But until that improvement reaches the kitchen, transport park, and market stall, ordinary people will still say the journey is too hard.

Tinubu is not responsible for all the mistakes of the past, but he may be the first in a long while willing to pay the political price of trying to correct them.

So when we say the reforms are working at the macro level, we mean the engine is improving. But until that improvement reaches the kitchen, transport park, and market stall, ordinary people will still say the journey is too hard.

Subsidy looked kind, but it was bleeding the country. Cheap official dollars looked helpful, but they were distorting the economy. Delayed choices looked merciful, but they were making the final bill heavier. So the issue is not whether the reforms are painful. They are. The issue is whether somebody finally had the courage to administer bitter medicine instead of sweet poison.

And that is where Tinubu stands apart.

Others described the problem. He touched it. Others criticized distortion. He moved against it. Others knew the roof was leaking. He is the one inside the storm with hammer and nails.

Ten signs Tinubu’s reforms are working, stated as signs, not as a claim that everything is already fine.
macro

1[b]. Nigeria moved back into external surplus.[/b]
Reuters reported Nigeria posted a $6.83 billion balance-of-payments surplus in 2024, driven by stronger trade performance and renewed investor confidence. That is a real sign of macro stabilization.

2. Foreign-exchange reserves improved sharply.
Reuters reported Nigeria’s net FX reserves rose to $34.8 billion at end-2025, up from $3.99 billion two years earlier, while gross reserves also increased. That points to better external buffers and improved confidence in the FX market.

3. Investor and ratings sentiment improved.
Reuters reported Moody’s upgraded Nigeria’s rating to B3 in 2025, citing better external and fiscal positions, and S&P revised Nigeria’s outlook to positive later in 2025, saying the reforms should yield medium-term benefits.

4. Even critics of the government now admit the reforms improved stability.
Reuters reported the IMF said Nigeria’s reforms have boosted stability, even while warning that millions still remain in poverty. That means the hardship is real, but the stabilization effect is also real.

5. The naira market is more transparent and less distorted than before.
Reuters reported the CBN linked stronger reserves and steadier market conditions to reforms that improved transparency and defined FX rules more clearly. That is a direct sign that the old opaque, backlog-heavy system has been partly cleaned up.

6. The government reduced a major subsidy burden in electricity.
Reuters reported Nigeria cut electricity subsidies by 35% after the Band A tariff reform, lowering pressure on public finances and improving sector revenue. That is painful politics, but it is also fiscal repair.

7. Power-sector reform is moving from talk to financial cleanup.
Reuters reported the government approved a ₦4 trillion electricity-sector debt refinancing plan to stabilize the industry and support improved supply. That matters because unpaid legacy debt has long crippled investment in generation and transmission.

8[b]. A major long-delayed security reform is finally moving.[/b]
Reuters reported lawmakers advanced the state police reform bill with Tinubu’s backing, the biggest progress yet on a reform Nigeria has debated for years. That is a sign of policy movement, not just rhetoric.

9. Workers got a higher wage floor during reform.
Reuters reported the minimum wage was raised to ₦70,000, ending a labour standoff. That does not solve the cost-of-living crisis, but it shows the government is not reforming with no wage response at all.

10. The reform story is attracting renewed outside interest.
Reuters reported Standard Chartered said reforms, including subsidy removal and greater central-bank reliability, are helping African countries including Nigeria win back investors. That does not happen when reforms are seen as pure failure.

A fair conclusion is this: the reforms are working at the level of stabilization, reserves, ratings, market confidence, and some structural repair — but they are not yet working enough in the kitchen, transport park, and market stall. Both things can be true at the same time

1vandragon:
Majority of the reforms are not well thought out, poorly executed or tied to his personal interest.

Reforms that do not affect political office holders...

Tinubu did not create all the economic distortions Nigeria is now struggling with, but he is the one who chose to confront them instead of decorating them. The subsidy trap, the artificial exchange-rate system, the fiscal leakage, the culture of postponing hard decisions, and the habit of borrowing to comfort today while mortgaging tomorrow were not born in May 2023. They were accumulated over years of political cowardice and economic make-believe. What Tinubu did was not to invent the sickness, but to stop pretending it was health.

ngmgeek:
Only 10 reasons. Why not 100 reasons? 🤔

Una go reasons tire. Bulaba!

*You are proving my point.
I assume you have no real response to what I stated. Otherwise, you would have addressed the reasons one by one instead of dancing around them. There is a proverb: when a man has no answer, he begins to chase shadows. Silence in the face of substance is often the loudest confession of weakness. He who cannot untie the knot should stop pretending he holds the rope. In the end, the empty drum makes the loudest noise, but it still remains empty.

On Soludo:
They abused Soludo for speaking hard truths; today Soludo speaks of a “social media mob.” When you fight every truth-teller, do not be shocked when truth stops smiling at you.

A party that cannot keep peace in its own parlour should be careful promising peace to a whole country.

That is the present comedy of NDC.

It entered the scene with the trumpet of rescue, but within weeks it was already busy firefighting inside its own compound. Peter Obi arrived after fleeing ADC’s court cases and factional quarrels, only for the new house to begin shaking under fresh tension. Reuters reported that Obi and Kwankwaso left ADC because of “internal conflicts and mistrust,” then ran into NDC as the new shelter. ([Reuters][1])


So this is the party that wants to deliver Nigeria?

A platform that has barely arranged its own chairs is already talking of arranging the furniture of the federation. A house whose tenants are still quarrelling over rooms is shouting that it will redesign the whole city.

There is a proverb for this: **he who cannot carry his own mat should not boast of carrying the market stall.**

NDC should first prove it can manage tickets, tempers, egos, and supporters under one roof. Until then, its rescue language sounds like a man promising to save the village while his own hut is on fire.

fergie001:
Peter Obi addresses Nigerians in Washington DC

Peter Obi is right about one narrow point: citizens must stay, watch, and protect their votes. But beyond that, this sounds too much like the old politics of preparing excuses before the contest has even begun. A serious leader does not keep talking about rigging as if defeat is already written and only fraud can explain it. That is like a student abusing the examiner before entering the exam hall, so that if he fails, the excuse is already waiting at the door.

1. He took the hardest economic decisions instead of preserving a lie.
Removing fuel subsidy and liberalising FX were painful, but they addressed distortions that had become fiscally unsustainable. Reuters has consistently reported that these reforms were harsh, but central to stabilising public finances and investor confidence.

2. The economy is hurting less chaotically than before.
The pain is real, but macro indicators have improved: Reuters reported a 2024 balance-of-payments surplus, and reserves rose sharply into 2025–2026. A president should be judged not only by comfort today, but by whether he is rebuilding the foundation.

3. He made states financially stronger.
FAAC distributions have risen significantly since subsidy removal. The Finance Ministry reported **₦1.578 trillion** shared in March 2025 alone, while later analysis showed total FAAC allocations rose sharply year-on-year. States now have more money; the real question is whether governors are using it well.

4. He pushed the most serious progress yet on state police.
Reuters reported on **June 11, 2026** that Nigeria’s parliament advanced the constitutional bill enabling state police, with Tinubu backing it. That is not a slogan; it is concrete movement on a reform Nigerians have debated for years.

5. He has moved power supply forward, even if the sector is not yet fixed.
Reuters reported Nigeria’s electricity output surged to nearly **6,000 MW** in March 2025 after grid-overhaul progress. Government also approved **₦185 billion** to clear gas debts and support generation. In power, progress is not perfection, but progress still counts.

6. He kept higher education more stable than the ASUU-darkness era Nigerians remember.
Nigeria suffered an **eight-month ASUU strike in 2022** before Tinubu. Since he took office, there have been disputes and warning actions, but not a repeat of that prolonged nationwide paralysis. He also approved part-payment of withheld salaries to lecturers in 2023 to cool tensions.

7. He opened a real student-support pipeline.
Tinubu signed the reworked student-loan law in 2024, and by April 2026 reporting said **1.38 million beneficiaries** had received support amounting to over **₦242 billion**. That is not theory; that is direct educational intervention at scale.

8. He raised the minimum wage instead of pretending wages could remain frozen.
Reuters reported the federal minimum wage process culminated in a higher floor after difficult negotiations. It does not solve everything, but it matters in a reform period where households are under pressure.

9. He is building long-term economic tools, not only making speeches.
Reuters reported new moves on consumer credit and a national credit-guarantee framework to widen access to finance for citizens and businesses. That is the kind of structural support that matters if growth is to become more broad-based.

10. He governs like a man carrying the burden of office, not like a protest candidate performing outrage.
Tinubu may not be perfect, but he has shown willingness to take politically costly decisions, push reforms, negotiate wages, decentralise policing, strengthen state finances, and keep working through turbulence. Nigeria needs endurance, not just excitement.

Conclusion:
President Tinubu inherited a distorted economy, a weak power system, overstretched public finance, and a long security crisis. He has not solved everything, but he has moved on difficult reforms, strengthened state revenues, pushed power and policing reform, avoided a repeat of the old ASUU paralysis, and expanded support through wages and student loans. **That is why I will be voting for him in 2027: not because the journey is painless, but because the direction is serious.**

1. He took the hardest economic decisions instead of preserving a lie.
Removing fuel subsidy and liberalising FX were painful, but they addressed distortions that had become fiscally unsustainable. Reuters has consistently reported that these reforms were harsh, but central to stabilising public finances and investor confidence.

2. The economy is hurting less chaotically than before.
The pain is real, but macro indicators have improved: Reuters reported a 2024 balance-of-payments surplus, and reserves rose sharply into 2025–2026. A president should be judged not only by comfort today, but by whether he is rebuilding the foundation.

3. He made states financially stronger.
FAAC distributions have risen significantly since subsidy removal. The Finance Ministry reported **₦1.578 trillion** shared in March 2025 alone, while later analysis showed total FAAC allocations rose sharply year-on-year. States now have more money; the real question is whether governors are using it well.

4. He pushed the most serious progress yet on state police.
Reuters reported on **June 11, 2026** that Nigeria’s parliament advanced the constitutional bill enabling state police, with Tinubu backing it. That is not a slogan; it is concrete movement on a reform Nigerians have debated for years.

5. He has moved power supply forward, even if the sector is not yet fixed.
Reuters reported Nigeria’s electricity output surged to nearly **6,000 MW** in March 2025 after grid-overhaul progress. Government also approved **₦185 billion** to clear gas debts and support generation. In power, progress is not perfection, but progress still counts.

6. He kept higher education more stable than the ASUU-darkness era Nigerians remember.
Nigeria suffered an **eight-month ASUU strike in 2022** before Tinubu. Since he took office, there have been disputes and warning actions, but not a repeat of that prolonged nationwide paralysis. He also approved part-payment of withheld salaries to lecturers in 2023 to cool tensions.

7. He opened a real student-support pipeline.
Tinubu signed the reworked student-loan law in 2024, and by April 2026 reporting said **1.38 million beneficiaries** had received support amounting to over **₦242 billion**. That is not theory; that is direct educational intervention at scale.

8. He raised the minimum wage instead of pretending wages could remain frozen.
Reuters reported the federal minimum wage process culminated in a higher floor after difficult negotiations. It does not solve everything, but it matters in a reform period where households are under pressure.

9. He is building long-term economic tools, not only making speeches.
Reuters reported new moves on consumer credit and a national credit-guarantee framework to widen access to finance for citizens and businesses. That is the kind of structural support that matters if growth is to become more broad-based.

10. He governs like a man carrying the burden of office, not like a protest candidate performing outrage.
Tinubu may not be perfect, but he has shown willingness to take politically costly decisions, push reforms, negotiate wages, decentralise policing, strengthen state finances, and keep working through turbulence. Nigeria needs endurance, not just excitement.

Conclusion:
President Tinubu inherited a distorted economy, a weak power system, overstretched public finance, and a long security crisis. He has not solved everything, but he has moved on difficult reforms, strengthened state revenues, pushed power and policing reform, avoided a repeat of the old ASUU paralysis, and expanded support through wages and student loans. **That is why I will be voting for him in 2027: not because the journey is painless, but because the direction is serious.**

LagosOrigin:
You're a tinubu supporter, stop disguising.

OK go and vote for atiku na

You are right . I will be voting for president Tinubu . Here are just ten reasons why.



Ten Reasons I Will Be Voting for President Tinubu in 2027

1. He took the hardest economic decisions instead of preserving a lie.
Removing fuel subsidy and liberalising FX were painful, but they addressed distortions that had become fiscally unsustainable. Reuters has consistently reported that these reforms were harsh, but central to stabilising public finances and investor confidence. ([Reuters][1])

2. The economy is hurting less chaotically than before.
The pain is real, but macro indicators have improved: Reuters reported a 2024 balance-of-payments surplus, and reserves rose sharply into 2025–2026. A president should be judged not only by comfort today, but by whether he is rebuilding the foundation. ([Reuters][1])

3. He made states financially stronger.
FAAC distributions have risen significantly since subsidy removal. The Finance Ministry reported **₦1.578 trillion** shared in March 2025 alone, while later analysis showed total FAAC allocations rose sharply year-on-year. States now have more money; the real question is whether governors are using it well. ([Federal Ministry of Finance][2])

4. He pushed the most serious progress yet on state police.
Reuters reported on **June 11, 2026** that Nigeria’s parliament advanced the constitutional bill enabling state police, with Tinubu backing it. That is not a slogan; it is concrete movement on a reform Nigerians have debated for years. ([Reuters][3])

5. He has moved power supply forward, even if the sector is not yet fixed.
Reuters reported Nigeria’s electricity output surged to nearly **6,000 MW** in March 2025 after grid-overhaul progress. Government also approved **₦185 billion** to clear gas debts and support generation. In power, progress is not perfection, but progress still counts.

6. He kept higher education more stable than the ASUU-darkness era Nigerians remember.
Nigeria suffered an **eight-month ASUU strike in 2022** before Tinubu. Since he took office, there have been disputes and warning actions, but not a repeat of that prolonged nationwide paralysis. He also approved part-payment of withheld salaries to lecturers in 2023 to cool tensions. ([Reuters][5])

7. He opened a real student-support pipeline.
Tinubu signed the reworked student-loan law in 2024, and by April 2026 reporting said **1.38 million beneficiaries** had received support amounting to over **₦242 billion**. That is not theory; that is direct educational intervention at scale. ([National Universities Commission][6])

8. He raised the minimum wage instead of pretending wages could remain frozen.
Reuters reported the federal minimum wage process culminated in a higher floor after difficult negotiations. It does not solve everything, but it matters in a reform period where households are under pressure. ([Reuters][7])

9. He is building long-term economic tools, not only making speeches.
Reuters reported new moves on consumer credit and a national credit-guarantee framework to widen access to finance for citizens and businesses. That is the kind of structural support that matters if growth is to become more broad-based. ([Reuters][8])

10. He governs like a man carrying the burden of office, not like a protest candidate performing outrage.
Tinubu may not be perfect, but he has shown willingness to take politically costly decisions, push reforms, negotiate wages, decentralise policing, strengthen state finances, and keep working through turbulence. Nigeria needs endurance, not just excitement.

Conclusion:
President Tinubu inherited a distorted economy, a weak power system, overstretched public finance, and a long security crisis. He has not solved everything, but he has moved on difficult reforms, strengthened state revenues, pushed power and policing reform, avoided a repeat of the old ASUU paralysis, and expanded support through wages and student loans. **That is why I will be voting for him in 2027: not because the journey is painless, but because the direction is serious.

Jlow2:
Just be proud as an agbado eater than hiding under the guise of of giving reasons of not voting Peter Obi, no reasonable person can listen to tinubu and know his antecedents in Lagos and still vote him

So instead of answering ten reasons, your own response is payroll investigation. Thank you for confirming the article: more abuse than alternatives.
Answer the argument, not your imagination.
“Stipend” is not a rebuttal.

guass:
How are you able to cope with that little stipend u are receiving from APC. Don't u buy gas, pay rent, pay school fees, fuel ur car, generator. Don't u feed ur family.

When Obidients cannot answer substance, they open their last remaining shop: “How much APC is paying you?” It is a cheap way of avoiding the real debate. If my points are wrong, refute them. If all you have is stipend talk, then you are not discussing politics — you are advertising intellectual bankruptcy.

OredoPikin:
When we started this movement, I believed the goal was clear: to make Peter Obi president and birth a new Nigeria we could all be proud of.

But from the events so far with the NDC, it has become obvious that many people are more interested in what they can get from the movement than in the movement itself.

The NDC was already an existing party before the Obidient Movement joined forces with them. They had their structure and plans in place. They accepted us, gave us the top two positions, and allocated other positions as well. When the party later said let us share the remaining positions, some members became angry. Because they did not get what they wanted, they started insulting the party, its leaders, and even Peter Obi.

To make Obi president, we must be willing to compromise. You cannot walk into an established party and immediately try to hijack its structure. Some of those who felt sidelined even tried to set Obi and Kwankwaso against each other.

Ambition is good, but the ambition of the movement must come before personal ambition. If you believe you have what it takes to win an election, there are other parties you can contest under. You cannot ride on the momentum of the movement, and when things do not go your way, start insulting everyone and questioning the main goal because Obi refused to hand over the ticket.

For these reasons, as an active member of Obidient movement that have defended it both online and offline and right here on this nairaland forum from day one.
from today I, OredoPikin cease to be called an Obidient on this forum.
Instead please call me a Peter Obi supporter and also a supporter of the decision of the vehicle (NDC) he is using.

Thank you.

There is a proverb for this: the man who enters every market with a whip should not complain when traders stop smiling at him.

And that may be the real tragedy of the Obidient style. A movement that should be gathering friends for Obi is too often busy harvesting fresh enemies for him.

DomPerignon:
Signs of being part of a hero-worshipping or cult-like movement include idolizing the leader as an infallible prophet or saint, blind obedience to their words without critical thinking, and social isolation from outside influences who are depicted as corrupt or evil.

Obidients and the New Front Against NDC

What is happening between Aisha Yesufu and NDC is more than an ordinary quarrel over a party ticket. It is another warning sign that parts of the Obidient movement do not know how to enter a coalition without trying to dominate it.

Aisha Yesufu joined NDC after leaving ADC and positioned herself for the FCT Senate race. But once the ticket process did not go her way, the quarrel moved into the open. She publicly confronted party leaders, rejected claims that she stepped down, and accused the party of changing procedures and failing to honour prior commitments.

That is where the larger political lesson begins.

DomPerignon:
Oredopikin, welcome to the insanity that is obidient movement.

You will now see what we were seeing looking from outside into the asylum that was obidient movement.

FYI A4alpha, oredopikin has been one of the top ten obidient posters here and his posts are rated among one of the worst top fanatical obidient posters..

Feel free to attack your own.

For months, Obidients have acted as though every party Peter Obi enters should immediately become an extension of Obi’s personal camp. ADC felt the heat. Now NDC is feeling it too. Instead of patience, integration, and respect for the platform, what often arrives first is pressure, entitlement, and public combat.

This is politically foolish.

OredoPikin:
Sorry to disappoint you.
Obi is the only answer we need now and i will campaign vigorously for him and NDC candidates

Ten Reasons I Will Not Vote Peter Obi in 2027

He inspires emotion, but he does not impose order. A president must control a coalition, not just excite a crowd.
He changes platforms too easily. A man still searching for a stable political roof should not be asking for the keys to Aso Rock.
He has enthusiasm, not enduring structure. Hashtags can trend, but only structure wins power and sustains it.
His support base often repels the allies he needs. A movement known more for abuse than alternatives shrinks its own coalition.
He speaks like a lecturer, not always like a coalition builder. Nigeria needs persuasion, not just presentations.
He rode a wave in 2023 but could not preserve the gains. Winning seats is one thing; keeping them under one roof is another.
He struggles to discipline loyalists. A man who cannot manage followers will struggle to manage a federation.
He benefits from protest energy, but protest is not governance. Anger can launch a campaign; it cannot run a country.
He is strongest in passion-heavy zones, weaker in broad national spread. Regional intensity is not the same as national viability.
He criticizes loudly, but the alternative often sounds thin. A president must offer more than complaint.

Conclusion: Peter Obi may inspire passion, but passion is not preparation. Nigeria needs structure, discipline, coalition depth, and executive steadiness.

CharlesCNG:
The second problem is irresponsibility. It is easy to chant removal. It is harder to explain replacement. What exactly is the alternative security blueprint? What is the new plan for intelligence, rural policing, forest governance, border control, anti-kidnap financing, and military reform? If all you have is anger and a slogan, then you are not offering leadership. You are chasing clouds.

Democracy does not forbid protest. Protest is legitimate. Citizens have every right to demand security, accountability, and reform. But democracy also demands responsibility. A protester is not above the duty to think through consequences.

VeryDarkMan wants the moral drama of revolt without the burden of constitutional seriousness. That is not courage. That is recklessness with a camera.

ogododo:
Protesters chant 'Tinubu must go' on streets of Abuja today.

Protesters chant 'Tinubu must go' on streets of Abuja today.

Video Credit : ComedianKoboko // IG pic.twitter.com/9vfr9MdiX0

— Vanguard Newspapers (@vanguardngrnews) June 11, 2026

The second problem is irresponsibility. It is easy to chant removal. It is harder to explain replacement. What exactly is the alternative security blueprint? What is the new plan for intelligence, rural policing, forest governance, border control, anti-kidnap financing, and military reform? If all you have is anger and a slogan, then you are not offering leadership. You are chasing clouds.

ogododo:
Nawa oo. Na from clap dance dey start.

Tinubu Must Go” Is Not a Plan

VeryDarkMan’s latest “Tinubu Must Go” protest in Abuja may generate noise, headlines, and social-media excitement, but that does not make it serious politics. Leadership reported that the protest was framed around insecurity and featured chants of “Tinubu must go, APC must go, bandits must go, terrorists must go.”

The first problem is constitutional. In a democracy, a president does not leave office because an influencer shouts loud enough on the street. Nigeria’s Constitution provides lawful paths: election, resignation, death, incapacity, or removal under Section 143.

alanto:
Una no de hear. Obi does not control Obidients. It's the other way round.

That is a very dangerous argument. It is like saying Hitler had no control over the Nazi street thugs — that they somehow controlled him. If that is true of Peter Obi and the Obidients, then it is even more alarming. It means he is not just surrounded by a monster created in his name; he is too weak, too hesitant, and too deficient in leadership to restrain it. A real leader does not hide behind the excesses of his followers. He draws boundaries, imposes discipline, and makes it clear that loyalty is not a license for madness. So if Obi truly cannot control the toxic machinery built around him, then the conclusion is simple: he lacks one of the first qualities of leadership — the ability to govern his own camp before asking to govern a country.

aswani:
Good post, another one that aptly captures Peter Obí and his Obidients and the issues they have with reality.

Hope Obidients read this post too and change their ways.

Thanks once more for this post, articulated clearly in a way lesser mortals like us can.

Peter Obi inspires emotion, but leadership is more than emotion. He keeps changing political platforms, struggles to build lasting structure, and has not shown the ability to discipline a support base that often drives away the very allies he needs. He rode a strong wave in 2023, but he could not preserve its gains. Protest energy can launch a campaign, but it cannot run a country. Nigeria needs a leader with order, structure, coalition depth, national spread, and a clear alternative agenda — not just loud criticism and passionate followers. Passion is not preparation. Noise is not governance. And excitement is not executive capacity.

1. He inspires emotion, but he does not impose order.
A president must control a coalition, not just excite a crowd.

2. He changes platforms too easily.
A man still searching for a stable political roof should not be asking for the keys to Aso Rock.

3. He has enthusiasm, not enduring structure.
Hashtags can trend, but only structure wins power and sustains it.

4. His support base often repels the allies he needs.
A movement known more for abuse than alternatives shrinks its own coalition.

5. He speaks like a lecturer, not always like a coalition builder.
Nigeria needs persuasion, not just presentations.

6[b]. He rode a wave in 2023 but could not preserve the gains.[/b]
Winning seats is one thing; keeping them under one roof is another.

7. He struggles to discipline loyalists.
A man who cannot manage followers will struggle to manage a federation.

8. He benefits from protest energy, but protest is not governance.
Anger can launch a campaign; it cannot run a country.

9. He is strongest in passion-heavy zones, weaker in broad national spread.
Regional intensity is not the same as national viability.

10. He criticizes loudly, but the alternative often sounds thin.
A president must offer more than complaint.


Peter Obi may still inspire a passionate following, but passion is not preparation, noise is not nation-building, and excitement is not executive capacity. Nigeria needs more than a protest candidate in a polished shirt. It needs a leader with structure, discipline, coalition depth, and the hard temperament to govern a difficult federation.

Mrtaye:
Stop fooling yourself....Israel 🇮🇱 doesn't have kidnapping and banditry

And Nigeria is like Israel? That comparison itself shows a lack of serious thought. Israel, apart from its enormous technological and financial resources, has a population of about 10 million, while Nigeria’s population is above 230 million. Israel is also far more compact and far less socially and administratively complex than Nigeria, which is a vast federation of multiple ethnic, religious, and regional fault lines. So waving Israel around as if the two countries are remotely comparable is not analysis; it is lazy analogy.

This is exactly the problem with Peter Obi-style politics: long on complaint, short on workable alternatives. It is easy to describe problems. It is harder to explain how you would solve them in a country as large, diverse, and fragile as Nigeria. Serious people do not govern by slogans and foreign comparisons. They govern by context, realism, and practical solutions.