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https://www.nairaland.com/8746616/omotola-faces-backlash-over-experience

MY TAKE ON THE OMOTOLA ISSUE: WE LIFT AS WE CLIMB, WE TEACH NOT TEAR DOWN - By Chief Gary Austine Ebuka Ugboma Nzeawo of Ndoni

Good day Nairalanders,

I’ve been following the trending story around veteran actress Omotola Jalade-Ekeinde and the old interview clip that resurfaced about an alleged pronunciation issue on a Hollywood set.

I will be brief, but I will also speak from experience.

1. MY OWN EXPERIENCE IN THE MUSIC INDUSTRY
Many years ago, before I answered the call to law, I was a music producer. One of the projects I’m most proud of is Ollie Gee’s monumental hit song "Daddy Moh".

Here’s what most people don’t know: The golden female voice and exclamations on that song was rendered by Joan Emi. And for the record, Joan Emi is IJAW, not Igbo.

Did that stop us from making an authentic Igbo-sounding song? No.
I took my time to sit with her. I taught her the proper Igbo pronunciations, the tonality, and the exclamations. We rehearsed until it sounded native.

Today, that song is still played everywhere and 90% of listeners assume the female voice is a native Igbo speaker. That is the power of coaching and mentorship.


2. MY ANGLE ON THE OMOTOLA MATTER
From the clip, Omotola noticed an Igbo actress struggling with Yoruba/Egun pronunciation and reported it to the supervisor.

With all due respect to Mama O, my verdict is this: That was a missed opportunity for leadership.

Instead of flagging the issue to the supervisor in a way that could jeopardize the lady’s job, the more professional and humane approach would have been:
"Supervisor, I noticed she’s struggling with the lines. With your permission, let me coach her for 10 minutes so we can get this take right."

Why I say so:
1. Authenticity matters: Yes, language accuracy is important for film. I agree 100%.
2. But so does solidarity: Nollywood itself was built on this. Non-Igbos played Igbos. Non-Yorubas played Yorubas. We coached each other. That’s how we grew the industry.
3. Hollywood is even tougher: Africans get very few chances there. The last thing we should do is create an environment where we report each other instead of raising each other.

3. THE BIGGER LESSON
We cannot preach "Africans supporting Africans" and then practice "report first, coach later".

In law, in music, in film - excellence is achieved through teaching. You correct in private, you praise in public. You lift as you climb.

If Joan Emi could sound Igbo because a producer took time to teach her, then that Igbo actress could have sounded perfect in Yoruba if a senior took 10 minutes to coach her.

That’s my angle. No hate, no tribalism. Just a call for professionalism with humanity.

I stand to be corrected.

What do you all think?

Chief Gary Austine Ebuka Ugboma
Nzeawo of Ndoni
Barrister and Solicitor, Supreme Court of Nigeria
FICMC, ACIArb UK
Former Music Producer

Remembrance, Protest, and the Rule of Law: What the Nigerian Constitution Really Says

Days of remembrance often carry deep emotional and historical significance. However, in a constitutional democracy such as Nigeria, public commemoration, protest, and expression must be examined not only emotionally, but legally.

The starting point is the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended). Section 39(1) guarantees every person the right to freedom of expression, including the freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference. Section 40 further guarantees the right to assemble freely and associate with others for lawful purposes.

These provisions form the constitutional foundation for public remembrance, peaceful protests, and civic engagement. In principle, citizens are entitled to gather, speak, and express collective memory or grievances.

However, constitutional rights in Nigeria are not absolute. Section 45(1) provides that the rights guaranteed under Sections 37–41 may be restricted by laws that are reasonably justifiable in a democratic society in the interest of defence, public safety, public order, public morality, or public health.

In practical terms, this means that while peaceful assembly is protected, activities that threaten public safety or national security may lawfully attract regulation.

The courts have provided guidance on this balance. In Inspector-General of Police v. ANPP (2007), the Court of Appeal held that the requirement of police permits for peaceful assemblies was unconstitutional. The Court affirmed that citizens do not need permission to exercise their constitutional right to peaceful assembly. However, this does not imply that assemblies may lawfully descend into violence or disorder. The protection extends to peaceful conduct, not to incitement or criminality.

The constitutional equilibrium, therefore, is clear:
Citizens have the right to remember, assemble, and express themselves peacefully.
The State has the duty to maintain public order and national security.
Any restriction imposed must be lawful, necessary, and proportionate.
Any exercise of civic freedom must remain peaceful and within the bounds of the law.

Democracy does not eliminate disagreement. Rather, it provides legal frameworks for managing disagreement without violence. The true test of constitutional governance is not the absence of tension, but the measured and lawful handling of it by both citizens and the State.

As legal practitioners and as citizens, our responsibility is to insist on fidelity to the Constitution — in the exercise of rights and in the enforcement of order. That is how the rule of law is preserved.

Gary Austine Ugboma FICMC, ACIArb UK
Ugonwanne of Ndoni
Barrister and Solicitor
08033924157

P.S The above is a sequel to the article of yesterday on REMEMBRANCE. You can read it up on Nairaland: https://www.nairaland.com/8681324/remembrance-day-statement#139565456

insidelife22:
Barrister, is it possible for one to sell his Nigerian citizenship 😁😁😁

very funny aswear

Today, we remember the lives lost during the Nigerian Civil War and in the years of hardship and struggle that followed. We honour the memory of countless men, women, and children whose lives were cut short and whose suffering remains a solemn chapter in our history.

As a lawyer, I believe remembrance must go beyond symbolism. It must renew our collective commitment to the protection of human rights, the sanctity of human life, and the rule of law. The tragedy of that era underscores the devastating consequences of exclusion, injustice, and the failure to safeguard fundamental rights.

Every community has the right to dignity, equal protection under the law, and meaningful participation in governance. These are not privileges; they are constitutional and human rights principles that form the bedrock of any democratic society. Where grievances exist, they must be addressed through lawful dialogue, institutional reform, and sincere commitment to justice.

We cannot change the past, but we can shape the future. Honouring the fallen means standing firmly against unlawful violence, discrimination, and repression in any form. It means advocating for accountability, fairness, and policies that promote inclusion and respect for diversity.

On this Remembrance Day, may we reflect deeply, speak truthfully, and act justly — ensuring that history’s painful lessons guide us toward a more equitable, peaceful, and rights‑respecting society.

May the souls of the departed continue to rest in peace, and may justice and humanity continue to guide our nation forward.

Gary Austine Ugboma FICMC ACIArb Uk
Ugonwanne of Ndoni
Barrister and Solicitor
08033924157

Gowon vs Ojukwu vs Obasanjo: Who Really Told Nigerians the Truth About the Civil War? Perceptions from their books and personal accounts.


More than 50 years after the Nigerian Civil War ended, Nigerians are still arguing.
Was it a war to keep Nigeria one?
Was it a genocide against the Igbo?
Was it simply power politics between ambitious military officers?

If you read the memoirs of Yakubu Gowon, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, and Olusegun Obasanjo, you will notice something shocking:

Three men. One war. Three completely different truths.
So who is right?
Let’s look at their own words

1. Gowon: “To Keep Nigeria One Is a Task That Must Be Done”

Gowon’s famous declaration was:
“To keep Nigeria one is a task that must be done.”
That sentence summarizes his entire worldview.

In My Life of Duty and Allegiance, Gowon presents himself as a reluctant leader forced into war to prevent Nigeria from breaking apart. According to him, allowing Biafra to secede would have triggered endless fragmentation — Yoruba Republic today, Niger Delta Republic tomorrow, Arewa Republic next week.
He insists the war was not about punishing the Igbo but about preserving the country. After Biafra surrendered, he declared: “No victor, no vanquished.”

To Gowon, this proves he had no hatred in his heart.
But critics ask: If there was “no victor and no vanquished,” why were returning Biafrans given only £20 regardless of what they had in the bank?
Was that reconciliation — or quiet punishment?

2. Ojukwu: “We Are Humans. We Live. We Die.”
If Gowon stood for unity, Ojukwu stood for resistance.
When Biafra was declared in 1967, Ojukwu said: “We are humans. We live. We die. But we must not allow ourselves to be slaughtered like animals.”
That statement reflects the Eastern Region’s fear after the 1966 massacres of Igbos in Northern Nigeria. Ojukwu believed Nigeria had already failed. In his view, Biafra was not rebellion — it was self-defense.

On the collapse of negotiations after the Aburi Accord, Ojukwu maintained that the federal government reneged on agreed terms. To him, that betrayal destroyed trust permanently. But here is the uncomfortable question:
Did Ojukwu miscalculate Nigeria’s military strength and international politics?
Did pride prolong the war beyond the point of realism?

Some argue that by 1969, Biafra was clearly losing. Yet the war continued, and civilians paid the price. So was Ojukwu a hero of self-determination — or a stubborn leader who gambled with lives?

3. Obasanjo: “I Saw Biafra’s Final Collapse”

Now enter Obasanjo — the man who commanded the final assault that ended the war.
In My Command, Obasanjo writes bluntly about receiving Biafra’s surrender. He presents the Federal Army as disciplined and humane.

He later wrote: “The war was not against a people; it was against secession.”
That aligns him with Gowon’s unity argument. But Obasanjo’s tone is very different. Where Gowon sounds prayerful, Obasanjo sounds proud. He describes strategy, battlefield decisions, and the moment victory became inevitable.

Unlike Gowon, Obasanjo does not appear apologetic. Unlike Ojukwu, he does not sound defensive. He sounds like a man convinced that history proved him right. But critics ask:

If the war was simply against secession, why did ethnic distrust deepen afterward?
Why do Biafra sentiments still exist today?
Victory ended the shooting — but did it solve the problem?

4. The Starvation Controversy: Accident or Strategy?

This is where things get explosive.
Images of starving Biafran children shocked the world. International media accused Nigeria of using blockade and starvation as weapons.

Ojukwu strongly implied it was deliberate.
Gowon denied it, arguing that the blockade was meant to shorten the war, not kill civilians.
Obasanjo largely avoids moral debate and sticks to military explanation.

But here’s the uncomfortable truth: Even if starvation wasn’t officially declared policy, the blockade worked. And it worked brutally.

So the moral question remains:
Does military strategy excuse humanitarian catastrophe?
Depending on who you ask, you will get three different answers — even today.

5. Leadership or Ego?

Another controversial issue: ambition.

Gowon insists he was a reluctant leader.
Ojukwu believed he was defending his people’s destiny.
Obasanjo portrays himself as decisive and necessary.

But skeptics argue that all three were military men operating in a power-driven environment.

Let’s be honest:

Was the war purely about ideals — or partly about control of oil, territory, and political dominance?

The Niger Delta oilfields were in the Eastern Region. That fact alone makes the conversation more complicated.

6. The Aftermath: Who Won History?

Gowon kept Nigeria one — but was overthrown in 1975.

Ojukwu lost the war — but became a lasting symbol of Igbo resistance.

Obasanjo not only won the war but later became civilian president, shaping Nigeria’s democracy.

Ironically, the “victor” (Gowon) lost power.
The “defeated” (Ojukwu) gained legendary status.
The “commander” (Obasanjo) became the most politically influential of them all.
History has a sense of irony.

Final Question: Who Told the Truth?

Here’s the reality:

Gowon told the truth as a Head of State trying to preserve a country.
Ojukwu told the truth as a leader who believed his people were endangered.
Obasanjo told the truth as a soldier who believed force settled the argument.

But none of them told the whole truth.

Because no autobiography ever does.

The Nigerian Civil War was not black and white. It was a tragic collision of fear, ambition, mistrust, ethnicity, and power.
And until Nigerians are willing to discuss it honestly — without tribal defensiveness — the debate will never end.

So I’ll leave you with this:

If the war happened today under the same circumstances,
who would you support — Gowon, Ojukwu, or Obasanjo?

And more importantly…
Has Nigeria truly resolved the issues they fought over — or are we still pretending?

Let’s discuss. 👇🏽

Gary Austine Ugboma Esq FICMC, ACIArb UK
Ugonwanne of Ndoni
Barrister and Solicitor
08033924157

Winning Is Only Half the Battle: Enforcing Arbitral Awards Under Nigeria’s Arbitration and Mediation Act 2023
[b][/b]
In arbitration, many assume that once an award is delivered, the matter is concluded. In reality, that is only half the journey. The real strength of arbitration lies in enforcement. An award that cannot be enforced is, in practical terms, a hollow victory. For a country seeking deeper infrastructure investment, energy reform, and effective public‑private partnerships, the credibility of its enforcement regime is not merely a legal issue.
It is an economic one.

The Arbitration and Mediation Act 2023 significantly modernised Nigeria’s framework. It reinforces party autonomy, limits judicial interference, and affirms that arbitral awards are binding and enforceable through the courts.
Grounds for refusing enforcement are narrowly defined, including invalid agreements, lack of due process, excess of jurisdiction, serious procedural irregularity, or conflict with public policy.

Courts are not appellate bodies over arbitral tribunals. They are not to reopen the merits. This discipline preserves finality the very essence of arbitration. Yet in practice, enforcement can become strategic. In high‑value infrastructure and energy disputes, losing parties may file set‑aside applications, initiate parallel proceedings, raise broad public policy objections, or attempt asset dissipation. For award creditors, enforcement must therefore be anticipated early from the contract drafting stage.
Many enforcement challenges trace back to poorly drafted arbitration clauses. Ambiguity regarding the seat, governing law, or procedural rules often resurfaces later as jurisdictional resistance. Precision at inception reduces resistance at enforcement. Public policy remains a sensitive ground. While necessary, it must be applied cautiously. An overly expansive interpretation weakens predictability and undermines investor confidence.
Sustainable infrastructure growth depends on certainty that awards will be respected. Reliable enforcement sends a powerful signal: contracts will be honoured, risk can be priced, and disputes resolved within clear boundaries. Where enforcement is uncertain, financing becomes expensive and development slows.
Preparation is critical. Parties must ensure procedural compliance, anticipate challenges, identify assets early, and act promptly after an award is issued. The 2023 Act has strengthened Nigeria’s legislative foundation. Its long‑term impact will depend on principled, consistent application. Arbitration promises neutrality and finality. That promise is fulfilled only when awards are enforced. In the end, enforcement is not simply about winning a case. It is about reinforcing trust in contracts, institutions, and the rule of law.

Gary Austine Ugboma Esq
08033924157
Lawyer |Dispute Resolution Practitioner | Infrastructure, Energy & Government Contract Strategy| Fellow, ICMC | Associate, CIArb (UK)

Mikel Obi first and Didie Drogba second

Nigeria is currently debating electoral law reforms. One critical issue we rarely tackle properly is timing: Should presidential and governorship election petitions be fully concluded before the winners are sworn into office? I believe the answer is yes – but it requires careful constitutional adjustment, not just political will.
Key ideas: - Move elections earlier in the calendar (e.g. 6–12 months before the end of the incumbent’s ).
- Give tribunals and appellate courts strict but realistic timelines to hear and conclude all petitions and appeals.
- Ensure the incumbent President or Governor completes their fixed four‑year term, while disputes about the next election are resolved. - Make it unlawful to swear in a President‑elect or Governor‑elect until all court cases on that election have been finally decided. This way, whoever takes the oath of office already has a mandate that has survived full judicial scrutiny. It strengthens legitimacy, reduces tension, and protects our democracy. As a legal practitioner called to the Nigerian Bar and interested in electoral justice, I believe these kinds of practical reforms can move us closer to a truly credible democratic process. What do you think – should all presidential and governorship petitions be concluded before swearing‑in?

#Nigeria #ElectoralReform #Democracy #ElectionPetitions #RuleOfLaw

Gary Austine Ugboma FICMC, ACIArb UK[b][/b]
Barrister & Solicitor of the Supreme Court of Nigeria
Ugonwanne Chambers,
Port Harcourt
08033824157
info@ugonwannechambers.com

It might be a signal that it does not like you and may not want its colour to change to yours.

It is most probably real because I receive such messages every month. You are not to reply or do anything. The money will reflect in your bank account after about 4 working days.

One more, man will discover that tree of life and die no more.

Much ado about nothing. The law only requires o level qualification.

This is great 👍. Super vocal rendition. Soul uplifting. I love this song.

You can share the free stuff please. I am sure many people will be interested in it.

EvergreenDiarie:
I Am a Fulani Man From Jigawa, But the Oil in Bayelsa Belongs to Jigawa – Bold Claim by Northern Nigerian Man



In this eye-opening and controversial video, a Fulani man from Jigawa State makes a bold and thought-provoking claim: that the oil resources located in Bayelsa State rightfully belong to Jigawa. His statement has sparked heated debates on social media and reignited discussions about resource control, federalism, and the distribution of wealth in Nigeria.

🔍 What does this claim really mean?
🛢️ Who truly owns Nigeria's natural resources?
🌍 What are the implications for inter-regional unity and governance?



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=obiyhoExHaY

Yes definitely. Let other mineral resources in other states belong to all Nigerians too.

nairalanda1:
Hmm


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yRWB3w_CndE?si=O9yxSDDlQQya1qy8

Known for the above hit

This is great 👍

Aigirl1:
Hello everyone, I'm a young lawyer with one year of experience at the bar, having been called to the Nigerian Bar in March last year. I'm currently seeking a job opportunity in a reputable law firm based in Abuja. If you know of any firm hiring, please let me know. I'm eager to grow my career and contribute to a dynamic team. Thanks in advance for any leads or assistance.

WhatsApp contact: 09094432588

What does RPC say about this?

Adeleke, Oguntoye etc spotted.

Kindly take her to Psychiatric Hospital. This update should have been to solicit for funds for her treatment. She will be healed.

Abeg, have they introduced British/Canadian accent at the Nigerian Law School?

Fake news!

Beautiful! Can we get to hearing it? Any link?

What concerns you with now somebody's wife?
[b][/b]

TunezMedia:
Throwback footage of Billionaire wife, Regina Daniels smoking in her hotel with her ex, Somadina resurfaces online.


https://youtube.com/shorts/a3YQTAKwysw?si=88ssFxXpoLgjaYIc


Lalasticlala MissyB3 Mynd44

There are few important things in marriage under law and customs;
1. Payment of dowry (pride price)
2. Handing your wife to the eldest member of your family present and you take her home and consummate the marriage.
3. Kola nut in Igboland is basic requirement in all celebrations.
4. Normal parental consent/s
5. Any other thing is PURE JAMBOREE
Pay attention to PURE JAMBOREE

Ebuka Ugboma
Ugonwanne of Ndoni
Writes from Port Harcourt.

Absolutely nothing.

Title: The Debate on Celebrating Valentine's Day in Nigeria: Cultural Perspectives and Considerations

Abstract:
Valentine's Day, a widely celebrated occasion in many parts of the world, has sparked debates in Nigeria due to cultural, religious, and legal considerations. This essay explores the arguments for and against the celebration of Valentine's Day in Nigeria, considering the absence of legal backing, religious endorsements, and alignment with native laws and customs.

Introduction:
Valentine's Day, traditionally a day for expressing love and affection, has become a global phenomenon celebrated on the 14th of February each year. In Nigeria, however, the observance of Valentine's Day faces scrutiny due to the absence of legal recognition, religious endorsement, and cultural alignment. This essay delves into the complex debate on whether Valentine's Day should be celebrated in Nigeria, analyzing the perspectives of cultural relevance, legal implications, and religious considerations.

Cultural Perspectives:
Nigeria boasts a rich tapestry of cultures, each with its own traditions and values. The celebration of Valentine's Day, a Western import, may be perceived as clashing with indigenous customs and beliefs. Some argue that embracing Valentine's Day jeopardizes the preservation of Nigerian cultural heritage, as it promotes foreign ideals of romantic love over traditional communal values.

Moreover, critics of Valentine's Day in Nigeria raise concerns about the materialism that often accompanies the occasion. The focus on extravagant gifts and commercialization may conflict with the values of simplicity and humility emphasized in many Nigerian communities.

Legal Considerations:
Unlike some countries where Valentine's Day is recognized and even observed as a public holiday, Nigeria lacks legal provisions endorsing the celebration of this occasion. The absence of legal backing raises questions about the legitimacy and official recognition of Valentine's Day within the Nigerian context.

Furthermore, the disconnect between Nigerian laws and the celebration of Valentine's Day may lead to debates on the need for formal regulation or recognition of such cultural practices to ensure consistency and clarity in the legal system.

Religious Perspectives:
In a predominantly religious society like Nigeria, considerations of Valentine's Day extend to its alignment with religious teachings and beliefs. The lack of endorsement for Valentine's Day from major religious institutions raises theological questions about the appropriateness of participating in a celebration not sanctioned by the Church or aligned with religious texts such as the Bible.

The divergence between religious teachings and the secular nature of Valentine's Day prompts reflections on how individuals navigate their faith and cultural practices in a globalized world where external influences often challenge traditional norms.

Conclusion:
The debate on celebrating Valentine's Day in Nigeria reflects a complex interplay of cultural, legal, and religious considerations. While proponents emphasize the significance of expressing love and fostering relationships, critics raise valid concerns about cultural integrity, materialism, and religious compatibility.

Ultimately, the decision to celebrate Valentine's Day in Nigeria remains a personal choice influenced by individual beliefs, values, and societal norms. Recognizing the diverse perspectives surrounding this issue is essential in fostering dialogue and understanding among Nigerians as they navigate the complexities of cultural globalization and preservation.

Ugboma Gary Austine FICMC, ACIArb UK
Port Harcourt Nigeria
13/02/2024

References:

Eze, C. (2020). Cultural Perspectives on Valentine's Day in Nigeria. Journal of Nigerian Cultural Studies, 15(2), 87-102.

Okonkwo, A. (2018). Legal Implications of Celebrating Valentine's Day in Nigeria. Nigerian Journal of Law and Society, 7(4), 321-335.

Adelaja, O. & Adebayo, T. (2019). Religious Views on Valentine's Day: A Study of Nigerian Churches. Journal of African Religious Studies, 12(3), 204-220.

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