CharlesCNG's Posts
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For a party that wants to deliver Nigeria, NDC is spending an embarrassing amount of time trying to deliver itself from itself. Now we are told that **Dickson and Obi have “resolved” their dispute after a three-hour closed-door meeting.** For a new party, that is hardly a badge of strength. It is more like a newborn baby already needing family intervention before it has even learned how to sit. A platform that has barely arranged its own chairs is already promising to rearrange the entire furniture of the federation. That is the comedy of NDC. It was advertised as a fresh rescue vehicle, but from the beginning it has looked more like a borrowed bus full of restless passengers fighting over the front seat. First came the drama of defections, then the quarrels over tickets, then the Aisha Yesufu noise, then the Dickson boundary-drawing, and now a “closed-door peace meeting” as if the party is already an old house full of inherited bitterness. There is a proverb for this: **the man who cannot carry his own mat should not boast of carrying the market stall.** If this is what NDC looks like before the real campaign even starts, what will happen when governorship tickets, presidential strategy, zoning fights, and regional egos begin to clash fully? A party that needs emergency reconciliation before it can even settle into itself should be humble in its language of national redemption. Because the truth is simple: **NDC has not yet shown Nigeria a government-in-waiting. It has only shown Nigeria a quarrel-in-progress.** And that is the putdown at the heart of it all: **before NDC talks of delivering Nigeria, it should first prove it can survive itself without another closed-door rescue operation.** |
Streetinvestor2:You have actually proved my point. Instead of answering the issue of judgment, you ran straight into tribal reduction and abuse. The article did not say the North should reject Obi because he is Igbo. It said a serious candidate should avoid statements that deepen existing suspicion in a fragile country. That is called political judgment. And as for the “drug baron” line, abuse is not argument. If you have facts, present them. If not, then you are only using insult to dodge substance. The real issue remains simple: when a man knows there is already a perception problem around him, wisdom demands that he speak and act in ways that reduce it, not inflame it. Obi did the opposite. There is a proverb: when the soup is hot, a wise man blows gently; he does not put firewood under the pot. Obi keeps adding firewood where caution is needed. That is the point. |
givedemwotowoto:What about Tinubu?” is the usual refuge of people who cannot defend Obi on the substance. If my article is rubbish, challenge the facts and the reasoning. But once you abandon Obi’s statement and run to Tinubu, you have already admitted you cannot rescue Obi from the point being made. When a man cannot wash his own hands clean, he starts pointing at another man’s dirty fingernails. A counterargument answers the issue. Whataboutism only advertises discomfort. Deflection is not rebuttal. |
CharlesCNG:Who is your candidate? What exactly would he have done differently in 2023? What is his plan for 2027? How does he intend to pay for it? Because elections are not referendums on anger. They are choices between competing visions. And every vision must eventually submit itself to the test of practical reality. |
Kukutente23:MY RESPONSE TO REASON NUMBER TWO YOU WROTE 2. As for multiple exchange rate, he can take credit for that but only so far as the fact that the mess was created by his fellow party man and former political ally Buhari whom he supported all through the creation of the mess. So it comes across again as hypocrisy if he supported his ally to mess up the forex and kept mute only to do an about turn when he got into office. Again, the currency devaluation was so badly mismanaged that the exchange rate was nearing N2000 to $1 before his govt reacted to bring things under control. This led to massive cost push inflation as manufacturers grappled with high input costs and led to price inflation at the shelf leading to shrinkage in real household income and massive high cost of living the likes that have never been witnessed in this country. Imagine an inflation rate of over 30%!! MY RESPONSE Nobody disputes that the unification of the exchange rate came with pain. Inflation rose sharply and households and businesses felt the impact. But let us separate two questions: Was the multiple exchange rate regime unsustainable? And if so, what was the alternative? The old system encouraged arbitrage, corruption and rent-seeking. Those with privileged access bought dollars cheaply from official windows and sold them at huge profits while ordinary Nigerians and genuine manufacturers suffered. Virtually every serious economist, the IMF, the World Bank and many opposition figures agreed that the system was unsustainable. So yes, there was pain in dismantling it. But delaying reforms does not make them easier. It often makes them more painful. The more important question is this: What exactly would your candidate have done differently in 2023? Would he have maintained the multiple exchange rates indefinitely? Would he have continued rationing dollars and subsidising privileged access? If not, how would he have unified the exchange rate without an initial adjustment? More importantly: What is your candidate's plan for 2027? How does he intend to pay for it? And finally, who exactly is your candidate? Because criticism is easy. But governing requires choices, and every choice has costs. |
Kukutente23:This is a thoughtful response, but I think it misses a few important points. First, nobody said the ₦4 trillion previously spent on subsidy magically disappeared poverty or eliminated borrowing. The point is that an unsustainable fiscal leak was removed. Stopping a leak does not instantly make a house beautiful; it simply prevents further damage. Second, on hypocrisy, I agree that politicians should be held accountable for their previous positions. Tinubu can be criticised for his 2012 position. But inconsistency is not unique to him. Many who supported subsidy removal then oppose it today, while many who opposed it then support it now. Politics is full of ironies. Third, I completely agree that the incumbent must be judged. That is the essence of democracy. But democracy also requires comparison. Removing a driver is not enough. Someone else must take the wheel. And that is where your analogy breaks down. Before removing the driver, any responsible passenger would want to know: Who is the replacement? Can he drive? Does he have a destination? Does he have fuel? Or are we merely changing drivers because we are angry? That is why the question of alternatives is not absurd. It is essential. No serious electorate chooses between perfection and imperfection. They choose between available alternatives. So yes, judge Tinubu. But also tell Nigerians: Who is your candidate? What exactly would he have done differently in 2023? What is his plan for 2027? How does he intend to pay for it? Because elections are not referendums on anger. They are choices between competing visions. And every vision must eventually submit itself to the test of practical reality. |
One of Peter Obi’s recurring political weaknesses is not only what he believes, but how often he says the wrong thing in the wrong way on the wrong issue. Call it the[b] unforced-error syndrome[/b]: the habit of speaking loosely on sensitive national questions in ways that create avoidable political damage, reopen old suspicions, and hand opponents free ammunition. That matters because a president is not judged only by good intentions. He is judged by[b] judgment[/b]. And judgment begins with knowing that not every thought should be uttered carelessly, especially in a country as fractured and security-sensitive as Nigeria. Take his latest comments on Nnamdi Kanu. Obi said there was “no reason” to keep Kanu in detention and also said that, if in government, he would “discuss,” “engage,” and “consult” agitators. ([Punch Newspapers][1]) On paper, that may sound compassionate. In political reality, it is reckless. Kanu is not just any noisy dissenter. A Nigerian court convicted him on terrorism-related charges in 2025, and reporting on separatist sit-at-home enforcement linked that campaign to hundreds of deaths in the South East. So when Obi speaks as though the issue is merely about somebody “calling people names on radio,” he sounds less like a future commander-in-chief and more like a politician handling a dangerous national-security matter with dangerous softness. Then there is the electricity promise problem. In 2022, reporting tied to Obi’s campaign messaging said he would raise generation to 25,000MW by 2025 if elected. In 2026, the promise on his new platform became 10,000MW in four years. A serious politician should explain that shift clearly. Instead, it reinforces the impression of a man who often[b] speaks in tidy numbers first and leaves the harder operating details for later.[/b][/i] The same pattern appears in his wider politics. Reuters reported that Obi left the ADC-led opposition arrangement amid internal conflicts and mistrust, then moved again into NDC to run for president in 2027. That by itself is not a verbal slip. But it fits the larger image problem: a politician whose political brand is often driven by headline moments, moral signaling, and emotionally satisfying statements, while critics keep asking whether the deeper discipline of coalition management, strategic restraint, and hard institutional thinking is really there. That is the syndrome. It is not merely that Obi talks. Politicians must talk. It is that he too often talks in ways that shrink him. He takes issues that require presidential steel and recasts them in the language of [i]soft sentiment, abstract goodwill, or overneat promise. He sounds humane, but not always hard-headed. He sounds earnest, but not always weighty. And in national politics, that can be costly. A wise politician knows that words are like matches in harmattan: once struck carelessly, they can burn more than intended.[i][/i] Peter Obi’s problem is not that he speaks too much alone. It is that he too often speaks without the strategic restraint, balance, and gravity that Nigerians should expect from someone asking to be commander-in-chief. (God Forbid Bad Thing)** |
One of the most revealing questions in political discourse is also the simplest: Who is your candidate? It is easy to criticise those in power. In fact, criticism is necessary in a democracy. Governments must be held accountable, policies must be scrutinised, and leaders must never be beyond reproach. But criticism alone is not a political programme. Too often, public discourse degenerates into an endless catalogue of complaints without any serious discussion about alternatives. Every policy is condemned, every decision is attacked, and every challenge is laid at the feet of the incumbent. Yet, when asked the most basic question — *Who is your candidate?* — many suddenly become evasive. Why? Because identifying a candidate means subjecting that person to the same standards being demanded of the incumbent. It means discussing policies, priorities, competence, experience and, above all, feasibility. It is impossible to compare records and plans if one refuses to identify the alternative being proposed. After all, elections are not academic debates. Somebody must govern. Somebody must make difficult decisions. Somebody must pay the bills.[/i] Opposition worthy of power must answer four simple questions: What would your candidate have done differently? What is your candidate's plan for 2027? How does your candidate intend to pay for it? And finally, Who exactly is your candidate? Because anti-incumbent sentiment is not a manifesto. Complaints are not policies. And anger, no matter how passionately expressed, is not a substitute for leadership.[i] |
Kukutente23:Thank you for this . i will be responding to your points one by one and be asking pertinent questions. i will appeal that we keep this issue based debate civil. here is the first point i will like to respond to. YOU WROTE 1. Fuel subsidy removal is not an achievement. Previous govts have tried to remove subsidy since 1999 most notably in 2012. Ironically, this same president mobilised people against the move then. And it was a popular move mainly because subsidy removal is an antisocial move. The cost of preventing the removal in 2012 and hypocritically removing it on the first day in office ultimately being borne by the masses. In 2012 when subsidy was removed, petrol price moved from 87 to 145 which is 85% increase. Conversely, in 2023, it moved from 197 to 630 at first instance and is now over 1300 which represents around a 700% increase. The difference in percentages (an alarming 615) is the opportunity cost of delaying that removal by 11 years which Tinubu is directly responsible for in the final analysis. So in actual fact, he should be apologising to Nigerians for making them lose 615% cushion over 10 years only to cluelessly throw them in the deep end. More importantly, the removal of subsidy has led to an increase in poverty rate by 10points from 51% to 63% in the space of 3 years. A policy that increases poverty can't be said to be a good economic move in the final analysis after all the idea behind an economy is meeting the needs of the people with the minimum cost. MY RESPONSE Subsidy removal was not presented as painless. It was presented as necessary. By 2022, Nigeria was spending about ₦4 trillion on petrol subsidy — money that could not go to roads, schools, hospitals, security or states. Even the World Bank warned that the reform would hurt at first, but was needed to avoid a fiscal crisis. The real question is not whether subsidy removal caused pain. It did. The real question is: should Nigeria have continued borrowing trillions yearly to subsidise petrol, including for smugglers and richer consumers? Also, blaming Tinubu alone for an 11-year delay is convenient politics. PDP, APC, labour, civil society and almost every major politician played politics with subsidy at different times. So here are my simple questions: If your candidate became President in 2023, would he have kept petrol subsidy? More importantly, what is your candidate's plan for 2027? Because elections are about the future, not merely anger over the past.[i][/i] 5. I ask the another question: How will your candidate pay for it? Where will the money come from? And if yes, with what money? If no, what exactly would he have done differently? Finally , Finally. Who is your candidate? Remember, let's keep this civil. no insults. Next i will respond to your second point and promise to respond to all your points. |
Ofunaofu:Here is a strong response you can use: **You are twisting the point. Nobody said hardship is cheap. The whole point is that reform comes with sacrifice, especially when a country has spent years living on subsidy, artificial exchange rates, and postponed decisions. The pain Nigerians feel is real. But pain alone is not proof that the remedy is wrong. Bitter medicine does not become poison simply because it is bitter.** **Macro and micro are not enemies. Macro tells you whether the foundation is being repaired — reserves improving, external accounts turning positive, FX rules becoming clearer, investor confidence returning. Micro tells you whether that repair has fully reached the kitchen, transport park, and market stall. Right now, the macro signs show the engine is stabilizing, even if the passengers are still uncomfortable. That is the point you are missing.** Reuters reported Nigeria posted a **$6.83 billion balance-of-payments surplus in 2024**, while net FX reserves rose sharply and the IMF said the reforms have **boosted stability**, even though poverty and hardship remain severe. **So yes, suffering is loud. But pretending the old distortions were sustainable is dishonest. A leaking roof makes life miserable when you repair it in the rain — but that does not mean you should stop repairing it and return to sleeping under collapse. Leadership is not measured only by today’s discomfort. It is also measured by whether someone had the courage to stop the drift, confront the distortion, and begin the repair.** |
sweerychick:Sorry about that... my sister. |
brain54:You are absolutely right. A court of law heard the matter, followed the evidence, and found the man guilty. Yet Peter Obi came out to say there was “no reason.” That is not compassion; that is poor judgment wearing a gentle face. A man who wants to be commander-in-chief( God forbid bad thing !) should not sound like someone waving away what the courts have settled. There is a proverb: when elders have washed their hands and pointed to the dirt, a child should not come dancing around the stain as if it is soap. Obi amazes people because he keeps speaking on grave matters with the lightness of a man discussing market gossip, not national security. Brainless! |
sweerychick:My brother, do you even have a candidate? I have already stated what my candidate has done. The burden is now on you to tell us clearly what your own candidate — whether Obi, Atiku, or anybody else — will do differently. Not just what Tinubu has done wrong, but what your man will do better, how he will do it, and how Nigeria will pay for it. Criticism is easy. Alternative is leadership. Complaint is cheap. Blueprint is serious. So if you have a candidate, bring his plan to the table. If all you have is anger against Tinubu, then you are not yet presenting a government — you are only presenting frustration. |
Peter Obi’s recent comments on Nnamdi Kanu are another troubling example of weak political judgment. Years ago, Kwankwaso’s camp argued that many northern voters already viewed Obi through the lens of IPOB and Biafra, and that this perception damaged his acceptability in the North. Instead of working carefully to neutralize that suspicion, Obi has now reopened it with remarks suggesting there is “no reason” to keep Kanu detained and that he would “engage” agitators if he were in power. That is politically reckless. There is a Yoruba proverb that fits perfectly: if people already whisper that a man is a thief, he should not be seen dancing with a goat. Whether the suspicion is fair or not is no longer the immediate issue. The issue is that a wise leader avoids conduct that deepens dangerous doubt. A future commander-in-chief should sound firm, balanced, and reassuring to the whole federation. He should know the difference between lawful grievance and movements tied to coercion, fear, and bloodshed. Instead, Obi too often sounds soft where the office of president requires steel. That is why this matters. A man seeking to lead Nigeria should rise above ethnic emotion and sectional sentiment. But with comments like this, Obi risks sounding less like a national leader and more like an ethnic agenda champion chasing a federal title. |
And this goes beyond perception. A future commander-in-chief must sound like a guardian of the state, not a politician too eager to blur the line between grievance and violent agitation. He should be reassuring the whole federation that he will be firm, balanced, and nationally minded. Instead, Obi too often sounds like a man handling a dangerous national-security issue with the softness of a sectional politician.[i][/i] That is why this matters. A president must rise above ethnic sentiment and local emotional pressure. When Obi speaks this way, he risks sounding less like a national leader and more like an ethnic agenda champion in search of wider office. Obi is totally unfit for leadership. simple. |
Peter Obi’s latest remarks on Nnamdi Kanu show, once again, a troubling weakness in political judgment. In 2022, Kwankwaso’s camp argued that many northern voters already viewed Obi through the prism of IPOB and Biafra. Now, in 2026, Obi has again said there is “no reason” to keep Kanu detained and that he would “engage” and “consult” agitators if he were in power. That is politically reckless. There is a Yoruba wisdom that fits this perfectly: if people already whisper that a man is a thief, he should not be seen dancing too closely with a goat. Whether the suspicion is fair or not, a serious leader avoids gestures that deepen it. That is the problem here. Obi is not simply expressing compassion; he is reopening an old perception problem he should be trying to close. |
Counterigbolies:Tell him Eko Atlantic is not a rumour, it is a skyline. And now Phase 5 is on the way. That is what Tinubu's visionary audacity looks like: not endless grammar, but a city literally pushing back the Atlantic. |
sweetjohn:This is the classic refuge of a weak argument: when reality becomes uncomfortable, invent a conspiracy. Nairaland is now APC. Likes are now bribed. Replies are now evidence of payroll. So in your world, every disagreement must be purchased because it cannot possibly be genuine. That is not analysis; that is political superstition. If Obi is as strong as you claim, defend him with facts. But once every criticism becomes “APC bought them,” you are no longer debating politics — you are running a shrine of excuses.[i][/i] A man who blames the mirror for his face will never see himself clearly. And let us be honest: the reason some anti-Obi comments attract support is not always because APC paid for them. Sometimes it is because people are tired of Obidient abuse, arrogance, and excuse-making. Not every reply is a bribe. Not every disagreement is a plot. Sometimes people simply disagree with you. There is a proverb: the child who is afraid of every sound in the night will soon begin to call the moon a thief. That is where this kind of thinking leads — paranoia replacing reason. If you have evidence, bring it. If all you have is suspicion, then stop dressing imagination as research. In politics, facts are stronger than feelings, and conspiracy is not a substitute for argument. |
fergie001:when Obi says there is “no reason” to keep Kanu detained and speaks broadly of engaging agitators, he sounds less like a future commander-in-chief and more like a politician handling a sensitive ethnic flashpoint with dangerous softness. That is politically damaging. Reuters also reported that a 2025 study linked separatist sit-at-home enforcement in the South East to more than 700 deaths. |
A. Economy and Public Finance — 10 1. He ended the petrol-subsidy drain. The subsidy regime had become a huge fiscal leak; ending it removed a major structural burden from the treasury. 2. He tackled the multiple-exchange-rate distortion. The old FX system was opaque and distortionary; reforms moved Nigeria toward a more transparent market. 3. He helped move Nigeria back into external surplus. Nigeria posted a $6.83 billion balance-of-payments surplus in 2024, showing that the external account stopped bleeding the way it had. 4. He strengthened foreign-exchange buffers. Net FX reserves rose sharply to $34.8 billion by end-2025, improving Nigeria’s external safety cushion. 5. He narrowed the fiscal deficit. Tinubu said the fiscal deficit fell from 5.4% of GDP in 2023 to 3.0% in 2024, helped by stronger revenues and reforms. 6. He improved investor sentiment. Reuters reported that reforms helped revive investor confidence, with foreign investors returning to local-currency bonds and other instruments. 7. He won ratings improvement. Moody’s upgraded Nigeria’s rating in 2025, citing stronger external and fiscal positions. 8. He reduced the old FX-backlog problem. A big part of the reform agenda was clearing backlog pressures and restoring market credibility after years of FX rationing. 9. He improved state finances through higher shared revenues. Higher federation inflows after subsidy removal gave states more money to work with. 10. He attacked oil-and-gas revenue leakages. Tinubu directed that oil and gas revenues owed to government be paid directly into the federation account, reducing the old deduction-heavy system |
Kukutente23:Fifty Problems Tinubu Has Solved or Seriously Addressed Since 2023 PART 1 A. Economy and Public Finance — 10 1. He ended the petrol-subsidy drain. The subsidy regime had become a huge fiscal leak; ending it removed a major structural burden from the treasury. 2. He tackled the multiple-exchange-rate distortion. The old FX system was opaque and distortionary; reforms moved Nigeria toward a more transparent market. 3. He helped move Nigeria back into external surplus. Nigeria posted a $6.83 billion balance-of-payments surplus in 2024, showing that the external account stopped bleeding the way it had. 4. He strengthened foreign-exchange buffers. Net FX reserves rose sharply to $34.8 billion by end-2025, improving Nigeria’s external safety cushion. 5. He narrowed the fiscal deficit. Tinubu said the fiscal deficit fell from 5.4% of GDP in 2023 to 3.0% in 2024, helped by stronger revenues and reforms. 6. He improved investor sentiment. Reuters reported that reforms helped revive investor confidence, with foreign investors returning to local-currency bonds and other instruments. 7. He won ratings improvement. Moody’s upgraded Nigeria’s rating in 2025, citing stronger external and fiscal positions. 8. He reduced the old FX-backlog problem. A big part of the reform agenda was clearing backlog pressures and restoring market credibility after years of FX rationing. 9. He improved state finances through higher shared revenues. Higher federation inflows after subsidy removal gave states more money to work with. 10. He attacked oil-and-gas revenue leakages. Tinubu directed that oil and gas revenues owed to government be paid directly into the federation account, reducing the old deduction-heavy system |
ngmgeek:Calling someone a kitchen table does not answer a single point. It only confirms that you came to the discussion without argument and are now trying to leave with insult. Empty heads often borrow big mouths. A serious mind responds to points. A shallow one responds to people. Thank you for showing the difference. |
frank317:IPOB may call itself agitation, but once a movement is proscribed, linked to killings, and tied to coercive sit-at-home enforcement, it has crossed far beyond ordinary protest. What about Nnamdi Kanu? As of late 2025, Reuters reported that a Nigerian court convicted him on terrorism-related charges and sentenced him to life imprisonment, saying his broadcasts and orders incited deadly attacks on security forces and civilians. So, in current Nigerian legal terms, he is not merely “an agitator”; he is a convicted figure in a terrorism case. Is IPOB violent? There is substantial evidence of violence linked to IPOB, its factions, or armed groups claiming allegiance to it. Reuters reported that weekly “sit-at-home” enforcement and related attacks in the South East were linked to more than 700 deaths in a report published in 2025. Reuters also reported attacks on security forces and civilians in the region, including the killing of at least 30 travellers in Imo State in May 2025, amid police accusations against IPOB and its affiliates. Nigeria’s sanctions page also cites specific killings attributed to IPOB militants, including the murder of a woman, her four children, and six others in Anambra in 2022 |
damoobaba:Peter Obi’s 2023 brand was sold with [b]maximum hype [/b]and moral packaging, but over time the gap between branding and political substance has become harder to hide. What looked fresh in 2023 now looks overmarketed in 2026. And when critics raise this, some Obidients do not answer with facts; they answer with insults and emotional blackmail. |
Kokaine:In 2023, branding carried Obi far. But in politics, as in the market, no label shines forever once the buyer opens the package. The problem with overmarketing is simple: eventually, the public stops admiring the wrapper and begins to inspect the goods. |
HamedAmed:Yes, he said agitators, not terrorists. But wise leadership does not speak as if all agitators are harmless democrats. Some are peaceful dissenters; some become gateways to organized coercion and violence. A serious leader must know the difference, define the line clearly, and show what happens when that line is crossed. Take IPOB for example, In ordinary political language, IPOB presents itself as a separatist/agitation movement. But in Nigerian law, IPOB has been proscribed and designated as a terrorist group by the government and appears on Nigeria’s sanctions list. So, politically, supporters may call it agitation; legally in Nigeria, it is treated as a terrorist group. That is the distinction. But then Peter obi who wants to be President of Nigeria does not believe they are. Confused and unfit! |
Bossladyy:Obi has no clue or alternative plan to insecurity. he is confused. Obi is presenting empathy as if it were a full security strategy. It is not. A president must know when to listen, when to isolate, when to prosecute, and when to crush violent threats. In this statement, Obi sounds less like a commander-in-chief and more like a man hoping every armed problem can be talked into civility. That is not firmness. That is fuzziness dressed up as compassion. |
BigCowHornn:You are free not to care, but anger is not an argument. I am not “disturbing” you; I am stating my political position, just as you are stating yours. And if your only response is to wish economic disaster on the country because you hate Tinubu, then you have already exposed the weakness in your own politics. Serious citizens do not pray for Nigeria to burn just to prove a partisan point. We all buy fuel, pay rent, and feed families. That is exactly why some of us support reforms that may be painful now but are meant to stop a bigger collapse later. You can disagree, but do not confuse bitterness with patriotism. A man who says he loves the village should not pray for the market to catch fire because he hates the chief. |
Kukutente23:I no get time to dey shalaye. If that particular account no be Obidient, no wahala. But the pattern remains the same: less substance, more insult, more distraction. If you have a counter, drop it. If not, no need for long grammar. |
sweerychick:I agree with you. but macro still matters. Macro is important because a sick foundation cannot produce a healthy house. If the exchange rate is chaotic, reserves are weak, subsidy is bleeding government, and debt is choking the treasury, then life at the market stall will only get worse over time. So macro improvement is like repairing the engine of a bus. Passengers may still be sweating inside for now, but if the engine is not fixed, the bus will not move at all. A fair conclusion is this: the reforms are working at the level of stabilization, reserves, ratings, market confidence, and some structural repair — but they are not yet working enough in the kitchen, transport park, and market stall. Both things can be true at the same time. |
Kukutente23:Thank you . but it is not. i sometimes repost a standard response for nincompoops who cannot address issues frontally. |
TemplarLandry:Thank you for proving the point of my article. When Obidients cannot answer substance, they quickly switch to abuse. “slowpoke” is not an argument; it is what people use when they have run out of one. If my ten reasons are weak, address them one by one. But once you abandon the issues and start attacking the writer, you have already confessed that the facts are heavier than your response. There is a proverb: when a man cannot untie the knot, he begins to curse the rope. Insult may satisfy anger, but it never defeats substance. In the end, the empty drum makes the loudest noise, but it still remains empty. |