IGBOPHOBIA1's Posts
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This is the type of people yoruba muslims adore and love |
manmade:Why have there been a massive number of Igbos making Igboland and Nigeria proud overseas lately? From maths geniuses to first class Masters Graduates ? These Igbos leave a good reputation for future Nigerians looking to travel for studies and work. |
duro4chang:Exactly, insecurity drives them to act without rationale. From Rejoicing over the k1lling of Igbos to attacking Igbo properties to shouting Igbo must go during election to denying even their own son because his mother is Igbo to supporting g*nocide against 5 million Igbos during the war to stealing and looting Igbo businesses and properties during war to media propaganda and office hatred because they always feel insecure about Igbo dominance. |
Cyberterror:Demarket to whom? Which customer base? |
helinues:Your love for Igbos is massive |
Kdon2:What control? That is the problem with you lots. Always afraid of being controlled and acting out of paranoia. The Igbos are not interested in controlling you. What is there to gain from controlling a person like you? Votes? What exactly? Maybe look upwards to the Sardauna that truly controls your destiny. |
TokoEkambi:This is the reality of Nigeria. |
Babatee0147:Yes, you are the wisest Yoruba person on nairaland, You should be Igboho's special adviser. |
helinues: ![]() You used your various BOT accounts to drop different comments of the same sentiment. Who are you deceiving? You are funny! You must have no job. |
Full story “Alive After 5 Years in Hell”: How DSS Arrested Innocent Igbo Woman in Onitsha and Buried Her Alive in Wawa Military Detention In a heartbreaking scene that has once again exposed the dark underbelly of Nigeria’s security apparatus, Onyeaka Ozioma Elizabeth, an Igbo woman from Anambra State, was spotted trembling in the premises of the Federal High Court, Abuja, after more than five years and three months of secret detention. According to Barrister Nnaemeka, who encountered her at the court, Ozioma was arrested by operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) at 33 Onitsha, Anambra State, over five years ago. Without any formal charge explained to her family, without access to a lawyer, and without a single phone call home, she was whisked away and dumped in the notorious Wawa Military Detention Centre in Kainji, Niger State a place far removed from everything she has ever known. When Barr. Nnaemeka contacted the phone number Ozioma managed to provide, her own sister could not believe she was still alive. It took a video of Ozioma’s haunted face for the family to accept that the woman they had long mourned as dead had been kept in military custody all these years. “See the fear written all over her face,” Barr. Nnaemeka said. “Brought from Anambra to Kainji, then to Abuja, towns and cities she has never been to in her life to face a trial she does not understand. What manner of justice can come from such illegal and dehumanizing detention?” Ozioma’s ordeal is not an isolated tragedy. It fits into a disturbing pattern in which Nigerian security agencies particularly the DSS and military have repeatedly arrested ordinary Igbo citizens, often on vague or unproven allegations of “Biafran sympathy,” and thrown them into distant military facilities without due process. Wawa Military Detention Centre in Kainji has become synonymous with prolonged, incommunicado detention. Families are left in agonising uncertainty for years. Lawyers are denied access. Courts are only approached after the damage has already been done. No citizen has ever been dragged across the country and locked away for years simply for identifying as Oduduwa or Arewa. Yet for many Igbos, merely being from the South-East appears enough to justify secret arrests and indefinite captivity. While the fight against genuine security threats is legitimate, the methods currently employed by Nigerian security agencies are self-defeating and unconstitutional. 1. Prolonged detention without charge or access to lawyers violates the Nigerian Constitution and international human rights standards. Holding anyone especially civilians with no proven violent record for over five years in a military facility without family contact is not “security.” It is state sponsored cruelty. 2. Transporting an Anambra woman to a remote military camp in Niger State serves no investigative purpose. It is designed to break the spirit, isolate the detainee, and intimidate the community. When security agencies appear to treat Igbo identity itself as a crime, they fuel the very resentment and alienation they claim to be fighting. Selective justice is no justice at all. Ozioma’s haunted face should haunt the conscience of every security official and policymaker in this country. A nation that disappears its own citizens for years and then suddenly produces them in court like forgotten cargo has lost the moral authority to speak of justice. Nigeria cannot continue to treat innocent Igbo citizens as disposable. The rule of law must apply equally or it applies to no one. Family Writers Press International. SOURCE: https://www.igbophobia.org/incidents/cmsu37ovx000004kvi8iqvdfj
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By Wisdom Chude What I witnessed recently in Ibadan raises a serious concern about the expression of Igbo-phobia within Nigeria’s legal and professional spaces. I visited a friend’s shop and discovered that he was absent. I was informed that he had received a call that the roof of his residential apartment was being removed and that some of the tenants’ properties were allegedly being taken away by thugs engaged by the landlord and led by an Igbo man who claimed to be acting on the landlord’s behalf. I gathered some of the tenants and proceeded to Iyanganku Police Station. Police officers were subsequently sent to bring in the man allegedly engaged by the landlord. While we were at the station, one of the tenants received a telephone call from the lawyer managing the property. I took the phone and introduced myself as a fellow lawyer. I attempted to engage him professionally, as one lawyer speaking to another. His response, however, was striking. He said, in substance: “How can an Igbo person from the South-East be dictating to me as a Yoruba man what to do?” That statement immediately changed the character of the encounter. The matter was no longer simply a disagreement over property. The statement explicitly introduced Igbo and Yoruba identity into a dispute that should ordinarily be addressed through law and professional conduct. I subsequently identified the lawyer as Adeyinka Adeyemi Ibrahim, who, according to the account, was called to the Nigerian Bar in 2008. Igbo-phobia in a Legal Setting The incident raises questions about the place of tribal prejudice within Nigeria’s legal profession. A lawyer should be able to distinguish between a legal dispute and ethnic identity. Whether a person is Igbo, Yoruba, Hausa, Ijaw, Edo, Tiv or from any other ethnic group should have no bearing on how a legal matter is handled. Yet this incident reflects a wider Nigerian reality: Igbo-phobia exists. For many Igbo Nigerians living outside the South-East, citizenship can sometimes be treated as though it has geographical limitations. An Igbo person living in Ibadan, Lagos, Abuja or elsewhere in Nigeria may be made to feel like an outsider despite possessing the same Nigerian citizenship as every other Nigerian. The particular concern in this case is that such an attitude allegedly emerged within a professional setting where equality before the law and professional conduct should be fundamental. A property dispute is a legal matter. If there is a disagreement between landlords and tenants, there are lawful procedures for resolving it. Threats, intimidation, the alleged use of thugs and appeals to ethnic identity have no place in the administration of justice. The law should never become a vehicle through which tribal identity determines who has authority, who deserves to be heard or whose position carries weight. The Conduct of the Police It is equally important to record the professional conduct of the officers who handled the matter. The DCO1 and DPO of Iyanganku Police Station are specifically acknowledged for their professionalism and integrity in handling the situation. Their conduct demonstrates that institutional responsibility can be exercised without allowing ethnic identity to determine how a dispute is handled. A Question for the Legal Profession The legal profession must confront the implications of tribal prejudice when it appears within its own ranks. Lawyers operate within a system founded on law, rights, due process and equality. Ethnic identity should have no place in determining the professional treatment of another Nigerian. An Igbo Nigerian does not become less Nigerian because he lives in Ibadan. A Yoruba Nigerian does not become less Nigerian because he lives in Enugu. The same principle applies to every Nigerian, regardless of ethnic origin or place of residence. The issue in this case is therefore not the identity of the lawyer as a Yoruba person. It is the alleged invocation of Yoruba identity to assert authority over, or diminish the standing of, another Nigerian specifically because that person is Igbo. That is the conduct that constitutes the Igbo-phobic dimension of this incident. Justice Must Not Have a Tribe The law belongs to every Nigerian. A legal dispute should be determined by facts, evidence, procedure and applicable law—not by whether one party is Igbo and another is Yoruba. The legal profession must never become a platform through which ethnic prejudice is expressed or legitimized. An Igbo Nigerian should be able to live, work, own property and seek justice in Ibadan without being treated as an outsider. A Yoruba Nigerian should have the same rights in Enugu. Nigeria’s ethnic diversity cannot become a basis for determining who deserves to be heard, respected or protected by the law. The law should never ask whether you are Igbo or Yoruba before it gives you justice. Justice must be based on the law—not tribe. SOURCE: https://www.igbophobia.org/incidents/cmsso2uot000404icfmsm4v98
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#saynotoIGBOPHOBIA |
helinues:You are talking about intellectual conversation while in your feelings. The thing with you people isn't that you are not smart or emotionally intelligent, it is that you have decided to be this way. That said blessings to all the helpful and kindhearted Yoruba people I have met in my journey, I will not judge Yorubas by your doings. |
FSBoperator:Why? When Tinubu dey? no worry jagaban go handle em brothers for me |
helinues:
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oyatz:Assuming you are right, then that means there are enough CPs to represent everybody. |
helinues:https://facebook.com/reel/37236834292628175 |
helinues:https://facebook.com/reel/37236834292628175 |
Abuja | July 24, 2026Source: https://www.igbophobia.org/incidents/cmrypzajx000004las6ilz95p
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Abuja 2026-07-16 Full Story One Igbo Commissioner of Police out of Nigeria's thirty-six states is not just a statistic; it is a revealing indicator of a deeper structural problem. It raises difficult questions about representation, equal opportunity, and whether every major ethnic group truly has a fair place within Nigeria's security architecture. Nigeria often presents itself as a federation built on unity in diversity. Its Constitution and the Federal Character Principle were designed to ensure that no ethnic, regional, or religious group dominates the institutions of the state. Yet, when representation at the highest levels of national security consistently appears uneven, many citizens inevitably begin to question whether those constitutional promises are being fulfilled in practice. The office of Commissioner of Police is not merely administrative. Commissioners oversee law enforcement across entire states, make critical security decisions, coordinate intelligence, and shape public confidence in policing. Their appointments therefore carry both operational and symbolic significance. When one of Nigeria's three largest ethnic groups is represented by only one Commissioner of Police across thirty-six states, concerns naturally arise about whether promotions and appointments are reflecting merit, diversity, and constitutional balance. Representation Matters This issue extends beyond the Igbo community. Representation within national institutions is essential to building trust in a multi-ethnic society. Citizens are more likely to view state institutions as legitimate when they believe those institutions are open to qualified individuals from every region and background. A persistent imbalance, whether real or perceived, risks reinforcing narratives of exclusion. It can deepen mistrust between communities and government, weaken confidence in public institutions, and fuel feelings of marginalization. Critics argue that while no ethnic group is entitled to appointments based solely on identity, prolonged underrepresentation raises legitimate questions about recruitment, promotion pathways, and institutional culture. The Constitutional Question Nigeria's Federal Character Principle exists precisely to prevent the concentration of public offices in the hands of particular regions or groups. The objective is not tokenism but fairness, national cohesion, and equal access to public service. If appointments consistently fail to reflect the country's diversity, observers may reasonably ask: Are promotion systems operating fairly? Are qualified officers from all backgrounds receiving equal opportunities? Is the Federal Character Principle being implemented as intended? These are questions deserving transparent answers rather than political rhetoric. Security Institutions and National Unity Security agencies function best when they enjoy broad public confidence. Diversity within leadership can contribute to stronger institutional legitimacy by demonstrating that appointments are open to talent across the federation. Conversely, perceptions of exclusion—even if unintended—can undermine cooperation between communities and law enforcement. Public trust is a critical component of effective policing, particularly in a country facing complex security challenges. A Call for Transparency The conversation should not be reduced to ethnic competition. Rather, it should focus on transparency, accountability, and equal opportunity. Publishing comprehensive data on recruitment, promotions, and senior appointments across federal security agencies would allow Nigerians to assess whether constitutional principles are being upheld. Clear criteria for promotion and independent oversight can help strengthen public confidence. The Broader National Conversation The question is not whether any one ethnic group should dominate Nigeria's institutions. The question is whether every qualified Nigerian has a genuine opportunity to rise through the ranks regardless of ethnicity or region. A federation thrives when its institutions reflect both competence and inclusion. Where significant disparities exist, they deserve careful examination and, where necessary, corrective action consistent with constitutional principles. One Commissioner of Police out of thirty-six may not tell the entire story of Nigeria's security establishment. However, it is a statistic that invites serious public discussion about representation, institutional fairness, and the continued pursuit of national unity. For Nigeria to credibly claim to be an inclusive federation, its public institutions must not only profess equality—they must be seen to practice it. Genuine inclusion is measured not by constitutional promises alone, but by whether citizens from every part of the country can reasonably believe that public service is governed by merit, fairness, and equal opportunity.
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