₦airaland Forum

At 2026 Oslo Forum, Amb. Tuggar Joins World Leaders to Address Global Conflicts

Nigeria’s former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, has called for intensified regional and international efforts to resolve armed conflicts in the Sahel, warning that persistent insecurity continues to threaten lives, undermine state stability, and hinder progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Speaking on the sidelines of the Oslo Forum—a leading global platform for conflict mediation and peace diplomacy—Amb. Tuggar stressed the importance of sustained dialogue, preventive diplomacy, and collaborative action in addressing some of the world’s most pressing security challenges.

He noted that platforms such as the Oslo Forum play a critical role in bringing together mediators, policymakers, and international stakeholders to focus attention on ongoing conflicts and develop practical pathways to lasting peace.

This year’s Oslo Forum brought together over 150 mediators, conflict parties, and experts to explore pathways out of today’s most complex crises. Hosted by Norway’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Espen Barth Eide, the annual peace mediation gathering is jointly organised by the Norwegian Government and the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue.

The programme focused on conflicts and security challenges across the globe, including discussions on international humanitarian law during armed conflict, maritime security, and regional crises in the Middle East, West Africa, Latin America, and the Horn of Africa.

Other participants at this year’s forum included Kenyan President William Ruto, foreign ministers from the Sahel region, senior representatives from the Middle East, Asia, Europe, and Latin America, the United Kingdom’s National Security Adviser, and China’s Special Envoy for the Middle East. Representatives of the United Nations, regional organisations, and civil society groups also took part in the deliberations.

President Tinubu Administration Committed to Making Hydrography a National Priority — Matawalle

The Honourable Minister of State for Defence, Dr. Bello Muhammad Matawalle, MON, today received the newly appointed Hydrographer of the Federation and Chief Executive Officer of the National Hydrographic Agency (NHA), Rear Admiral OO Fadahunsi, accompanied by the delegation from the Agency’s management team, on a courtesy visit to his office.

During the meeting, the Honourable Minister reaffirmed that the Renewed Hope Administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, remains fully committed to supporting the National Hydrographic Agency and strengthening Nigeria’s hydrography system to enable the provision of effective and critical data for marine navigation, national defence, and other marine activities.

The National Hydrographic Agency (NHA) plays a strategic role in advancing Nigeria’s and the Gulf of Guinea’s maritime capabilities through several key functions which are essential for the effective management and utilization of marine resources.

Furthermore, the Agency continues to support Nigeria’s Blue Economy agenda by facilitating the sustainable use of ocean resources, promoting maritime trade, and driving economic growth through innovative hydrographic solutions and services.

Discussions focused on measures to support and expand Nigeria’s hydrographic capabilities in order to enhance navigational safety, strengthen maritime security, and support sustainable maritime development in Nigeria.

The Minister noted that with the strong policy frameworks already established by the Federal Government, Nigeria is positioned to play a leading role in advancing hydrography across the West African region.

HM Matawalle expressed his readiness to support the Agency and reiterated the Federal Government’s commitment to enhancing Nigeria’s hydrography systems. He further affirmed the Government’s continued support for hydrographic activities within Nigeria’s maritime environment.

In addition, the Hydrographer of the Federation and Chief Executive Officer of the National Hydrographic Agency, Rear Admiral OO Fadahunsi, thanked the Honourable Minister for his visionary leadership and steadfast support. He assured the Minister of the Agency’s commitment to working closely with relevant government ministries, departments, and agencies to promote an integrated intergovernmental approach to hydrographic resilience and drive greater successes.

Nigeria Is Not Watching—Nigeria Is Leading: How President Tinubu’s Foreign Policy Is Reshaping Africa and Repositioning Nigeria in the World

A quiet but consequential revolution has been underway in how Nigeria relates to the world is—and most Nigerians have yet to fully appreciate what is at stake.

Foreign policy is not the preserve of men in suits exchanging courtesies in marble corridors. In many ways, it is the reason your the Naira you hold has value relative to other currencies. It is the reason Nigerian engineers and doctors can work abroad and send money home. It is the reason your government can negotiate better prices for medicine, secure financing for roads, and rally international support when terrorism threatens your community. It is, in the most fundamental sense, about you—your safety, your prosperity, and your place in the world.

We live in an era of profound interdependence. Globalisation has dissolved the walls between economies, cultures, and destinies. The goods on your market shelf crossed three borders before they reached you. The technology in your pocket was designed in California, assembled in China, and financed by capital that passed through Singapore. The price of your petrol is set not in Abuja but in conversations between nations across three continents. In this world, no country can afford to close its eyes or its doors. The choice is not between engagement and isolation—it is between deliberate, purposeful engagement on your own terms, and passive engagement on everyone else’s terms.

Nigeria has made its choice. Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, this country is not watching the world from a distance. It is at the table—setting the agenda.

Every credible foreign policy must begin with a philosophy—a clear answer to the question: what are we in the world for? Under President Tinubu, that philosophy has found its most structured expression in the 4D Doctrine, articulated by the former Minister of Foreign Affairs Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar.

Demography, Development, Diaspora, and Democracy. The 4D Doctrine places Nigerians at the centre of foreign policy thinking in a way that previous frameworks rarely did.

Nigeria’s population—projected by the United Nations to surpass that of the United States before 2050, making us the third most populous nation on earth—is no longer to be spoken of as a burden or a challenge to be managed. Under this doctrine, our people are our argument. They are our leverage. A continent with Nigeria at its demographic heart cannot be organised against Nigeria’s interests.

The Development pillar demands that every diplomatic engagement be measured against a single question: does this make the lives of ordinary Nigerians better? Embassies would no longer function merely as protocol offices, but as investment attraction vehicles and trade promotion platforms. The Development pillar insists that foreign policy justifies itself in concrete terms—jobs created, capital attracted, technology transferred.

The Diaspora pillar recognises what the data has long confirmed: Nigerians abroad are not lost to their country. They are an extension of it. With official remittance inflows reaching $20.93 billion in 2024—more than four times the value of foreign direct investment in that same period—the Nigerian diaspora is, without question, one of the most consequential financial lifelines of the Nigerian state. The President Tinubu administration has backed this recognition with substance: the Diaspora Mortgage Scheme, a proposed $10 billion Diaspora Fund, and expanded consular support for Nigerians abroad.

And Democracy—the commitment to constitutional governance as both a domestic value and a regional export—reflects Nigeria’s understanding that its continental authority rests on the credibility of its own institutions. A Nigeria that preaches democracy while presiding over its erosion at home loses the moral authority to lead. The Tinubu administration has understood this, and has acted accordingly.

In the current moment of global affairs, the temptation for smaller and middle powers is to choose a side—to attach themselves to one great power or another and derive protection from proximity. Nigeria has refused this temptation.

Strategic autonomy—the deliberate posture of sovereign independence in a multipolar world—is the operating philosophy behind Nigeria’s foreign engagement under President Tinubu. As the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Amb. Tuggar has consistently framed it, Nigeria engages any nation based on Nigeria’s interests, not on anyone else’s preferences.

In practice, this has meant pursuing multiple, simultaneous partnerships without dependency on any single one. Nigeria has elevated its bilateral relationship with China to a comprehensive strategic partnership while maintaining robust ties with the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and traditional Western allies. Nigeria has been admitted as a partner country of BRICS through deft diplomatic effort—while President Tinubu has been equally clear that BRICS membership cannot come at the cost of Nigeria’s relationships with France, Germany, the UK, or the US.

I describe this as the exercise of a confident foreign policy by a country that knows its own weight.

The United Kingdom visit offers one powerful illustration. President Tinubu’s state visit to Britain—the first by an elected Nigerian president since the return of civilian rule in 1999—was a quiet but unmistakable signal: that the United Kingdom still regards Nigeria as a country of strategic consequence, and that Nigeria can hold relationships on its own terms when it chooses to. The visit produced concrete progress across security, economic development, migration governance, and human capital cooperation.

For much of its history, Nigeria went to the World Economic Forum in Davos to be considered. Under President Tinubu, Nigeria goes to transact.

In 2026, Vice President Senator Kashim Shettima led a high-level Nigerian delegation to the 56th Annual Meeting of the WEF and formally inaugurated Nigeria House—a sovereign pavilion on the Davos Promenade, established through a public-private partnership, designed to serve as a hub for ministerial engagements, investment roundtables, and cultural diplomacy.

The significance of Nigeria House lies in what it represents: a country that has decided to build a presence in the most concentrated gathering of global capital and institutional leadership in the world. Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment Dr. Jumoke Oduwole described the pavilion as a demonstration of strong public-private partnership; evidence of the rejuvenation of the Nigerian economy and a fundamental shift in how Nigeria presents itself to international investors. The 2026 delegation came serious with structured investment frameworks, sector-specific playbooks, and, for me, the biggest deal: a Deal Room.

The 2026 programme featured themed engagements spanning solid minerals and mining value chains, energy transition and climate investment, digital trade and technology, and the creative economy. Nigeria also used the platform to anchor its identity as the steward of the African Continental Free Trade Area—underscoring the AfCFTA’s potential to unlock a $29 trillion continental economic opportunity by 2050.

Diplomatic achievements must ultimately be measured in something more than communiqués. Under President Tinubu, Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has delivered numbers worth reporting.

Nigeria secured $14 billion in investments from India across multiple strategic sectors—an announcement made at the 5th Ministerial Press Briefing in Abuja in March 2025. A partnership with Netherlands also delivered €250 million in funding and investment opportunities for Nigerian businesses. Nigeria’s recent Eurobond issuance was oversubscribed by more than 300 percent—a signal of investor confidence in the direction of Nigeria’s economic reform that no amount of diplomatic messaging could manufacture on its own.

Ten strategic Memoranda of Understanding have been signed with Germany, Saudi Arabia, China, Equatorial Guinea, France, Cuba, Qatar, the United Kingdom, India, and Brazil. These symbolic documents target concrete cooperation in power, oil and gas, agriculture, infrastructure, and economic development.

A Turkey state visit in 2026 produced nine binding agreements and a stated pathway toward $5 billion in bilateral trade. The UAE engagement—one of the most practically consequential of the administration’s early diplomatic moves—began the first steps towards lifting a visa ban on Nigerians, restoring flight operations, and opening channels for major investment and foreign exchange cooperation. These decisions affect millions of ordinary Nigerians directly. The China relationship, upgraded to a comprehensive strategic partnership, renewed emphasis on trade, infrastructure investment, and industrial collaboration.

Under the strategic autonomy framework, Nigeria has pursued Chinese infrastructure financing, European development cooperation, American security collaboration, and Gulf state investment—all happening simultaneously and treating diversification of partnership as a structural asset

Leadership in global institutions is earned through consistent technical excellence, credible policy positions, and sustained diplomatic engagement. In October 2025, Nigeria earned it again.

Dr. Philip Mshelbila, Managing Director of Nigeria LNG Limited, was elected Secretary-General of the Gas Exporting Countries Forum at the 27th GECF Ministerial Meeting in Doha, Qatar. Simultaneously, Nigeria’s Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Gas), Ekperikpe Ekpo, was appointed President of the 2026 GECF Ministerial Meeting.

These appointments are symbolic and critical. The GECF is the institutional home of the countries that collectively hold approximately 70 percent of the world’s proven natural gas reserves and account for the majority of global LNG exports. Nigeria is Africa’s largest natural gas reserve holder, with over 210 trillion cubic feet of proven reserves. In a global energy transition where natural gas is increasingly positioned as a critical bridge fuel, having a Nigerian at the head of the world’s foremost gas producers’ forum is a direct amplification of Nigeria’s ability to shape global energy policy, pricing conversations, and climate transition architecture.

Diplomatic sources confirm that this victory was the product of deliberate coalition-building and high-level bilateral engagements led by Minister Tuggar and his team. It is precisely the kind of institutional positioning that strategic autonomy is designed to enable.

There is a version of regional leadership that amounts to little more than showing up. Nigeria has been guilty of that version too often in the past. The inaugural West Africa Economic Summit—held at the Abuja International Conference Centre on June 20 and 21, 2025—was an attempt to move beyond it.

Themed “Unlocking Trade and Investment Opportunities in the Region,” the WAES was convened under President Tinubu’s leadership, announced by Minister Tuggar, and attended by Heads of State, ministers, private sector leaders, development partners, and youth innovators from across West Africa and beyond. The summit was designed as both a diplomatic occasion and an economic intervention.

What distinguished it from the long tradition of African summits that end in declarations was the architecture of its ambition. The WAES Deal Room—its most innovative feature—served as a platform for Business-to-Government and Business-to-Business transactions targeting landmark investment deals across infrastructure, agribusiness, renewable energy, and digital finance. Over 100 investment-ready SMEs and regional development projects were exhibited at the West Africa Business Expo, fostering cross-border business linkages. A Youth and Cultural Empowerment Series featured an Innovation Pitch competition and Youth Leadership Panels—a recognition that the next generation of West Africa’s economy will not be built by ministers alone.

Minister Tuggar’s framing of the summit’s purpose was worth noting: West Africa would rise “not as a resource base for others, but as a fully engaged and empowered actor in global trade and transformation.” That is a statement of economic independence. It is also a statement of political maturity—the recognition that prosperity in the region cannot be outsourced to external actors or extracted by them.

In a sub-region where Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Guinea-Bissau have all experienced unconstitutional changes of government within a five-year span, Nigeria’s nearly three decades of unbroken democratic continuity is a regional resource and model.

On November 17, 2025, Nigeria and the United Nations Development Programme jointly launched the Regional Partnership for Democracy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Abuja. Co-created under President Tinubu during his tenure as Chair of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government, the RPD is a five-year initiative running from 2025 to 2030, designed to strengthen democratic governance, rebuild public trust, and enhance institutional resilience across West Africa.

The RPD addresses the underlying conditions that make elections meaningful—or even hollow: weak electoral bodies, the absence of early-warning systems against coups, the exclusion of youth and women from political participation, the spread of disinformation, and the gradual weakening of judicial and media independence.

Its philosophy is as significant as its programme. Minister Tuggar articulated the RPD’s founding principle as the belief that democracy in Africa must be rooted in African values and attuned to local political realities—not transplanted uncritically from elsewhere. UNDP’s Resident Representative Elsie Attafuah described the RPD as “African-led, regionally anchored, and globally significant.” Nigeria hosts the Secretariat.

Ambassador Tuggar called the RPD President Tinubu’s contribution—Nigeria’s “gift to Africa.” The language was deliberate. Why so? The RPD is not a foreign-funded initiative that Nigeria hosts. It is a Nigerian-led initiative, built on the conviction that the answers to Africa’s democratic challenges lie within Africa itself.

On the African Union scene. At the 39th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly in Addis Ababa in February 2026, Vice President Shettima led Nigeria’s delegation to what proved to be one of the country’s more consequential AU engagements in recent memory.

The headline outcome was a permanent seat on the Board of the African Central Bank—the institutional body that will govern Africa’s continental financial architecture as the AU’s monetary integration agenda matures. The Council also extended Nigeria’s representation to the Technical Convergence Committee of the African Monetary Institute. Minister Tuggar acknowledged the win was not easily secured — it faced resistance from other member states before Nigeria’s diplomatic engagement prevailed.

The significance of this achievement deserves emphasis. Africa’s economic integration is not yet complete, but the institutions that will govern it are being built now. A permanent Nigerian seat on the board of the African Central Bank means that decades from now, when the continent’s monetary architecture may be fully operational, Nigeria would have helped to design it from the inside. That is long-term strategic positioning of the highest order.

Beyond the financial architecture win, Nigeria committed to hosting the Combined Maritime Task Force for the Gulf of Guinea—providing office facilities, ships, helicopters, and staff—in a move that positions Nigeria at the centre of maritime security governance in the sub-region. On democratic governance, VP Shettima endorsed AU reforms on unconstitutional changes of government while simultaneously endorsing the lifting of suspensions for Gabon and Guinea—a posture that balanced principled commitment to democratic norms with pragmatic recognition that reintegration, not perpetual exclusion, is the path back to stability.

Perhaps the most sensitive and most revealing of Nigeria’s recent diplomatic engagements has been its approach to the Republic of Niger—a country that experienced a military coup in 2023, was subjected to ECOWAS sanctions that Nigeria championed, and yet remains one of Nigeria’s most consequential neighbours.

On April 16, 2025, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Amb. Tuggar paid a working visit to Niamey for high-level talks with his Nigerien counterpart—a meeting conducted, by all accounts, in a spirit of fraternity and good neighbourliness. The outcomes were substantive: commitment to revitalising the Nigeria-Niger Joint Commission; advancing the Kano–Katsina–Jibiya–Maradi Railway; the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline, Trans-Saharan Highway, and Trans-Saharan Fiber Optic projects; and enhanced counter-terrorism and border security cooperation.

The significance of this is crucial. The border between Nigeria and Niger is 1,500 kilometres of porous, contested terrain through which insurgents, smugglers, and trafficked persons move with regularity. Security along that frontier affects both countries significantly. The Tinubu administration’s decision to pursue diplomatic normalisation with Niger’s military government, without abandoning its democratic principles, reflects the difficult but necessary pragmatism of a country that must live with its neighbours long after the summit declarations have faded.

It is easy to dismiss foreign policy as the business of elites. It is harder to maintain that dismissal when you consider what it actually produces.

The $20.93 billion that Nigerians abroad sent home in 2024—those are school fees paid, businesses funded, families sustained. The GECF Secretary-Generalship won in Doha—that is Nigeria at the table where global gas prices and energy transition policies are shaped, a table with consequences for every Nigerian who pays an energy bill or works in the gas sector. The permanent seat on the African Central Bank Board—that is Nigeria’s hand in writing the financial rules that will govern African trade and investment for the next century. The UAE visa ban being lifted—that is Nigerian families reunited, Nigerian businesspeople back in the air, and Nigerian commerce resumed.

Foreign policy, at its best, is domestic policy conducted on the global stage. And the clearest measure of its success is not the eloquence of the doctrine or the ambition of the framework, it is whether ordinary Nigerians live better, work more freely, and face the future with greater confidence because of it.

Under President Tinubu, the architecture is being built. The doctrine is coherent, the engagements are multiplying, and the institutional wins are accumulating. The challenge ahead—the one that will determine the ultimate verdict on this era of Nigerian foreign policy—is execution at home: the regulatory clarity, institutional stability, and policy consistency that alone can convert diplomatic openings into jobs, infrastructure, and industrial growth.

Nigeria is at the table. And President Tinubu is making sure that being on this table delivers for all of us.

- Mohammed Abiodun is a historian, he writes from the FCT

Why EFCC Must Reopen Its Case Against Senator Yari - Group

The Nigerian Advocates for Anti-Corruption Forum (NAACF), a Lagos-based anti-corruption advocacy group, has called on the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to reopen its unresolved cases against the former Governor of Zamfara State, Senator Abdul’aziz Yari.

The group, in a statement issued on Wednesday and signed by its Chairman, Bashir Babatunde, said the allegations against the former governor were too serious to be left unresolved.

Citing how the former governor obtained orders from the Federal High Court in 2022 and 2023 restraining law enforcement agencies from detaining him over corruption allegations, the group argued that Senator Yari had, for years, evaded accountability over his stewardship in Zamfara State. It added that, in the interest of transparency and accountability, the outstanding cases should be pursued to their logical conclusion, including, where appropriate, securing a conviction.

“Senator Yari has been under investigation since 2022 for alleged fraud relating to the Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme (SURE-P). It is unfortunate that, to date, the EFCC has not been able to successfully prosecute the case and secure a conviction.

“Recall that Yari was also arrested in connection with the fraud allegations levelled against Ahmed Idris, the former Accountant-General of the Federation, who was subsequently suspended.

“Senator Yari was reported to have allegedly benefited to the tune of N22 billion through a company, Finex Professional. The funds were reportedly paid to him by the former Accountant-General.

“It is suspicious that since the former governor joined the 10th Senate, all existing cases involving him that were being investigated by the EFCC appear to have been put on hold. This does not reflect well on the EFCC.”

The group also alleged that, in 2021, Senator Yari was questioned by the EFCC over an alleged attempt to illegally move N300 billion from a corporate account in a new-generation bank, shortly after he had forfeited assets and funds believed to be proceeds of corruption, “however, it is unfortunate that nothing came out of that questioning.”

It further claimed that Senator Yari, who recently acquired a majority stake in Geregu Power in a transaction reportedly valued at over $750 million, was using funds that were the subject of ongoing investigations to acquire additional assets and maintain an affluent lifestyle.

According to the group, the EFCC’s silence on the allegations against Senator Yari creates the impression that the agency is selective in its anti-corruption efforts and undermines public confidence in its impartiality.

It therefore urged the anti-corruption agency not to be deterred by the status or influence of any individual, but to resume its investigations and diligently pursue the cases through the courts.

Accelerating Technology Transfer: The Impact of PICTT’s DELTA-2 Initiative

A few days ago, I made a series of posts about the Presidential Implementation Committee on Technology Transfer (PICTT), highlighting its objectives, priority areas, core mandate and leadership.

Today, I would like to spotlight some of the projects and programmes being implemented by the Committee.

I will begin with its flagship initiative: the DELTA-2 Programme.

The DELTA-2 Programme is a bilateral Research, Development and Innovation (R&&I) initiative between Nigeria and the Czech Republic. It was established to promote technology transfer, strengthen applied research, and foster closer collaboration among academia, industry and government institutions. The programme is designed to ensure that research outcomes move beyond laboratories and classrooms into commercially viable products, services and technologies that can drive economic growth.

Through the programme, Nigeria and the Czech Republic jointly provide funding for innovative projects in strategic sectors such as agriculture, mining, manufacturing and other technology-driven fields. The programme has a total funding envelope of $21.7 million, with the Technology Agency of the Czech Republic (TA CR) contributing $11.7 million and Nigeria, through PICTT and NASENI, contributing $10 million.

To qualify for support, proposed projects must demonstrate key research and innovation attributes, including novelty, creativity, uncertainty, systematic methodology, and the potential for transferability or reproducibility. Beyond scientific merit, projects must also show clear commercial potential and the capacity to create value in the marketplace through new products, processes, services or technologies.

The programme has attracted significant interest from Nigeria’s innovation community. During the first call for proposals, 285 project submissions were received from companies and institutions across the country. Following a rigorous evaluation process involving experts from academia, engineering and industry, the most promising projects were selected for funding and implementation.

What makes DELTA-2 particularly important is that it is a deliberate technology-transfer mechanism aimed at ensuring that knowledge, expertise and innovation developed through international collaboration are domesticated and commercialised in Nigeria. The expected outputs include patents, pilot plants, proven technologies, software solutions, certified methodologies and other commercially valuable innovations.

Impact of the DELTA-2 Programme

1. Strengthening Nigeria’s Innovation Ecosystem: By connecting researchers, entrepreneurs, industries and government institutions, the programme helps build a stronger national innovation system.
2. Job Creation and Skills Development: The funded projects create opportunities for researchers, engineers, technicians and young innovators while building local technical capacity.
3. Boosting Local Manufacturing and Industrialisation: The programme supports the development of locally produced technologies and products, reducing dependence on imports and strengthening domestic industry.
4. Access to Global Technology and Expertise: Through collaboration with Czech institutions and companies, Nigerian innovators gain access to international best practices, research networks and advanced technologies.
5. Economic Diversification: By promoting innovation in agriculture, mining, manufacturing and other productive sectors, DELTA-2 contributes to Nigeria’s efforts to build a more diversified and resilient economy.
6. Commercialisation of Research Results: Perhaps most importantly, the programme helps bridge the longstanding gap between research and the marketplace by turning ideas and discoveries into products and services that can generate economic value.

The DELTA-2 Programme demonstrates how strategic international partnerships can be leveraged not only to advance research, but also to accelerate technology transfer, industrial growth and national development.

Darlington Obidike

How Senator Yari’s Preferred Candidates Lost Zamfara National Assembly Primaries

Candidates reportedly backed by Senator Abdul’aziz Abubakar Yari, who represents Zamfara West Senatorial District in the 10th National Assembly under the All Progressives Congress (APC), are said to have lost their bids at the party’s National Assembly primaries.

According to confirmed reports from the party headquarters, Senator Ikira Aliyu Bilbis, representing Zamfara Central Senatorial District, and Sahabi Yau Kaura, who contested for the Zamfara North Senatorial District ticket, emerged victorious despite not being Senator Yari’s preferred candidates.

A politician in the state, who spoke on condition of anonymity, alleged that Senator Yari attempted to influence the outcome of the primaries through financial inducements.

The source claimed that the senator sought to persuade party leaders and officials to alter the results in favour of his preferred candidates but was unsuccessful.

According to the source, party members rejected the alleged inducements, insisting that their votes and decisions were not for sale.

One APC member in Zamfara State, who also requested anonymity, said:

“We are no longer for sale in Zamfara State. Yari thinks everything is about buying and selling, but we have integrity, and that era has come to an end. He has no integrity, and no one takes him seriously anymore.

“Whenever he is with people, he tries to project himself as powerful. He often claims to have close contacts with the President and Vice President and attempts to demonstrate this in our presence by calling them and putting it on speaker. He believes such displays will impress us, but they do not.”

Reports also alleged that a document titled “Concluded List of APC Senatorial Candidates So Far” was circulated by Senator Yari ahead of the conclusion of the party’s processes. The document contained the names of Senator Yari’s candidates who did not emerge from the primaries.

The circulation of the list prompted the APC to issue a statement disowning the publication and describing it as fake.

In the statement, the party said:

“The attention of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has been drawn to a purported ‘Concluded List of APC Senatorial Candidates So Far’ currently circulating on social media and some online platforms.

“The APC wishes to state that the said list is FAKE and did not emanate from the Party.

“Accordingly, Party members, stakeholders, the media, and the general public are advised to disregard the publication in its entirety.

“The Party reiterates that only the National Working Committee (NWC) of the APC, acting through its duly authorised channels of communication, is empowered to announce the list of candidates emerging from its primary elections and other constitutionally prescribed processes.

“We urge all Party members and stakeholders to refrain from circulating unverified information capable of causing confusion, misleading the public, or undermining the integrity of the Party’s democratic processes.”

Attempts to reach Senator Yari for his comments and response proved abortive as he did not respond to messages sent to his known phone number.

NASENI Opens National Voting for Innovate Naija Grand Finale

The National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) has officially opened nationwide voting for the grand finale of the Innovate Naija Challenge, marking the final stage of the competition aimed at identifying and supporting Nigeria’s most promising innovators.

Following the emergence of winners from the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory, Nigerians now have the opportunity to vote for the innovator they believe deserves to be crowned the national champion and win the competition’s grand prize of N100 million.

Voting is open via: https:///NASENI-VL2

Announcing the commencement of voting, the Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of NASENI, Mr. Khalil Suleiman Halilu, described the initiative as a platform for discovering transformative ideas capable of driving economic growth, solving local challenges, and creating jobs across the country.

He noted that the finalists have already demonstrated exceptional ingenuity and impact through their innovations, adding that public participation will play a crucial role in determining the overall winner.

According to him, the Innovate Naija Challenge is more than a competition, as it provides innovators with access to mentorship, industry networks, commercialization opportunities, and the broader NASENI innovation ecosystem.

NASENI encouraged Nigerians to visit the voting platform, watch the innovation pitches, and support their preferred finalists before voting closes on June 23, 2026, at 12:00 noon.

The agency reaffirmed its commitment to fostering innovation, entrepreneurship, and technology-driven development in line with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda and NASENI’s mandate of transforming ideas into commercially viable products and solutions.

For more information and to vote, visit: https:///NASENI-VL2

Why We Must Not Repeat the Zamfara Mistake in Bauchi State

In the lead-up to Nigeria’s 2019 general elections, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Zamfara State was plagued by deep internal divisions and leadership crises that prevented it from conducting valid primary elections within the timeline stipulated by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

Factional disputes emerged, and the party failed to resolve them internally. This led to a situation in which the APC could not produce properly nominated candidates for the governorship, National Assembly, and State Assembly elections. Despite this, the party proceeded to field Malam Mukhtar Shehu Idris as its governorship candidate. He went on to win overwhelmingly at the polls, securing over 67 per cent of the votes.

However, in a landmark ruling delivered on May 24, 2019, the Supreme Court nullified all APC victories in the state, declaring the party’s votes “wasted” because it had no validly nominated candidates owing to the flawed primaries. The court ordered that the seats be awarded to the runners-up from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), including Bello Matawalle as Governor.

If there was a lesson from that episode, it was that unresolved internal wrangling can cost a major party an entire state’s electoral harvest. It demonstrated how a self-inflicted crisis can pave the way for a shrewd opposition party to take power despite trailing significantly in the popular vote.

Recent events in Bauchi State give me similar concerns about the fate of the APC in the state.

Last month, the APC announced that it would conduct governorship primaries on May 21, 2026. While the exercise took place in several states, it was postponed in Bauchi by a few days. Why?

Bauchi State, a state unique in its politics and known for the sophistication of its electorate, was experiencing teething problems. Some aspirants had openly declared their intentions to run, while others chose to play political games behind the scenes.

Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, whom I would describe as one of the leading aspirants in the race, was among the first to publicly throw his hat into the ring. Bala Wunti, a former executive in NNPC’s upstream operations, also declared his interest. Others followed suit. Meanwhile, former Governor Mohammed Abubakar, who was voted out of office in 2019, quietly signalled his interest behind the scenes.

Notably, the Minister of Health, Mohammed Pate, whom many believed had an interest in the seat, did not resign his position to contest.

It was only after subsequent events unfolded that Nigerians began to understand why. Mohammed Pate had apparently chosen not to contest. Instead, he was said to have sought the President’s backing for Mohammed Abubakar’s candidacy, reportedly on the understanding that Abubakar, if elected, would serve a single term and thereafter make way for him.

It was therefore not surprising that on May 22, Mohammed Abubakar reportedly told a public gathering that he had received the President’s endorsement.

That claim, known only to him and reportedly dismissed as a lie by those close to the President, came as a shock to many. Only days earlier, Mohammed Abubakar had barely featured in discussions surrounding the ticket. Indeed, he is an unpopular candidate in Bauchi State. No shrewd political strategist would place such him at the top of a ticket they intend to win with.

On the same day, his associates reportedly claimed in the media that he had emerged as the consensus candidate. However, no other aspirant had agreed to such a consensus. Ambassador Tuggar, in particular, publicly rejected the claim, insisting that no consensus arrangement had been reached and that he had signed no agreement endorsing any candidate—which is a crucial legal ingredient for the definition of a consensus candidate.

Then came the greatest surprise of all.

On May 23, 2026, Mr John Abang, the APC Chairman of the Governorship Primary Election Committee in Bauchi State, announced the results of the primaries from a room occupied by only a handful of people. According to the figures he presented, Mohammed Abubakar—who had neither publicly campaigned extensively for the office nor participated in any visible contest—had won the primary with more than 57,000 votes. Ambassador Tuggar, according to the same figures, came second with over 26,000 votes.

This is a travesty.

Wherever Mr Abang obtained those figures from, they did not come from Bauchi State. Across the state, no voting reportedly took place during the governorship primaries. As of today, no photographs, videos, or other credible evidence have emerged showing that primary elections were conducted anywhere in the state. Only Mr Abang appears to know where those votes came from.

The danger is that the APC may have created a serious legal and political problem for itself.

By every indication, no lawful nor valid primary election took place in Bauchi State. First, there was no consensus. Had there been one, the legal requirement would have been for all aspirants involved to formally endorse and agree to it. That did not happen.

Mohammed Abubakar, being a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), should know this better than most.

Second, there was no observable primary election. No voting process was witnessed across the state. No delegates were seen casting ballots. No evidence has been produced to show that any election actually occurred.

If an aggrieved aspirant decides to challenge the process in court—whether today, tomorrow, or even after the general election—the APC may find itself facing the same legal danger that befell it in Zamfara State. A court could conclude that no valid primary election took place and that the party therefore has no lawful candidate.

Would that not hand an easy victory to the APM, the platform owned by Bala Mohammed? Or to the PDP? Or even to the ADC? Why would the APC allow itself to make such a grave electoral mistake when it can still be avoided?

Mohammed Abubakar is unelectable. He is unpopular among many voters in Bauchi State and would struggle to command significant electoral support. He is simply not worth the risk the APC is taking.

The President and the leadership of the party must not allow Mohammed Pate to lead them into a political dungeon and leave the APC trapped in Bauchi State’s electoral purgatory while he completes his tenure as Minister of Health. That would be unfair to the party.

The APC boasts some of the country’s finest political minds and most formidable political operators. It owes itself better than this. A credible primary election—or a properly negotiated and legally compliant consensus process—would produce a candidate capable of winning the state. That is what the party should be pursuing, not a process that many already regard as a sham and which may ultimately end in disaster.

This decision should be reversed immediately. Otherwise, the APC risks shooting itself in the foot once again, just as it did in Zamfara State. Mohammed Abubakar, an unpopular former governor with significant electoral baggage, is simply not worth the risk.

- Dahiru Bashir, writes from the FCT

Why We Must Not Repeat the Zamfara Mistake in Bauchi State

In the lead-up to Nigeria’s 2019 general elections, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Zamfara State was plagued by deep internal divisions and leadership crises that prevented it from conducting valid primary elections within the timeline stipulated by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

Factional disputes emerged, and the party failed to resolve them internally. This led to a situation in which the APC could not produce properly nominated candidates for the governorship, National Assembly, and State Assembly elections. Despite this, the party proceeded to field Malam Mukhtar Shehu Idris as its governorship candidate. He went on to win overwhelmingly at the polls, securing over 67 per cent of the votes.

However, in a landmark ruling delivered on May 24, 2019, the Supreme Court nullified all APC victories in the state, declaring the party’s votes “wasted” because it had no validly nominated candidates owing to the flawed primaries. The court ordered that the seats be awarded to the runners-up from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), including Bello Matawalle as Governor.

If there was a lesson from that episode, it was that unresolved internal wrangling can cost a major party an entire state’s electoral harvest. It demonstrated how a self-inflicted crisis can pave the way for a shrewd opposition party to take power despite trailing significantly in the popular vote.

Recent events in Bauchi State give me similar concerns about the fate of the APC in the state.

Last month, the APC announced that it would conduct governorship primaries on May 21, 2026. While the exercise took place in several states, it was postponed in Bauchi by a few days. Why?

Bauchi State, a state unique in its politics and known for the sophistication of its electorate, was experiencing teething problems. Some aspirants had openly declared their intentions to run, while others chose to play political games behind the scenes.

Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, whom I would describe as one of the leading aspirants in the race, was among the first to publicly throw his hat into the ring. Bala Wunti, a former executive in NNPC’s upstream operations, also declared his interest. Others followed suit. Meanwhile, former Governor Mohammed Abubakar, who was voted out of office in 2019, quietly signalled his interest behind the scenes.

Notably, the Minister of Health, Mohammed Pate, whom many believed had an interest in the seat, did not resign his position to contest.

It was only after subsequent events unfolded that Nigerians began to understand why. Mohammed Pate had apparently chosen not to contest. Instead, he was said to have sought the President’s backing for Mohammed Abubakar’s candidacy, reportedly on the understanding that Abubakar, if elected, would serve a single term and thereafter make way for him.

It was therefore not surprising that on May 22, Mohammed Abubakar reportedly told a public gathering that he had received the President’s endorsement.

That claim, known only to him and reportedly dismissed as a lie by those close to the President, came as a shock to many. Only days earlier, Mohammed Abubakar had barely featured in discussions surrounding the ticket. Indeed, he is an unpopular candidate in Bauchi State. No shrewd political strategist would place such him at the top of a ticket they intend to win with.

On the same day, his associates reportedly claimed in the media that he had emerged as the consensus candidate. However, no other aspirant had agreed to such a consensus. Ambassador Tuggar, in particular, publicly rejected the claim, insisting that no consensus arrangement had been reached and that he had signed no agreement endorsing any candidate—which is a crucial legal ingredient for the definition of a consensus candidate.

Then came the greatest surprise of all.

On May 23, 2026, Mr John Abang, the APC Chairman of the Governorship Primary Election Committee in Bauchi State, announced the results of the primaries from a room occupied by only a handful of people. According to the figures he presented, Mohammed Abubakar—who had neither publicly campaigned extensively for the office nor participated in any visible contest—had won the primary with more than 57,000 votes. Ambassador Tuggar, according to the same figures, came second with over 26,000 votes.

This is a travesty.

Wherever Mr Abang obtained those figures from, they did not come from Bauchi State. Across the state, no voting reportedly took place during the governorship primaries. As of today, no photographs, videos, or other credible evidence have emerged showing that primary elections were conducted anywhere in the state. Only Mr Abang appears to know where those votes came from.

The danger is that the APC may have created a serious legal and political problem for itself.

By every indication, no lawful nor valid primary election took place in Bauchi State. First, there was no consensus. Had there been one, the legal requirement would have been for all aspirants involved to formally endorse and agree to it. That did not happen.

Mohammed Abubakar, being a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), should know this better than most.

Second, there was no observable primary election. No voting process was witnessed across the state. No delegates were seen casting ballots. No evidence has been produced to show that any election actually occurred.

If an aggrieved aspirant decides to challenge the process in court—whether today, tomorrow, or even after the general election—the APC may find itself facing the same legal danger that befell it in Zamfara State. A court could conclude that no valid primary election took place and that the party therefore has no lawful candidate.

Would that not hand an easy victory to the APM, the platform owned by Bala Mohammed? Or to the PDP? Or even to the ADC? Why would the APC allow itself to make such a grave electoral mistake when it can still be avoided?

Mohammed Abubakar is unelectable. He is unpopular among many voters in Bauchi State and would struggle to command significant electoral support. He is simply not worth the risk the APC is taking.

The President and the leadership of the party must not allow Mohammed Pate to lead them into a political dungeon and leave the APC trapped in Bauchi State’s electoral purgatory while he completes his tenure as Minister of Health. That would be unfair to the party.

The APC boasts some of the country’s finest political minds and most formidable political operators. It owes itself better than this. A credible primary election—or a properly negotiated and legally compliant consensus process—would produce a candidate capable of winning the state. That is what the party should be pursuing, not a process that many already regard as a sham and which may ultimately end in disaster.

This decision should be reversed immediately. Otherwise, the APC risks shooting itself in the foot once again, just as it did in Zamfara State. Mohammed Abubakar, an unpopular former governor with significant electoral baggage, is simply not worth the risk.

- Dahiru Bashir, writes from the FCT

As ISWAP’s Foreign Fighter Pipeline Collapses, Nigeria’s Security Strategy Shows Signs of a Turning Point

In a development that would have seemed improbable only a few years ago, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), one of Africa’s deadliest extremist organizations, has publicly acknowledged that the routes used to bring foreign fighters into its ranks have effectively collapsed.

The admission, circulated through the group’s unofficial media channels, offers a rare glimpse into the mounting pressure facing insurgent networks across Nigeria’s northeast. ISWAP attributed the closure of its “hijrah” routes—pathways traditionally used to facilitate the migration of foreign recruits into terrorist-controlled territory—to what it described as relentless attacks by “the American dogs and the apostates of Nigeria.”

For security officials and analysts, the statement is viewed as an indication that years of investments in intelligence gathering, military modernization, border security, and international cooperation are beginning to constrict the group’s operational space.

The development comes amid a series of coordinated security successes that Nigerian authorities say reflect a broader shift in the country’s counterterrorism architecture—one increasingly driven by intelligence-led operations, inter-agency coordination, and strengthened partnerships with international allies, particularly the United States.

At the center of that effort is Nigeria’s Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), which has spent the past two years deepening coordination among military, intelligence, and law enforcement agencies while also expanding security cooperation with the United States and regional partners.

The closure of ISWAP’s foreign fighter routes appears to be the latest manifestation of that strategy.

Security analysts note that terrorist organizations depend heavily on the movement of personnel, weapons, financing, and intelligence across porous borders. By disrupting those channels simultaneously, authorities have complicated ISWAP’s ability to replenish losses, recruit specialists, and sustain operations across the Lake Chad Basin.

Recent military operations underscore that pressure.

In one of the most significant strikes reported in recent months, Nigerian forces conducted a precision air operation around Kirta and Arina Ciki in Borno State, killing dozens of terrorists, including Khalifa Umar—also known as Mamman Khalifa or Muhammad Khalifa—a senior ISWAP judge and member of the group’s influential Shura Council. Military sources said approximately 49 other fighters were eliminated in the operation, dealing a substantial blow to the organization’s leadership structure.

The strike followed a pattern increasingly evident across Nigeria’s counterterrorism campaign: operations guided by actionable intelligence and coordinated across multiple security agencies.

That same intelligence-driven approach recently led troops of the Nigerian Army’s 7 Division Provost Group to arrest a suspected Boko Haram logistics supplier and informant in Maiduguri. The suspect, Mohammed Bulama, 25, was apprehended during a surveillance operation after security operatives reportedly monitored his activities over an extended period.

Investigators allege that Bulama supplied both logistical assistance and sensitive information to terrorist elements operating in Borno State.

While such arrests rarely generate the attention associated with battlefield victories, they are often equally consequential. Modern insurgencies depend not only on fighters but also on networks of informants, suppliers, transporters, financiers, and facilitators. Disrupting those networks can significantly degrade operational capability.

The same logic appears to have informed a major operation by Nigeria’s Department of State Services (DSS), which recently dismantled an arms trafficking network linked to one of the country’s most notorious kidnapping incidents.

The DSS announced the arrest of five suspected arms couriers, including two foreign nationals, accused of supplying weapons to the gunmen responsible for the November 2025 mass abduction at St. Mary’s Catholic School in Papiri, Niger State.

The operation began with the interception of three suspects along the Zaria-Kaduna Highway. Subsequent raids led to the arrest of alleged international arms courier Goni Ibrahim from Niger Republic’s Diffa Region and his associate, Tukur Sani.

Security operatives recovered 15 AK-103 rifles, 15 magazines, and 1,434 rounds of live ammunition concealed inside their vehicle. Days later, another suspect, Alhaji Adamu, also known as Gado Banufe, was arrested in Kebbi State.

Investigators say the suspects played a central role in supplying weapons to the criminal network behind the Papiri school kidnapping, in which nearly 300 students and staff members were abducted.

The arrests point to another critical element of Nigeria’s evolving security strategy: the recognition that terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, and arms trafficking increasingly operate as interconnected ecosystems rather than isolated threats.

Ongoing security reforms by ONSA have played a significant role in fostering that whole-of-government approach, encouraging intelligence sharing among agencies that historically operated in silos while strengthening cooperation with foreign partners.

The United States has also emerged as an important partner in Nigeria’s security endeavors.

Over the past two years, security cooperation between Nigeria and the United States has expanded across intelligence exchange, counterterrorism coordination, training, surveillance support, and efforts aimed at disrupting transnational terrorist and criminal networks operating across West Africa.

The benefits of that collaboration are increasingly visible in operational outcomes.

ISWAP’s own complaint about attacks by both Nigerian and American-backed efforts suggests the group itself recognizes the growing effectiveness of the partnership.

The significance of the closure of foreign fighter routes extends beyond symbolism. Historically, extremist groups have relied on cross-border recruitment to replenish losses, acquire specialized skills, and maintain ideological momentum. Restricting those pathways not only reduces their manpower but also limits access to external expertise and international support networks.

For a movement that once projected itself as a regional affiliate of the global Islamic State network, the inability to safely move recruits into its territory represents a serious strategic setback.

Challenges remain. Terrorist and criminal groups continue to make attempts to attack the country’s citizens, and Nigeria’s vast geography presents enduring security complexities. Yet the accumulation of recent successes—from precision strikes against senior ISWAP leaders to the disruption of logistics networks, the arrest of arms traffickers, and the apparent collapse of foreign fighter routes—shows that the balance is shifting.

Perhaps most notably, one of the strongest evidence has come not from official government statements but from the adversaries themselves.

When an insurgent organization publicly admits that its recruitment corridors have become too dangerous to use, it offers a revealing measure of how much the operating environment has changed.

For Nigeria’s security establishment, and for the coordinating framework led by ONSA alongside increasingly robust international partnerships, particularly with the United States, that admission may be among the clearest indicators yet that sustained pressure is beginning to yield strategic results.


- Danjuma Alheri is a development expert working with a Non-Governmental Organisation in Northern Nigeria

NASENI Trains 50 Women in Kano on Renewable Energy Technologies

The National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), under the leadership of its Executive Vice Chairman/CEO, Khalil Suleiman Halilu, has trained 50 women in Kano State on inverter and battery technologies through its She-Powers Energy Initiative.

The three-day programme, held at the Technology Incubation Centre, Farm Centre, Kano, was designed to equip participants with practical renewable energy skills, promote women-led enterprises, and enhance sustainable livelihoods.

The initiative forms part of NASENI’s broader commitment to empowering women, creating economic opportunities, and expanding participation in Nigeria’s growing clean energy sector. It also aligns with the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu by supporting job creation, entrepreneurship, and inclusive economic development.

Through targeted interventions such as the She-Powers Energy Initiative, NASENI continues to demonstrate its commitment to leveraging technology and innovation to improve lives and drive sustainable development across the country.

MATAWALLE JOINS PRESIDENT TINUBU TO CELEBRATE NIGERIAN NAVY AT 70, AS PRESIDENT COMMISSIONS THREE NEW VESSELS

The Minister of State for Defence, Dr. Bello Mohammed Matawalle, MON, this week joined President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, and other senior government officials at the 2026 International Fleet Review in Lagos, where the President commended the Nigerian Navy for 70 years of dedicated service to the nation and commissioned three newly acquired naval vessels.

The event, held at the Eko Atlantic Waterfront as part of activities marking the 70th Anniversary of the Nigerian Navy, highlighted the Service’s enduring contributions to maritime security, national defence, and economic stability.

As the supervising Minister responsible for the Nigerian Navy, Dr. Matawalle reaffirmed the Federal Government’s commitment to strengthening the operational capabilities of the Service through sustained investments in modern platforms, technology, training, and personnel welfare, in line with President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

At the ceremony, President Tinubu commissioned NNS Oloibiri, NNS Mambila, and NNS Gurara, describing the vessels as strategic additions that will further enhance the Navy’s ability to secure Nigeria’s maritime environment and protect critical national assets.

Serving as the Reviewing Officer, the President praised the Nigerian Navy’s achievements in combating piracy, crude oil theft, illegal fishing, maritime smuggling, and other transnational crimes in the Gulf of Guinea.

President Tinubu particularly lauded the Navy’s sustained operations against crude oil theft and maritime criminality, noting that these efforts have contributed significantly to increased oil production, improved government revenues, and strengthened investor confidence in Nigeria’s maritime sector.

“Beyond the maritime domain, I also commend the Nigerian Navy for its contributions to counterterrorism and counterinsurgency operations across the country. The courage and professionalism demonstrated by the Special Boat Service in executing complex missions are truly commendable.

“More so, with the recent induction of the Nigerian Navy Marines into operational theatres, I am confident that even greater successes will be recorded. Indeed, the Nigerian Navy has become an indispensable pillar of both national and regional security,” the President said.

The President further noted that Nigeria’s maritime domain remains a strategic pillar of the national economy and commended the Navy for its steadfast protection of the nation’s territorial waters and maritime resources.

He observed that through the effective deployment of surveillance systems, rapid response mechanisms, and robust enforcement operations, the Navy has successfully eliminated piracy within Nigerian waters and significantly curtailed crude oil theft and other maritime crimes.

According to him, these achievements have strengthened security in coastal communities, increased oil production, and supported broader economic growth.

President Tinubu also acknowledged the Navy’s close collaboration with other security agencies, regional partners, and international allies in making the Gulf of Guinea safer for commercial shipping and maritime activities.

Reaffirming his administration’s support for the Service, the President pledged continued investment in modern naval platforms, advanced technologies, personnel welfare, training, and capacity development to ensure the Navy remains prepared to meet emerging security challenges.

He congratulated the Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Idi Abbas, officers, ratings, veterans, and families of naval personnel on the historic milestone, urging them to remain steadfast in their service to the nation.

In his remarks, the Chief of Naval Staff attributed many of the Navy’s recent operational successes to the strategic direction of President Tinubu’s administration and the strong policy support provided by the Ministry of Defence under the leadership of the Minister of Defence and the Minister of State for Defence.

Vice Admiral Abbas noted that investments in modern platforms, improved surveillance capabilities, and enhanced inter-agency cooperation have strengthened Nigeria’s maritime security architecture and enabled the Service to intensify operations against piracy, crude oil theft, sea robbery, illegal fishing, and other transnational maritime crimes.

He reaffirmed the loyalty and commitment of officers and ratings to the Constitution and the Commander-in-Chief, pledging that the Nigerian Navy would remain vigilant in defending Nigeria’s maritime domain against all threats.

The International Fleet Review attracted naval delegations from across the Gulf of Guinea and beyond, underscoring Nigeria’s growing leadership role in regional maritime security cooperation.

Among dignitaries in attendance who also joined the Minister of State for Defence, Dr. Bello Mohammed Matawalle, MON were the Minister of Defence, Gen. Christopher Musa (Rtd); National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu; Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu; Chairman of the Senate Committee on Navy, Senator Gbenga Daniel; Chairman of the House Committee on Navy, Hon. Yusuf Gagdi; Chief of Defence Staff, General Olufemi Oluyede; Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Waidi Shaibu; Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Kennedy Aneke; Inspector-General of Police, Tunji Disu; and Chiefs of Naval Staff from several Gulf of Guinea nations, alongside representatives of friendly foreign navies and former Service Chiefs.

The celebration marked not only seven decades of operational excellence by the Nigerian Navy but also reaffirmed the Federal Government’s determination, through the Ministry of Defence and under the stewardship of President Tinubu, to build a stronger, better-equipped, and more technologically advanced naval force capable of safeguarding Nigeria’s maritime interests for generations to come.

Ribadu, Gbajabiamila, Disu, lead FG Delegation To Oyo State As Tinubu Deploys 1,000 Forest Guards

A high-powered Federal Government delegation on Sunday, May 31, 2026, visited Esiele and Yawota communities in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State following the abduction of pupils and teachers from Community Grammar School, Baptist Nursery and Primary School, and L.A. Primary School on May 15, 2026.
 
The delegation conveyed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's deep concern over the incident and his commitment to securing the safe return of the victims.
 
As part of immediate measures to strengthen security in the area, President Tinubu has approved the recruitment of 1,000 forest guards in Oyo State in collaboration with the state government.
 
The delegation also informed community leaders and lawmakers that their request for the establishment of a military base in the area would be conveyed to the President for consideration and approval.
 
In addition, the President has directed a specialized security unit with advanced rescue capabilities to intensify efforts to secure the release of the abducted pupils and teachers.
 
The delegation was led by the President's Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, and included the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu; the Inspector-General of Police; Tunji Disu; the Minister of Defence, General Christopher Musa (rtd); and the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Public Communications, Sunday Dare.
 
Addressing residents in both English and Yoruba, Gbajabiamila said the President's decision to dispatch the nation's top security leadership to the affected communities reflected his determination to deploy every available resource towards securing the victims' release.
 
"Mr. President is deeply troubled by this incident. Whatever it takes, our children and teachers will be brought back home safely. He has issued all necessary directives and is providing every support required by our security agencies to achieve that objective.
 
"Your pain and anxiety are understood. By the grace of God, your children will return safely to your arms.
 
"Mr. President also saw the appeals from some parents and community members urging caution in the rescue efforts. Let me assure you that the operation will be intelligence-led and carefully coordinated, deploying both kinetic and non-kinetic measures to secure the safe return of the victims," he said.
 
The delegation was also at the palace of the Soun of Ogbomoso land, HRM Kabiyesi Ghandi Afolabi Olaoye to commiserate with him and his people. The delegation also met with the wife of the deceased school Teacher, Mrs. Mary Oyedokun and her two children. Femi Gbajabiamila, delivered the President’s condolences with a promise that the family will not suffer.

As Security Agencies Tighten Coordination, Nigerian Forces Press Advantage Against Terrorist Networks

In the span of just a few days, Nigerian security forces carried out a series of coordinated operations across the country’s North-West, North-East and North-Central regions, rescuing kidnapped civilians, killing suspected terrorists and disrupting planned attack—a pattern that security analysts say increasingly reflects a more synchronized approach to counterterrorism operations than in previous years.

The operations, conducted by different branches of the military and supported by intelligence and air assets, underscore what officials describe as a growing emphasis on joint planning, intelligence sharing and multi-agency coordination in Nigeria’s long-running battle against terrorism, banditry and kidnapping.

In northwestern Zamfara State, troops of Operation FANSAN YAMMA, backed by precision air strikes, stormed terrorist hideouts around the Bagega-Kawaye corridor in Anka Local Government Area, rescuing 31 kidnap victims who had reportedly spent weeks in captivity. The victims, drawn from communities in Zamfara, Sokoto and Kebbi states, were evacuated for medical attention before being prepared for reunification with their families.

The operation formed part of a broader offensive that extended into neighbouring Katsina State, where troops intercepted armed terrorists allegedly mobilizing for an attack along the Ruwan Godiya-Sayaya axis in Matazu Local Government Area. Security forces killed three terrorists during the encounter and recovered weapons, ammunition and motorcycles.

Elsewhere in Zamfara, troops engaged another group of insurgents around Maradun and Gidan Dan Jaja, killing two fighters, destroying terrorist camps and seizing locally fabricated rifles and motorcycles used in criminal operations.

The developments come as Nigerian military commanders increasingly rely on intelligence-driven operations that integrate air surveillance, precision strikes and coordinated ground assaults.

That strategy was also on display in Borno State, where the Nigerian Air Force said it had sustained an aggressive air campaign against terrorist strongholds inside the Sambisa Forest axis.

Acting on intelligence gathered through surveillance and reconnaissance platforms, air assets attached to Operation HADIN KAI launched precision strikes on May 26 against identified terrorist facilities in Biramiri within the Gezuwa area. The strikes destroyed logistics hubs and support structures while neutralizing multiple fighters, according to military officials.

The Air Force said subsequent intelligence assessments pointed to growing confusion and anxiety among terrorist elements operating in the Sambisa region.

For years, insurgent groups in northeastern Nigeria relied on remote forest enclaves and hidden logistics networks to sustain their campaigns. Military officials note that persistent aerial surveillance and repeated strikes have significantly reduced those advantages, limiting the ability of fighters to regroup or move freely.

A similar model of coordination was evident in Niger State, where the Air Component of Operation FANSAN YAMMA Sector 1 worked alongside the Nigerian Army Space Command Regiment to strike terrorist concentrations in Rafi and Mariga local government areas.

Following intelligence reports on terrorist movements around Tungan Bako and Kasuwan Daji, air assets carried out precision interdiction strikes that eliminated several fighters and disrupted what officials described as an operational buildup.

Additional strikes targeted terrorists moving with rustled cattle between Tungunguna and Uregi, while separate operations in Dogon Dawa and surrounding communities in Mariga Local Government Area disrupted what authorities said were planned attacks.

Military officials said the operations prevented the groups from consolidating their positions and degraded their ability to launch coordinated assaults on nearby communities.

The succession of operations across multiple theatres highlights a notable evolution in Nigeria’s security architecture. While military campaigns against insurgents and bandits have been ongoing for years, officials and independent observers point to stronger integration among intelligence agencies, the armed forces and specialized operational commands as a key factor behind recent successes.

At the center of that effort is a security coordination framework that places greater emphasis on intelligence fusion, joint operational planning and synchronized execution among agencies that historically operated in silos.

The approach, overseen through the Office of the National Security Adviser, has increasingly sought to align the activities of the military, intelligence services and other security institutions, enabling faster responses to emerging threats and more effective targeting of terrorist networks.

Security experts note that while challenges remain the recent operations demonstrate the benefits of sustained inter-agency collaboration.

For communities across northern Nigeria, where kidnapping and terrorist violence have inflicted years of hardship, the immediate impact is measured in lives saved and families reunited.

The rescue of 31 kidnap victims from terrorist captivity in Zamfara is one such example. Yet security officials argue that the broader significance lies in the operational model itself: intelligence gathered from one source, analyzed through a centralized framework, translated into coordinated action by air and ground forces, and executed across multiple states.

As Nigerian forces continue to pressure terrorist networks simultaneously in the North-West, North-East and North-Central regions, military authorities hope the cumulative effect will further constrain the ability of armed groups to regroup, recruit and launch attacks.

APC Chieftain Demands Direct Primaries in Bauchi, Says M. A. Abubakar Is Unelectable

A chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Alwan Hassan, has called on the President and the leadership of the party to conduct what he described as “proper and transparent” direct primaries in Bauchi State, insisting that former governor Muhammad Abdullahi Abubakar cannot deliver electoral victory for the party in the state.

Speaking during an interview on Politics Today on Channels Television with Seun Okinbaloye, Hassan alleged that the APC primaries process in Bauchi was manipulated and did not reflect the wishes of party members.

According to him, while presidential primaries across most parts of the country were conducted smoothly, the situation in Bauchi was different because of what he described as attempts to impose an “anointed candidate” on the party.

“Not every part of Nigeria had the issues that Bauchi had. The presidential primaries were conducted well. In Bauchi’s case, we had a so-called anointed candidate coming out to say he was the consensus candidate,” Hassan said.

He further alleged that individuals claiming to be the Bauchi State Governorship Committee later announced that a primaries election had taken place despite what he maintained was the absence of any voting exercise.

“There was no primaries, nobody lined up and nobody was counted,” he stated, adding that even the party chairman had reportedly clarified that state chapters were not empowered to announce results.

Hassan accused the Minister of Health, Muhammad Ali Pate, of influencing the situation in Bauchi and allegedly persuading President Tinubui to stay away from the state’s political process.

“It was Ali Pate that told the President to take his hands off Bauchi State. I have this from first-hand sources,” he alleged.

He also rejected claims that Buhari had endorsed Muhammad Abubakar, insisting that the former President never publicly backed the ex-governor.

“The President did not endorse Muhammad Abubakar,” he said.

The APC chieftain warned that the party risks losing Bauchi State if it proceeds with Abubakar as its candidate, arguing that the former governor lacks electoral acceptance among the people.

“Muhammad Abubakar cannot win elections in Bauchi State. Bauchi people defied Buhari and kicked him out. This would not change,” Hassan stated.

He further claimed that the party was already witnessing internal cracks, noting that two senators had allegedly defected from the APC.

Expressing support for direct primaries, Hassan said none of the aspirants in the state had agreed to step down for Abubakar, making a consensus arrangement inappropriate.

“Let me be clear: I am in favour of direct primaries. None of the aspirants have signed any agreements to withdraw for Muhammad Abubakar. If there is no consensus, then let us have direct primaries in Bauchi State. Else, we have lost the state,” he said.

Hassan also questioned the political influence of Ali Pate within the APC structure in Bauchi, arguing that he lacked the electoral standing to determine the party’s direction in the state.

“In the last election he contested the primaries and got only one vote. How can that person be the leader of Bauchi State?” he queried.

Offering what he described as advice to the President and the APC leadership, Hassan called for consultations with stakeholders across the state and the conduct of what he termed a free and fair primary election capable of producing a widely accepted candidate.

“The way forward for Bauchi State is for the President to call all the leaders in the state, speak to them, ask them questions on who the best candidate is and advise the party to conduct a free and fair primaries that will elect a popular candidate,” he said.

He reiterated his warning that presenting Muhammad Abubakar as the APC candidate would jeopardise the party’s chances in the state.

“If he is on the ticket, we will lose the election,” Hassan added.

A Visit of Loyalty: Matawalle’s Sallah Homage in Lagos

Lagos shimmered under the Eid sun. The city that never sleeps had paused, if only for a moment, to honor the sacred rhythm of Salah. But for one man, the celebration was incomplete without a visit to the one he calls both leader and mentor.

Dressed head to toe in the iconic attire of the Jagaban—flowing white agbada embroidered with gold, a matching cap resting firmly on his head—Bello Mohammed Matawalle stepped into the reception room with quiet reverence. It was more than clothing. It was a statement. A nod to the legacy, the leadership, and the loyalty he carries in his heart.

“I have never seen a committed fellow like Matawalle,” an aide whispered as the cameras flashed. And in that moment, the photograph captured more than a handshake. It captured years of trust, service, and unwavering belief in a shared vision for Nigeria.

Standing beside His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR, Matawalle’s posture was one of respect, his smile one of genuine joy. To his right stood the First Lady, a gracious witness to the bond between two political sons of the North and the West, united by purpose.

For Matawalle, this was not protocol. It was personal.
In a political season where loyalty is often tested by ambition, he chose to show up. Not for cameras, not for headlines, but because loyalty, to him, is not seasonal. It is a creed.

“Leadership is about standing with your leader when the road is smooth and when it is rough,” he said later, away from the lens. “President Tinubu gave me a chance to serve at the national level. The least I can do is stand by him, speak for him, and work for the Nigeria he envisions.”

The visit was brief, but the message was loud: commitment is not measured in words, but in presence. In showing up. In honoring the office, the man, and the mandate.

As Matawalle stepped back into the Lagos afternoon, still adorned in the colors of the Jagaban, one thing was clear—loyalty, when genuine, never goes unnoticed. And in Nigeria’s journey forward, such loyalty is not just rare. It is needed.

Mr. James Hope
Commentator on National issues/
Lead Supporter of Matawalle/ Tinubu

Beyond Funding and Innovation: How NASENI and NELFUND Can Build Nigeria’s Future Together

When the leadership of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) and the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) met recently in Abuja, it served as a convergence of two national mandates that sit at the heart of Nigeria’s future: education and innovation.

The meeting between NELFUND Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer, Akintunde Sawyerr, and NASENI’s Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Khalil Suleiman Halilu, opened up important conversations around youth empowerment, industrial growth, skills development, and technological advancement. It also reflected the recognition that national development can no longer happen in silos. Institutions must collaborate, align mandates, and build practical partnerships capable of delivering measurable impact for Nigerians.

At a time when the country is seeking sustainable solutions to unemployment, industrial underdevelopment, and the widening skills gap, the partnership between NASENI and NELFUND presents a compelling possibility: linking education financing directly to innovation, industrialization, and productivity.

NELFUND and NASENI may operate in different spaces, but their objectives are deeply complementary.

NELFUND was established to remove financial barriers that prevent Nigerians from accessing higher education. Through interest-free loans for tuition, institutional charges, and upkeep stipends, the Fund is helping thousands of students pursue tertiary education without the burden of immediate financial hardship. Beyond traditional university education, the Fund has also expanded into Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET), recognizing that modern economies require practical and technical competencies alongside academic qualifications.

In a relatively short period, NELFUND has recorded remarkable growth and visibility. Reports indicate that the institution has disbursed tens of billions of naira to hundreds of thousands of students across the country. More importantly, it has restored confidence in public support systems by creating a transparent and accessible structure where beneficiaries can apply without political influence or informal gatekeeping. In many ways, NELFUND is gradually redefining educational access in Nigeria.

Yet education financing alone is not enough. Degrees and certificates must translate into employability, productivity, entrepreneurship, and national competitiveness. That is where NASENI’s role becomes increasingly critical.

Established to drive Nigeria’s science, engineering, and technological infrastructure, NASENI has evolved into one of the country’s most ambitious innovation-focused agencies. Under the leadership of Khalil Halilu, the agency has witnessed a significant transformation from a largely research-oriented institution into a commercially conscious and impact-driven organization focused on practical solutions to national challenges.

The transformation has been anchored on what Khalil Halilu describes as the “3Cs” — Creation, Collaboration, and Commercialisation.

That philosophy has helped reposition NASENI as an institution focused not merely on developing technologies, but on ensuring those technologies reach the market, create jobs, solve problems, and stimulate industrial growth.

Over the past two years, NASENI has recorded notable achievements across multiple sectors. From locally developed solar irrigation systems designed to support agricultural productivity, to electric tricycles and electric mobility initiatives aimed at reducing transportation costs and supporting clean energy adoption, the agency has increasingly demonstrated that Nigerian innovation can compete and deliver practical value.

Its interventions in renewable energy, agriculture mechanization, health technology, manufacturing, and digital innovation are steadily building an ecosystem around local production and technological self-reliance. NASENI’s diagnostic kits, innovation hubs, technology transfer agreements, and local manufacturing partnerships have also reinforced the agency’s growing reputation as a catalyst for industrial development.

Perhaps even more significant is NASENI’s strong emphasis on partnerships and collaboration.

One of the defining features of Khalil Halilu’s leadership has been his deliberate effort to open NASENI to local and international partnerships. From private sector alliances to international technology transfer agreements and institutional collaborations, NASENI has embraced the understanding that innovation thrives best within ecosystems rather than isolated institutions.

Its partnerships with companies such as Haier and engagements with development partners, universities, innovators, and manufacturers have expanded the agency’s capacity and accelerated the commercialization of its innovations. The agency’s innovation-focused programmes, including youth-centered initiatives and technology incubation platforms, have also created pathways for young Nigerians to transform ideas into viable enterprises.

It is within this broader context that the meeting with NELFUND becomes particularly significant.

The possibilities are substantial.

With NELFUND expanding into vocational and technical education, NASENI can provide the practical infrastructure, training environment, and industrial exposure needed to make such programmes truly impactful. Rather than merely funding education, the partnership could help connect students directly to industry-relevant skills in renewable energy, agrotechnology, manufacturing, mechatronics, artificial intelligence, electric mobility, and digital fabrication.

This could create a more functional pipeline between education and employment.

Students supported through NELFUND could gain access to NASENI’s innovation hubs, laboratories, workshops, and incubation centres for hands-on learning, internships, apprenticeships, and product development. Graduates with innovative ideas could also receive mentorship and technical support to prototype and commercialize solutions capable of becoming sustainable businesses.

Such a model would move Nigeria beyond theoretical education toward a system where learning is directly tied to production, innovation, and entrepreneurship.

The collaboration could also strengthen research and development in critical sectors. Postgraduate students working in areas aligned with Nigeria’s developmental priorities—such as renewable energy, food security, electric mobility, health diagnostics, and local manufacturing—could benefit from targeted support and research partnerships linked to NASENI’s infrastructure and national innovation goals.

For Nigeria’s growing youth population, the implications could be profound.

A partnership that combines educational financing with technical innovation and industrial training has the potential to reduce unemployment, strengthen local manufacturing, stimulate startups, and support economic diversification. It could also help address one of Nigeria’s longstanding challenges: the disconnect between academic learning and practical industry needs.

More importantly, it aligns with the broader national aspiration for self-reliance.

Countries that have successfully industrialized did not achieve progress through education alone or innovation alone. They built deliberate connections between human capital development, technology, production, and enterprise. Nigeria’s future competitiveness will similarly depend on how effectively its institutions can integrate knowledge with productivity.

Of course, achieving these outcomes will require more than these meetings. Sustained commitment, clear implementation frameworks, measurable targets, and strong coordination mechanisms will be necessary. Funding sustainability, bureaucratic bottlenecks, and the challenge of scaling opportunities beyond major urban centres must also be addressed.

But the foundation for meaningful collaboration appears promising.

What makes the NASENI-NELFUND engagement particularly encouraging is that it reflects a shift toward practical governance—one where institutions recognize the value of synergy in solving national problems. NELFUND is helping Nigerians gain access to education. NASENI is building the innovation and industrial ecosystem capable of transforming that education into economic value.

Together, both institutions possess the potential to do something even more important: create a generation of Nigerians who are not only educated, but skilled, innovative, productive, and globally competitive.

In a country searching for sustainable pathways to development, that may prove to be one of the most important partnerships of all.

- Bature Danlami, a technology enthusiast writes from Kano State.

NSA Leads Stakeholders’ Engagement on New Reporting Structure for NSIB

The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) has convened a high-level stakeholders’ engagement in Abuja to advance the Federal Government’s approved reporting structure for the Nigerian Safety Investigation Bureau (NSIB), in a move aimed at strengthening transportation safety coordination and national security architecture.

The engagement, led by the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, brought together critical stakeholders from the aviation, maritime, rail, road transportation, emergency management, law enforcement, and national security sectors to deepen collaboration toward a safer and more integrated transportation system across the country.

Participants at the meeting underscored the growing importance of aligning transportation safety mechanisms with broader national security objectives, particularly in the areas of emergency preparedness, incident response, intelligence sharing, and institutional coordination.

The NSIB commended Ribadu for providing strategic leadership for the initiative, describing the engagement as a significant step toward reinforcing the nexus between transportation safety, emergency response, and national security management.

The Bureau also acknowledged the contributions of the Special Adviser to the President on Policy and Coordination, Hadiza Bala Usman, whose presentation highlighted the importance of institutional reforms, effective policy coordination, and the adoption of global best practices in strengthening Nigeria’s transportation safety framework.

Stakeholders at the engagement reaffirmed their collective commitment to improving investigative independence, enhancing inter-agency cooperation, and advancing a more efficient multimodal transportation safety system in line with international standards.

The meeting further emphasized the Federal Government’s commitment to building resilient transportation systems capable of supporting economic growth, public safety, and national stability.

The NSIB reiterated its commitment to conducting independent, professional, and evidence-based safety investigations aimed at preventing future occurrences and strengthening public confidence across the aviation, maritime, rail, and road transportation sectors.

Bauchi Progressives Forum Rejects “Fictitious” APC Governorship Primary Results

The Bauchi Progressives Forum has rejected the results announced by the Chairman of the Committee for the APC Governorship Primaries in Bauchi State, insisting that no election was conducted and that aspirants were instead pressured to step down.

In a statement signed by its Chairman, Mallam Ibrahim Abdullahi, the group described the figures announced by the Primaries Committee as fictitious and an insult to the people of Bauchi State.

“There was no governorship primary election in Bauchi State. Let us not attempt to deceive Nigerians. The aspirants were invited by certain individuals and asked to step down for former Governor Muhammad Abubakar. They reluctantly agreed because they were not given the opportunity of a credible direct primary,” the statement said.

“It is distasteful for the Chairman of the Primaries Committee to announce figures of votes that were neither cast nor counted.”

The group further challenged the Committee to produce evidence that voting took place in any ward or local government area across the state.

“We had agents across the state, and there was not a single vote cast or counted anywhere. There were no queues and no accreditation of voters. So where did these figures come from?” the group queried.

“We challenge the Committee to produce a single photograph showing party members queueing to vote anywhere in Bauchi State. Such evidence does not exist.”

Speaking further, Mallam Abdullahi said the development raised serious questions about the democratic credentials of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

“No APC member in Bauchi State who watched the video of those figures being announced would believe that the party truly represents democracy or progressive ideals. This is far removed from the principles upon which the party was founded, and it is deeply insulting to the people of Bauchi State,” he said.

The Forum clarified that it was not disputing the emergence of Muhammad Abubakar as the APC governorship candidate, but rather the claim that he emerged through an election.

“Muhammad Abubakar emerged as the ‘forced consensus’ candidate. Some aspirants initially opposed the arrangement and preferred a direct primary, but two eventually agreed, albeit reluctantly, to his emergence.

“What we expected was for the party to openly state that he emerged through ‘a forced consensus’, not to falsely claim that an election was conducted. That narrative is simply untrue,” the statement added.

Amaechi: The Man at the Periphery Who Claims He's the Live Wire of Everything

He did not conceive the port. He did not build the party. He was present, but presence, as the record shows, is not the same as the central figure.

There is a particular species of politician found abundantly in Nigerian public life. This is the man who, having spent decades in the corridors of power, mistakes longevity for legacy, volume for veracity, and the patience of his audience for unlimited credulity.

Rotimi Amaechi, former Governor of Rivers State, former Minister of Transportation, and now a peripatetic aspirant in search of a ticket, is perhaps the most industrious practitioner of this dark art. His recent interview with Daily Trust was less a political statement than a masterclass in what the Yoruba call “alaileko”: the man whose upbringing failed to teach him where he ends and where others begin.

The question this piece asks is not whether Amaechi is unintelligent in the clinical sense. The question is whether he possesses the political intelligence that separates the statesman from the showman: the wisdom to know what can be verified, what history has already recorded, and what will, in the fullness of time, be placed beside the facts and found catastrophically wanting.

The Port That Wasn't His

Let us begin with the Lekki Deep Sea Port.

In the interview, he was unequivocal: "I started and completed it," he said of the $1.5 billion facility, presenting himself as the sole author of its implementation. He framed it as a monument to his stewardship as Minister of Transportation. The facts, unfortunately, expose his vanity.

The Lekki Deep Sea Port has its roots in a Lagos State Government initiative that predates Amaechi's ministerial tenure by well over a decade. As far back as February 27, 2002, during Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu's governorship, the project received presidential endorsement, with Lekki Port LFTZ Enterprise Limited named as the concessionaire: the very foundation of a port that Amaechi now claims as his achievement. Federal Executive Council approval followed only on May 14, 2014, a constitutional requirement, since port development sits on Nigeria's Exclusive Legislative List, making Federal Government participation through the Nigerian Ports Authority a procedural necessity rather than a substantive contribution. The Concession Agreement Amaechi presents as his monument was executed on December 12, 2018, on the back of a framework that Lagos State had spent sixteen years building. The port was commissioned in January 2023: twenty-one years after Tinubu's government first secured presidential backing for it.

The project was physically built and financed by China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC) and the Tolaram Group, with the China Development Bank providing medium- and long-term funding that ran into hundreds of millions of dollars. Under that December 2018 Concession Agreement, the equity structure was unambiguous. Private investors held 75%. The Lagos State Government held 20%. The Federal Government of Nigeria, represented by the Nigerian Ports Authority, the institution Amaechi actually represented, held precisely 5%.

Pause there. A public officer whose agency held 5% equity in a project he neither conceived, nor financed, nor physically built, and whose foundational framework was laid sixteen years before he arrived at the table, presented himself to a national audience as its core author. He was the man at the edge of every table who claims he cooked the meal.

One might charitably call this a misremembering. One might, more accurately, call it the brand of audacity that flourishes only when a man has gone so long without serious public interrogation that he mistakes the absence of accountability for the presence of fact. The claim is demolished not by partisans but by the Nigerian Ports Authority's own official records, China Development Bank press releases, and Lagos State equity filings. Would any politically intelligent man have staked his credibility on ground this hollow?

"I Set Up the APC"

The claim about the APC is more philosophically interesting, if no less dishonest.

Amaechi declared, "I have no regrets setting up APC." The choice of words is revealing. Not "we set up," but "I set up." This is an unabashed annexation of collective history.

Before his nPDP group joined the party, the APC's 2013 coalition was a broad church: the merger of the ACN, CPC, ANPP, and a faction of APGA, convened through the collective political machinery of Tinubu's Southwest network, the Northern establishment consolidated around Muhammadu Buhari, and the institutional weight of elder statesmen across several geopolitical zones.

Amaechi, at best, was a mobilizer in one state among thirty-six. He was also a man politically embattled at the time, fighting a protracted war with the Jonathan federal government. His contribution was real but narrowly regional, and the votes APC garnered in Rivers State in 2015 told the fuller story. It did not constitute the foundation, the architecture, or the roof of what became the APC. A man of genuine political intelligence, aware of how recorded history works, would have said "we". The deployment of "I" is either untreated megalomania or deliberate fabrication. Neither is a recommendation for higher office.

To understand the full audacity of this claim, it helps to know where Rotimi Amaechi began. He started his working life as a clerk at PAMO Clinic in Port Harcourt, owned by his then-mentor and political godfather, Peter Odili. When the military announced a transition programme in 1998, it was Odili who encouraged him to obtain a PDP form to contest a seat in the Rivers State House of Assembly, representing Ikwere constituency. When Odili won the governorship, it was Odili who guided Amaechi's emergence as Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, a position he held for two terms. From Speaker, he became Governor for two terms, and from Governor, he became a two-term minister under Buhari, a relationship cemented, according to widely reported accounts, by his role in co-funding the APC's 2015 presidential campaign generously. Every rung of Rotimi Amaechi's political ladder was built by someone else. Yet here he stands, telling Nigeria he set up the APC.

The Hungry Man Who Wasn't

Perhaps the most tone-deaf performance in his public declaration, which was somehow, reflected in the Daily Trust interview, was Amaechi's assertion that he was a "hungry man." The statement is not merely false. It is an insult dressed as relatability. No politically intelligent figure, particularly one who by multiple credible accounts mobilised delegates with American dollars in the 2022 APC presidential primary, would conscript the language of destitution for personal branding.

Former APC National Chairman Adams Oshiomhole was unsparing: "Ask Amaechi how much he gave every delegate. Amaechi can't look me in the eye and deny it."
The moral arithmetic here is merciless. A man who spreads American banknotes at a party convention turns around to tell the poor of Nigeria that he is one of them. Whether conscious or unconscious, the contempt embedded in this performance is precisely the kind that has, across generations, drained Nigerian public discourse of its dignity and its people of their faith in those who lead them.

Then there is the "I don't like money" mantra: a signature Amaechi refrain, repeated with the audacity of a man who has clearly decided that if a myth is told often enough, it becomes biography. The 2022 primary was the full-length rebuttal.

There is one more detail from that interview that deserves its own moment. When the interviewer pressed him on whether he would shelve his presidential ambition and accept the number-two position on his party's ticket, his response was not a measured deflection or even a firm but dignified refusal. It was this: "Will you stop that nonsense?" He followed it by pointing his finger at the interviewer and saying, "Don't you ever." On a national platform. To a journalist doing his job.

The implications are worth sitting with. If a television camera and a national audience could not restrain this instinct, one is left to wonder what the corridors of power, away from public view, looked like for those who served under him. More pressingly, this is the man who presents himself as a candidate to govern a nation of over 233 million people, a country that requires, above all else, a leader whose temperament can absorb pressure without fracturing into contempt. What the Daily Trust interview revealed was not a statesman tested by a hard question. It was a man undone by one.

Nepotism and the Mirror He Refuses

Amaechi lays the charge of nepotism and poor governance at President Tinubu's door with the assurance of a man apparently unburdened by self-reflection. He served, not at the margins but at the senior table, of the Buhari administration: documented extensively by policy research institutions and civil society monitoring groups as the most ethnically and regionally concentrated federal government in Nigeria's post-military history.

The Federal Character Commission's provisions were flouted with near-systematic consistency. Security council memberships, agency headships, and strategic economic appointments were concentrated in a manner that provoked sustained national outrage across the South and the Middle Belt.

The Tinubu administration, by contrast, has extended federal recognition to constituencies that the Buhari years rendered invisible: Southern Kaduna communities, minority groups in Kogi and Kwara, and other historically underserved blocs. These are appointment records, verifiable in the Federal Character Commission's own filings, not rhetorical claims.

President Tinubu is not a man given to public condemnation of his predecessor. Precisely because of his personal respect for Buhari, he has adopted the deliberate posture of inheriting both the assets and the liabilities of the administration that preceded him: an act of political maturity that is rare in any democracy, let alone one as combustible as Nigeria's. He did not inherit the debt and the dysfunction to weaponize them. He inherited them to fix them. The contrast with Amaechi's conduct is instructive. One man governs. The other grieves publicly and loudly that he is not the one governing.

And while Amaechi amplifies his grievances in the press, his fellow Rivers State son, Nyesom Wike, offers a quiet tutorial in what political intelligence inside a government actually looks like. As a minister in the Tinubu administration, Wike has expanded his leverage well beyond any single portfolio, securing infrastructure, appointments, and federal presence for his region through the unglamorous but effective work of governance participation. He is building a legacy. Amaechi is broadcasting toxicity.

The Economy He Left Behind, and the One Being Built

The Buhari government's economic record is not a matter of partisan interpretation. It is a matter of institutional ledger. Nigeria's fiscal trajectory under Buhari, its debt accumulation, its chronic foreign exchange dysfunction, its deepening poverty indices, was catalogued not by opposition figures but by the World Bank, the IMF, and the African Development Bank. Amaechi was not a bystander to that record. He was a senior cabinet voice in producing that record.

What the Tinubu administration inherited, and what it has done with that inheritance, is now a matter of documented global assessment. The World Bank reported that Nigeria's economy grew at its fastest rate in nearly a decade in 2024. The fiscal deficit fell from 5.4% of GDP in 2023 to 3.0% in 2024. National revenue doubled, from N16.8 trillion to N31.9 trillion. In April 2025, Fitch upgraded Nigeria's long-term foreign-currency issuer default rating from B- to B, revising its outlook from Negative to Stable. Fitch has since affirmed the rating twice, most recently in April 2026.

The investment numbers tell the most compelling story, and they are worth reading slowly. Capital, unlike politicians, does not lie. It follows credibility, and it flees incompetence with a ruthlessness that no media interview can disguise. In 2022, Nigeria recorded a net negative Foreign Direct Investment of minus $186.79 million, as a dollar liquidity crunch drove capital out of the country. Foreign Portfolio Investment that year stood at $2.44 billion, reflecting what little confidence remained. By 2023, in the uncertain atmosphere of a presidential transition, FDI recovered nominally to $1.87 billion while portfolio investment fell to $1.15 billion, a historical low. Then the reforms began to register. In 2024, FPI rebounded sharply to $8.38 billion. In 2025, it exploded to $19.74 billion: portfolio investment alone accounting for 85% of all imported capital into Nigeria that year, with FDI adding a further $923 million. That $19.74 billion figure is not a government press release. It is the verdict of international institutional investors who move money, not mouths. They assessed the Tinubu reform agenda and responded with the only currency that matters in global finance: commitment.

Beyond the macroeconomic data, the administration has introduced programmes that define what government is actually for. The Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) has disbursed over ₦242.4 billion in zero-interest student loans to approximately 1.388 million students across 288 tertiary institutions: a scheme that previous administrations discussed endlessly in theory and never once operationalised in practice. The Electricity Act of 2023 restructured Nigeria's power sector in ways no prior government dared attempt, decentralising generation, transmission, and distribution to states. Primary health centres are being rehabilitated at scale, from basic infrastructure restoration to equipment upgrades that return dignity to rural healthcare. Gas pipelines are nearing completion across the federation.

Legacy debts, the kind that choked the previous administration's fiscal headroom and crowded out every developmental impulse, are being systematically retired. The Lagos-Calabar coastal highway and the Sokoto-Badagry expressway represent the most ambitious road infrastructure programme in decades, spanning fourteen states and opening corridors of commerce that previous administrations treated as aspirational fiction.

Know Your Mates

There is a final matter that must be addressed with candour, because clarity, not humiliation, is the object here.

Amaechi has a habit of constructing his political castle in the air and then ascending it to measure himself against Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. This is a comparison so asymmetric it borders on political self-harm.

Tinubu built a political structure from Lagos that reshaped Nigeria's democratic map across three decades: a structure so durable that it survived federal persecution, judiciary manipulation, and the full weight of incumbency deployed against it, and still delivered a presidential mandate. It is a record built brick by brick, election by election, crisis by crisis. Amaechi has struggled, repeatedly, to hold his own state. He does not present any credible matchup with Tinubu, whose contemporary is Peter Odili, the man who gave Amaechi his first political opportunity, and who served as Rivers State Governor between 1999 and 2007, the exact same years Tinubu governed Lagos. Odili and Tinubu are political contemporaries: men who stood on the same national stage, in the same era, and built legacies that outlasted their tenures in entirely different ways. For Amaechi to now present himself as Tinubu's political equal is not merely an overreach. It is the upstart who equates himself with his father's agemate. In Yoruba, there is only one expression for that: "omo alaileko."

The Yoruba have a proverb for this moment: "k'elegbe m'egbe", know your mates. Understand your league. Locate yourself accurately on the field before you choose your opponent. Political intelligence begins precisely there: not in the grand claim, not in the borrowed credit, not in the performative hunger, not in the castle built on other people's foundations, but in the honest reckoning with who you are, what you actually built, and what the record, inexorably and permanently, says.

A live wire powers a system. A fringe decorates its edges. The difference is not a matter of opinion. It is a matter of physics.

#Nigeria
#Tinubu
#Asiwaju
#Lagos

SERIKI GAINS MAJOR BACKING AS ASPIRANTS STEP DOWN BEFORE APC PRIMARY

Eight governorship aspirants in Kwara State have thrown their weight behind Ambassador Abdulfatai Yahaya Seriki MFR, FNMGS, FNSEG ahead of the APC primary election scheduled for tomorrow.

Ambassador Abdulfatai Yahaya Seriki, earlier this evening, held strategic engagements with fellow aspirants and key stakeholders across the state, during which they unanimously resolved to support his candidature in the interest of party unity and continuity of the progressive vision championed by Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq.

The aspirants, after extensive consultations, said their decision was informed by the need to consolidate the gains of the current administration and rally behind a candidate widely seen as aligned with the developmental aspirations of the people and the leadership direction of the party.

Those who pledged their support for Ambassador Abdulfatai Yahaya Seriki include Dr. Salako Muyideen Oluwatoyin, Captain Ahmad Mahmoud, Professor Wale Sulaiman, Dr. Mohammed Omar Bio, Dr. Toyin Alabi, Hajia Aisha Ahman Patigi, Senator Ibrahim Yahaya Oloriegbe, and the Speaker of the House of Assembly, Hon. Yakubu Salihu Danladi.

The meeting ended with a renewed commitment to party cohesion, issue-based engagement, and a peaceful primary process capable of further strengthening the APC in Kwara State.
Further indications suggest that more aspirants may step down ahead of the primary election.

Shehu Buba Withdraws, Backs Tuggar in Bauchi APC Guber Primary Elections

Distinguished Senator Shehu Buba Umar has formally announced his withdrawal from the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship primary election in Bauchi State.

The decision, according to the Senator, follows what he described as persistent breaches of due process, internal democratic principles, provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), the Electoral Act 2026, the APC Constitution 2022 (as amended), as well as established party guidelines governing the conduct of the primary process.

Senator Shehu Buba Umar stated that despite his commitment to a transparent, fair, and credible process, recent developments within the conduct of the exercise have raised serious concerns regarding equity, inclusiveness, and adherence to laid down democratic procedures. He noted that his withdrawal is therefore being made under protest and in defence of democratic values and party integrity.

The Senator further explained that after broad consultations with political associates, stakeholders, supporters, and elders across Bauchi State, he has resolved to endorse Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar as the most credible and experienced candidate capable of providing purposeful leadership for the state.
He described Ambassador Tuggar as a unifying figure with proven administrative competence, national and international experience, and the capacity to strengthen the APC's chances in the forthcoming governorship election.

Senator Shehu Buba Umar called on his supporters across the state to remain calm, peaceful, and steadfast, while urging them to rally behind Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar in the overall interest of Bauchi State and the unity of the APC.

QUESTIONS M.A. ABUBAKAR NEEDS TO ANSWER

By Musa Azare
May 19, 2026

According to open-source information, His Excellency Barrister Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar, the Governor of Bauchi State from 2015 to 2019, is planning a comeback in 2027. Reports suggest this move has the full backing of the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Professor Muhammad Ali Pate. Many newspapers claim that Professor Pate - having controversially withdrawn from the previous race - is now scheming to install the former governor to ensure a seamless handover of the state to himself in 2031.

It is worth noting that Barrister M.A. Abubakar remains the only governor in Bauchi State since Nigeria's return to democracy in 1999 who failed to secure a second term. The reasons for this are clear: chronic underperformance and a distinctive lack of administrative skill.

As the All Progressives Congress (APC) prepares for its gubernatorial primaries in Bauchi State, various aspirants are showcasing their programmes and visions for the people. However, before we discuss what Barrister Abubakar has in store for the state, he must first answer for his past record.

Notably, Barrister Abubakar is the only governor who initiated several road projects and promised their completion within a specific timeframe, yet left office without completing a single one.

In light of this, may I remind His Excellency Barrister Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar of the following unfinished projects:

1. DESIGN AND CONSTRUCTION OF THE ITAS-ATAFOWA-MAGARYA ROAD

This project was awarded to MESSRS KANNOU PROJECT NIGERIA LIMITED on October 7, 2016, with an initial contract sum of One Billion, Four Hundred and Forty-Five Million, One Thousand, Two Hundred and Fourteen Naira, Ninety Kobo (N1,445,001,214.90).

The original completion deadline was December 2017. When it became clear that this date was unattainable, the contract was extended by six months. During this period, the project underwent two significant cost variations: First, the sum was reviewed upward to N2,979,340,218.25. Subsequently, it was increased again to Three Billion, Eight Hundred and Sixty-One Million, Six Hundred and Thirteen Thousand, Two Hundred and Forty-Five Naira, Seventeen Kobo (N3,861,613,245.17).

Of this final amount, N553,978,770.64, representing 14.3% of the total was paid to the contractor. However, by the time Barrister M.A. Abubakar left office, the project’s physical completion rate stood at a mere 5%, valued at ONLY N267,411,690.50.

This indicates a staggering overpayment of Five Hundred and Thirty-Seven Million, One Hundred and Seventeen Thousand, Three Hundred and Eighty-Five Naira, Eighty-Six Kobo (N537,117,385.86) - funds that have yet to be recovered for the Bauchi State coffers.

What happened to that overpayment? Who benefited from it? And why did the M.A. Abubakar administration abandon this project?

2. AZARE–ISAWA–GIADE–KURBA–BASIRKA ROAD, PHASE II

This critical project was awarded to BWALCO NIGERIA LIMITED in January 2018, with an initial contract sum of Two Billion, Three Hundred and Eighteen Million, Seven Hundred and Seventy-Five Thousand, Five Hundred and Eighty-Eight Naira, Ninety Kobo (N2,318,775,588.90).

The project was scheduled for completion by June 2019. Out of the total contract sum, N704,719,713.10 was paid to the contractor. However, by the time the former governor left office, the completion rate was a mere 15%, with the actual work valued at only N305,612,469.47. This indicates an overpayment of Three Hundred and Ninety-Nine Million, One Hundred and Five Thousand, Two Hundred and Forty-Five Naira, Sixty-Three Kobo (N399,105,245.63) - funds which have yet to be recovered for the Bauchi State treasury.

What happened to that overpayment? Who benefitted from it? And why did the M.A. Abubakar administration abandon this project?

3. CONSTRUCTION OF THE HANAFARI–JURARA–GARIN BABAN–SABON KAFI–DOGON JEJI ROAD

This project was awarded to AZCO ENGINEERING LIMITED on October 10, 2016, at a cost of Eight Hundred and Fifty-Six Million, Four Hundred and Forty-One Thousand, Four Hundred and Seventy-Two Naira, Forty-Two Kobo (N856,441,472.42). Remarkably, the project cost was later reviewed upward by nearly 100%, reaching One Billion, Six Hundred and Eighty-Eight Million, One Hundred and Forty Thousand, Seven Hundred and Seventeen Naira, Two Kobo (N1,688,140,717.02).

The deadline for completion was October 2018. Yet, by the time the people of Bauchi State voted Barrister M.A. Abubakar out in 2019, the project had reached only an 18.2% completion rate. While N553,978,770.64 had been paid to the contractor, the value of work actually completed at that time was just N307,347,525.17. This leaves an overpayment of Two Hundred and Forty-Six Million, Six Hundred and Thirty-One Thousand, Two Hundred and Forty-Five Naira, Forty-Seven Kobo (N246,631,245.47), which remains unrecovered.

What happened to that overpayment? Who benefitted from it? Why did the administration of M.A. Abubakar abandon the project?

4. REHABILITATION OF THE UDUBO–GAMAWA ROAD

This project was awarded to MESSRS C.G.C NIGERIA LIMITED on October 10, 2016, for the sum of Three Billion, One Hundred and Sixty-Two Million, Four Hundred and Ten Thousand, Five Hundred and Eleven Naira, Thirty-Three Kobo (N3,162,410,511.33).

This project was particularly close to my heart - so much so that I became its self-appointed supervisor at the time. It had a stipulated completion date of October 10, 2018. However, by the time Barrister Abubakar left office following a massive electoral revolt in 2019, a completion rate of ONLY 30% had been achieved.

Despite this limited progress, One Billion, Seven Hundred and Fourteen Million, Fifty-Five Thousand, Four Hundred and Eighty Naira, Forty-Five Kobo (N1,714,055,480.45) had already been paid to the contractor. As of that date, the actual value of work completed was only Eight Hundred and Seventy-Six Million, Eight Hundred and Eighty-Three Thousand, One Hundred and Seventy-Seven Naira, Sixty-Five Kobo (N876,883,177.65). This leaves a questionable overpayment of Eight Hundred and Thirty-Seven Million, One Hundred and Seventy-Four Thousand, Three Hundred and Two Naira, Eight-Eight Kobo (N837,174,302.80).

What happened to that overpayment? Who benefitted from it? And why did the M.A. Abubakar administration abandon this project?

Given that we are in a democracy, I wonder how international friends of the "good doctor" would feel if they heard that he is trying to impose his will on 7 million people of Bauchi State, using a person whose track record is total failure!

To be continued...

When Preparation Meets Aspiration: Ambassador Tuggar and the Question of Bauchi’s Future

As the race for the 2027 governorship election in Bauchi State gradually gathers momentum, one question increasingly dominates political conversations across the state: beyond ambition and political calculations, who is truly prepared to govern Bauchi and move it to a higher level of development?

It is a question that goes beyond slogans, alliances, or temporary political excitement. At a time when governance requires competence, strategic thinking, economic understanding, institutional discipline, and the ability to connect local realities with global opportunities, Bauchi faces a defining moment.

And in the midst of the growing field of aspirants, one name continues to stand out with increasing clarity: Yusuf Maitama Tuggar.

For many within the All Progressives Congress (APC) and across broader political circles in Bauchi State, Ambassador Tuggar is not merely another aspirant in the race. He is increasingly seen as the candidate with the clearest preparation, the deepest exposure, the broadest acceptability within the party structure, and perhaps most importantly, the most coherent vision for the future of Bauchi State.

That perception is not emerging by accident.

Over the past weeks, Amb. Tuggar has embarked on an extensive round of consultations and engagements across the state, consolidating support and strengthening relationships with critical stakeholders within the APC structure. His political outreach has been systematic and deliberate. It is reflective of a candidate who understands both the importance of party unity and the realities of grassroots politics that require long term impact—not just money-sharing to buy votes.

Last week alone, he met and engaged with APC caucus members from Bauchi and Toro Local Government Areas. He also held strategic engagements with APC stakeholders and executives from Bauchi South, where party members reaffirmed strong commitment and overwhelming support for his aspiration to secure the APC governorship ticket.

In continuation of those consultations, Tuggar equally met with APC stakeholders and executives from the Central Zone, while also holding strategic engagements with APC executives and key stakeholders from the Katagum Zone, meeting separately with representatives from each local government area.

Beyond those zonal consultations, he also met with the broader leadership of the APC in Bauchi State, reinforcing the fact that his aspiration enjoys significant acceptance across the State’s party’s structure.

What has become increasingly evident from these engagements is that Ambassador Tuggar’s aspiration is not built solely around elite political endorsements or closed-door negotiations. Rather, it is being driven by a combination of grassroots acceptance, party loyalty, credibility, and confidence in his ability to provide purposeful leadership. It is no surprise then that he has always insisted on a direct primaries to test the competence, credibility and popularity of the person who will emerge as the Bauchi State APC Governorship candidate. He knows that of all the other aspirants, only him fits that bill.

Historically, Bauchi voters have consistently resisted political imposition and elite-driven candidate selection disconnected from popular sentiment. Again and again, the state’s political history has demonstrated that candidates perceived as imposed and even incompetent often struggle at the polls, regardless of the influence behind them.

This reality explains why many APC stakeholders believe that the party must approach the 2027 governorship contest with strategic caution. Winning internal arrangements without securing public legitimacy could ultimately weaken the party’s chances in the general election.

Ambassador Tuggar’s political trajectory also reflects consistency and ideological stability.

From his early days in the opposition under the ANPP and later the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), to his role in the formation and consolidation of the APC, he has remained closely identified with the progressive political movement in Bauchi State.

That consistency has earned him considerable goodwill among long-standing party members who believe loyalty, sacrifice, and commitment to party-building should matter in leadership selection.

In addition to political loyalty, what perhaps strengthens Amb. Tuggar’s position most significantly is the depth of his experience.

No governorship aspirant in Bauchi state today possess the breadth of exposure that Ambassador Tuggar brings into the race.

His career spans business, diplomacy, legislation, international relations, economic engagement, and public service at the highest levels. As a former member of the House of Representatives, he built a reputation around accountability, procurement reforms, and institutional governance.

As Nigeria’s Ambassador to Germany, he strengthened bilateral relations and contributed to important diplomatic engagements that projected Nigeria’s interests internationally.

More recently, as Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tuggar operated at the centre of complex regional and global diplomacy, representing Africa’s largest country on major international issues while navigating difficult geopolitical realities with calmness, intelligence, and strategic clarity.

That experience matters because governance today is no longer confined to local administration alone. States increasingly compete for investment, partnerships, technology, infrastructure financing, and economic opportunities in a highly interconnected world.

Supporters of Ambassador Tuggar believe his international exposure and economic diplomacy background place him in a unique position to attract investment into Bauchi State, particularly in sectors where the state possesses enormous untapped potential.

Agriculture remains one of those critical sectors.

With vast arable land and a predominantly agrarian population, Bauchi possesses the capacity to become a major agricultural hub. Ambassador Tuggar’s vision strongly emphasises agricultural productivity, value-chain development, rural infrastructure, access to markets, and investment-driven expansion capable of creating jobs and improving incomes for rural communities.

Equally important is the state’s growing mineral potential, particularly around rare earth minerals and lithium deposits. Ambassador Tuggar’s global networks and understanding of investment frameworks would help position Bauchi competitively in attracting responsible investments into mining and industrial development.

Another added advantage to Ambassador Tuggar’s aspirations is that his political identity remains deeply connected to grassroots realities.

Across communities in Bauchi, many see him as a leader who understands the struggles of farmers, traders, civil servants, youths, and ordinary citizens. That connection explains why much of his development agenda focuses directly on improving living conditions and expanding opportunities for ordinary people.

His proposed priorities include workers’ welfare, prompt payment of salaries and gratuities, education reform, healthcare access, youth empowerment, women inclusion, ICT development, digital innovation, security, and economic expansion.

On education, he has consistently emphasised reducing the number of out-of-school children while expanding vocational learning, digital literacy, and practical skills acquisition to prepare young people for a rapidly changing economy, as well as improving the take home pay of teachers.

On healthcare, his vision focuses particularly on vulnerable populations, including women and children, through improved access and stronger support systems.

On youth development, he advocates targeted interventions capable of addressing unemployment, poverty, and drug abuse through entrepreneurship support, vocational training, and skills acquisition programmes.

Importantly, Ambassador Tuggar’s message also resonates strongly around governance itself.

At a period when many Nigerians increasingly demand transparency, accountability, and stronger institutions, Tuggar continues to project a governance philosophy built around systems rather than personality cults.

Another factor shaping political conversations around his candidacy is the issue of equity and zoning within Bauchi State.

Ambassador Tuggar has made a strong case for Bauchi North to produce the next governor, noting that since 1979, the zone has not produced a governor, while the last four governors have emerged from Bauchi South.

This argument is crucial to the issue of fairness, inclusion, and balanced representation within the state’s political structure.

As consultations continue and political alignments evolve ahead of the APC primaries, the debate within Bauchi politics is gradually becoming clearer.

The question is increasingly shifting from who merely wants power to who possesses the competence, stability, credibility, political acceptability, and strategic vision required to govern effectively in a changing world.

For most, if not all APC members and political observers across Bauchi State, the answer to that question appears increasingly evident. In Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, they see a candidate whose experience spans local realities and international diplomacy, whose loyalty to the progressive movement has remained consistent, whose support within the APC structure continues to expand, and whose vision for governance appears rooted in development, inclusion, institutional reform, and measurable results.

And for many of them, that combination may well make him the most prepared candidate to lead Bauchi State into a new era.

Mallam Dalhatu Bashir is a social activist and political commentator.

Don’t believe the activists: There is no ‘Christian genocide’ in Nigeria

By Flip Holsinger

In the past six months, Nigeria has seemingly received more attention in U.S. media than ever before. Unfortunately, most of that attention has centered on terrorist attacks and killings.

It is true that Nigeria is confronting a multipronged security crisis, with terrorist groups such as Boko Haram and ISIS operating in the north and militant Fulani herders conducting attacks in the North Central states.

What is false, however, are the countless claims by activists that seek to paint a picture of the Nigerian government being systemically and structurally engaged in genocide, or, at best, simply turning a blind eye to Christians suffering from these attacks.

TRUMP THREATENS MILITARY DEPLOYMENT TO NIGERIA OVER ‘KILLING OF CHRISTIANS’

Having been on the front lines of Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s security surge with the Nigerian security forces for the past three months, I can tell you that a significant amount of information circulating about the situation in Nigeria is false.

Professional activists don’t want you to know that the vast majority of Nigerian Christians and Muslims live in harmony and cooperation. They also don’t want you to know that Tinubu’s security forces are making enormous strides against violence and terrorism perpetrated by militant Fulanis.

Since Nigeria is a 50% Christian, 50% Muslim country of more than 240 million people with a Muslim president, claims of “Christian genocide” are a political lightning rod for Tinubu’s political opponents.

The killings in Jos on Palm Sunday, for instance, garnered a lot of attention in U.S. media. On that Sunday, militant Fulani shot a random group of people, Muslims and Christians alike, on a stretch of road known for drinking and drug trafficking. The killers did not shoot at a gathering of worshippers; that detail was invented out of thin air. I know this because I went there and personally interviewed eyewitnesses.

The U.S. activist Alex Barbir chose to promote his own version of the story, fabricating a picture of a religious war. Right after the shooting, Barbir stood in the street at the location of the killings and told people in that neighborhood that if they did not stand up and fight back, they would all be killed. They did fight back, and a mob of angry young people stormed into an adjacent neighborhood two days later and killed an innocent pharmacist. Barbir’s actions resulted in his expulsion from the country for inciting religious hatred, and rightly so.

The inflammatory, counterproductive, and false narratives don’t stop with Barbir. In Benue state, just last month, a U.S.-based “reporting” website fabricated a story of churchgoers being slaughtered. I went to that village (Ankpali) in person and conducted a thorough investigation. No church has been open in that village for the past five months because people fled late last year due to blood feud violence with Fulani herders. The victims I interviewed said the reason for the killings was that the few remaining villagers had refused to serve beer to Fulani herders who came into the village.

I am no stranger to paid opposition aimed at inciting violence for political purposes. Throughout my career reporting from conflict zones, I’ve seen that all over the world.

Some of the political actors peddling false narratives about the situation in Nigeria simply want Tinubu out of office. Others, like the Biafran separatists, would like to go even further and split up Nigeria into two countries.

President Donald Trump’s political opponents in the United States are implicated in this situation, too. Given Trump’s stated desire to work with the Tinubu government, portraying that same government as complicit in a so-called “Christian genocide” ultimately portrays Trump as being tricked by Muslim terrorists.

TRUMP SENDS TROOPS TO NIGERIA AFTER CHRISTMAS DAY OPERATION

The U.S. cannot afford for Nigeria to become a failed terrorist state like so many of its neighbors. The stability in West Africa that stems from a democracy like Nigeria cannot be underestimated, and yet certain individuals apparently want to undo all that good work and churn up a civil war with claims of Christian genocide.

Christians concerned about the situation in Nigeria deserve to know the truth from the front lines. Tinubu’s security forces are surging to the areas of the country where Christians are facing violence, and their efforts are making a real difference. With continued partnership from the U.S., Nigeria will see a day when terroristic violence, kidnapping, and banditry are relics of the past.

Philip “Flip” Holsinger is an award-winning freelance photojournalist who has reported from Haiti, El Salvador, Kosovo, Bosnia, Azerbaijan, and the Republic of Georgia. One of his photographs was named one of the Top 10 Photos of 2025 by Time Magazine.

Nigeria, US Deal Major Blow to ISIS in Joint Strike, Eliminate Top Terror Commander

Nigeria and the United States have recorded a major breakthrough in the global war against terrorism following a coordinated joint military operation that eliminated a senior Islamic State commander, Abu-Bilal Al-Manuki, also known as Abu-Mainok, in the Lake Chad Basin.

The successful strike, announced separately by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and United States President Donald Trump, is being viewed as one of the clearest demonstrations yet of the growing strategic security partnership between Nigeria and the United States, driven largely by improved intelligence sharing, operational coordination, and sustained high-level diplomatic engagement between both countries.

Early assessments from the operation confirmed that Abu-Mainok, described by both governments as one of the world’s most dangerous ISIS figures, was killed alongside several of his lieutenants during a precision strike on his compound in the Lake Chad region, long regarded as a difficult operational theatre exploited by terrorist networks operating across West and Central Africa.

President Tinubu, in a statement issued after the operation, described the strike as a “significant example of effective collaboration in the fight against terrorism,” praising the professionalism and courage displayed by both Nigerian and American forces.

“Our determined Nigerian Armed Forces, working closely with the Armed Forces of the United States, conducted a daring joint operation that dealt a heavy blow to the ranks of the Islamic State,” the President stated.

Tinubu expressed appreciation to the United States for its partnership in advancing shared security objectives, while specifically thanking President Trump for his “leadership and unwavering support” in the counterterrorism effort.

On his part, President Trump, in a statement posted on Truth Social, disclosed that the operation was carried out at his direction and involved “a meticulously planned and very complex mission” jointly executed by American and Nigerian forces.

Trump described Abu-Bilal Al-Manuki as “the most active terrorist in the world” and “second in command of ISIS globally,” adding that intelligence assets had kept both countries informed of his movements and activities.

“He thought he could hide in Africa, but little did he know we had sources who kept us informed on what he was doing,” Trump said, emphasizing the critical role intelligence gathering and inter-agency coordination played in tracking and neutralising the terrorist leader.

Security analysts say the operation underscores a new phase in Nigeria-US security relations, marked by deeper trust, real-time intelligence exchange, and coordinated operational planning between both countries’ military and intelligence establishments.

Central to this renewed cooperation is the role of the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, who has in recent months intensified strategic engagements with top American security and diplomatic officials under the Nigeria-US Joint Working Group framework.

Multiple security sources familiar with the collaboration say Ribadu has played a pivotal role in strengthening operational synergy between Nigeria and the United States, particularly in intelligence coordination, counterterrorism planning, and broader regional security cooperation.

The successful strike comes only days after Mal. Ribadu’s high-level engagements in Washington with US Vice President JD Vance and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, meetings that further consolidated growing security and diplomatic ties between the two countries.

Those engagements reportedly focused on counterterrorism cooperation, intelligence-sharing mechanisms, regional stability in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin, and expanded strategic collaboration between both governments.

Observers note that the speed and precision of the operation against Abu-Mainok strongly reflect the effectiveness of those renewed coordination channels.

For years, the Lake Chad Basin has remained a major hotspot for terrorist groups exploiting porous borders and regional instability. However, the latest operation signals a significant shift in the ability of Nigeria and its international partners to jointly penetrate and dismantle high-value terrorist networks through coordinated surveillance, intelligence fusion, and targeted military action.

The operation is also expected to strengthen confidence in Nigeria’s counterterrorism architecture and further deepen international support for ongoing military operations against terrorist enclaves in the North-East and surrounding regions.

President Tinubu, while commending personnel involved in the operation on both sides, said Nigeria looks forward to “more decisive strikes against all terrorist enclaves across the nation.”

Beyond its immediate military impact, the operation is already being seen as a major diplomatic and strategic milestone in Nigeria-US relations, reflecting an increasingly robust alliance between both countries at a time of evolving global security threats.

Security experts believe the elimination of Abu-Mainok could significantly disrupt ISIS-linked operations across Africa and weaken the group’s capacity to coordinate attacks within the region and beyond.

Operation HADIN KAI Troops Foil Terrorist Attack, Recover Arms in North East


Troops of Operation HADIN KAI have foiled a planned terrorist attack in Borno State following what security sources described as improved intelligence gathering and stronger inter-agency coordination in ongoing counterterrorism operations across the North East.

The troops successfully discovered and safely detonated an improvised explosive device (IED) planted by terrorists near an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp and a military location in Ladari, thereby averting what could have resulted in significant casualties and damage.

Military sources said the operation formed part of intensified surveillance and clearance missions being conducted in vulnerable communities and strategic corridors within the theatre of operations.

In a related development, troops conducting clearance operations along the Ladari riverbanks recovered arms and ammunition abandoned by fleeing terrorists during sustained offensives. Items recovered included pistols, 9mm rounds and cartridges.

Security analysts noted that the latest successes further underscore the growing effectiveness of intelligence-led operations and enhanced collaboration among security agencies and local support structures in the region.

Meanwhile, troops working in conjunction with members of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) also arrested a suspected terrorist in Gubio.

The arrest, according to sources, followed coordinated intelligence tracking and community-based information sharing, which has continued to strengthen ongoing efforts to dismantle terrorist cells and disrupt their logistics networks across the North East.

Operation HADIN KAI has in recent months sustained aggressive offensives against terrorist enclaves, with military authorities reiterating their commitment to denying insurgents freedom of movement and restoring lasting peace to affected communities.

Deepening Nigeria–US security cooperation

The recent meetings between National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, and senior United States officials, including Vice President J.D. Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, represent more than a routine diplomatic engagement.

They signal a renewed commitment to strategic cooperation at a time when both countries face increasingly interconnected security and geopolitical challenges.

In many ways, the discussions reflect the growing recognition that security in West Africa is no longer a regional concern alone, but part of a broader global conversation about stability, governance, and international partnership.

For Nigeria, the significance of this renewed engagement with Washington lies not only in symbolism, but also in the practical opportunities it creates for strengthening institutional capacity and regional security coordination.

The country continues to confront a complex security environment shaped by insurgency, banditry, organized crime, and cross-border instability.

Addressing these threats requires not only domestic reforms, but also sustained international cooperation grounded in intelligence sharing, diplomatic coordination, and strategic support.

The United States has historically played an important role in Nigeria’s security landscape, particularly through counterterrorism collaboration, training programmes, and intelligence cooperation. The latest high-level meetings suggest a continuation—and perhaps an expansion—of that relationship.

At a time when insecurity across the Sahel and Lake Chad regions continues to evolve, stronger Nigeria–US cooperation reflects an understanding that effective responses to modern security threats require collective engagement rather than isolated national efforts.

Importantly, this partnership extends beyond military considerations alone. Security today is increasingly tied to economic stability, institutional resilience, technological cooperation, and regional governance. By strengthening ties with the United States, Nigeria gains access not only to security expertise but also to broader opportunities for institutional collaboration, policy exchange, and diplomatic engagement.

These dimensions are particularly valuable in an era where global security challenges are becoming more interconnected and technologically sophisticated.

The meetings also carry wider regional implications. Nigeria remains one of Africa’s most influential states, both politically and economically. A stable and secure Nigeria is therefore critical not only for its own citizens but also for the wider West African region.

Renewed cooperation with the United States may help strengthen regional coordination against transnational threats, including insurgent networks and organized criminal groups operating across porous borders.

At the same time, the engagement reflects the importance of diplomacy in shaping security outcomes. High-level dialogue between states remains essential for building trust, coordinating priorities, and strengthening long-term strategic relationships.

In this regard, the Ribadu meetings demonstrate that Nigeria continues to occupy an important position within broader international security conversations.
The partnership also arrives at a significant geopolitical moment. As global power dynamics shift and strategic competition intensifies across different regions, African states are increasingly becoming central actors within international diplomacy.

Nigeria’s engagement with the United States therefore reflects not only security concerns, but also the country’s broader relevance within global political and economic discussions.

Critically, renewed security cooperation should not be interpreted as dependence, but as collaboration rooted in mutual interests.

Both Nigeria and the United States benefit from regional stability, effective counterterrorism strategies, and secure economic environments. Partnerships built on shared priorities can strengthen institutional effectiveness while supporting long-term development goals.

Of course, international cooperation alone cannot resolve all security challenges. Sustainable peace ultimately depends on effective governance, economic inclusion, institutional accountability, and public trust. Yet external partnerships can provide important support mechanisms that enhance national capacity and strengthen broader reform efforts. The value of such relationships lies not in replacing domestic responsibility, but in reinforcing it.

The Ribadu meetings therefore offer reasons for cautious optimism. They suggest that Nigeria’s security concerns continue to receive serious international attention and that diplomatic channels remain active in pursuing collaborative solutions. In a region confronting persistent instability, such cooperation is both timely and necessary.

Ultimately, the significance of these engagements lies in the possibility they represent: a more coordinated and forward-looking approach to security cooperation between Nigeria and the United States.

If sustained strategically and complemented by domestic reforms, the partnership has the potential to contribute not only to national security but also to broader regional stability and institutional resilience.

At a time when global security challenges increasingly transcend national borders, deeper cooperation between Nigeria and the United States reflects an important recognition—that lasting stability is best pursued through partnership, coordination, and shared commitment to collective security.

Felix Oladeji writes from Lagos state.

That meeting with J. D. Vance and the hard reset

James David Vance is Donald Trump’s Vice President, and the 50th Vice President of the United States. Once a critic and now the most formidable ally of President Trump, Vance is a behind the scenes problem-solver and ideological voice for the President and his MAGA movement. He is one of the US President’s most consequential figures, with significant influence in the country’s foreign policy—and a strong potential for future leadership of the country.

Last week, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu met with J.D. Vance at his
Residence, and then later with his counterpart, Marco Rubio who serves as both the Secretary of State and Acting National Security Adviser in the United States. This meeting, unannounced to the general viewing public did not come out of nowhere. It was the build-up of efforts of geopolitical diplomacy, negotiations, case-making and relationship building between the Nigerian and United States Government.

It started when the United States government, in October 2025, misled by irredentist lobbyists who got access to the White House, designated Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) under its International Religious Freedom Act, after a campaign by these lobbyists claimed that Nigeria was the newest victim of a genocide against its Christian population—who make up more than half of its people. That cooked-up tale found its way to the highest office in the US Government, Trump, and eventually began to form the basis of the government’s policy towards Nigeria.

President Bola Tinubu immediately rose to the occassion. He dispatched what many would describe as one of his most formidable assets, his National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu to the United States to deal with the situation. And there the journey began. Within weeks, contact had been made; in late November 2025, Mal. Nuhu Ribadu led a high-level Nigerian delegation to the United States.

Mal. Ribadu held multiple meetings with key American institutions and officials. From members of the White House Faith Office, to officials of the State Department and the National Security Council, to the US Department of War, and crucially, the US Congress—where the mess had in fact first kicked off from.

The Ribadu-led delegation had a clear mission: to denounce that narrative of a genocide, or religious persecution, to stress that Nigeria’s security challenges affected everyone—Christian, Muslim and Pagan—and to seek a partnership with the United States that would help Nigeria fight these terrorist groups once and for all.

Mallam Ribadu, during that visit met with the U.S Secretary of War, Pete Hegseth—building a crucial and strong relationship the country needed to advance against terrorist and criminal groups.

By the time the Ribadu-delegation were back, the seeds were already bearing fruit from the visit. The two governments, the United States and Nigeria had agreed to establish a Joint Working Group that would present a united front to coordinate their countries’ security cooperation. On the Nigerian part, membership was drawn from senior officials from the defence, intelligence, foreign affairs, police, and humanitarian agencies.

The tone from the United States had switched from dealing with an enemy, to partnering with a friend. By late December 2025, the US and Nigeria, through the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) conducted airstrikes in Northwest Nigeria—precisely in some areas around Sokoto State—against positions associated with Islamic State militants and allied groups. This was possible through the strengthened relationship the two nations now enjoyed, and consequently through shared and actionable intelligence.

Since that time, the two countries have shared intelligence between their security apparatuses. The US Government has also delivered critical military supplies to Nigerian security agencies.

Mal. Ribadu’s meeting with Vice President J. D. Vance was not accidental. It was the build up of long weeks and months of strategic engagements, conversations behind-the-scenes, strengthened diplomatic relations, and a burgeoning friendship between the two countries. Their discussions centered around counterterrorism, intelligence sharing, defense collaboration, and regional stability in West Africa—particularly threats from Boko Haram, ISWAP and affiliate groups in the Sahel.

This visit, for Nigeria symbolized the point of high-level rest between it and the United States. It was a significant point in the deepening of Nigeria-U.S security cooperation. Nigeria will now receive more training and improved intelligence support from its U.S. counterparts, and a firmer resolve for a joint effort to dismantle terrorism in the country.

This hard-reset in Nigeria-U.S. relations has turned a once frictional relationship into a collaborative one—and the work is far from over. Vice President Vance is no casual personality in the U.S. Government; his door does not open for just any visitor. That Mal. Ribadu walked through it says everything about how far Nigeria has come—and signals, clearly, where it is headed.


Mohammed Abiodun is a historian, and writes from Abuja

Bauchi’s politics of protection must give way to accountability,

By Usman Dahiru

From the way reports and allegations related to dishonesty continue to emerge concerning a former oil sector player and aspirant, with reports linking him to allegations of corruption during his time in office, the people of Bauchi State are increasingly beginning to understand the kind of politics that has long been played against them: one that uses power as a shield against investigation and as a tool for protecting personal interests.

The allegations suggesting attempts to use political party structures and closeness to those in power to evade accountability are not surprising to keen observers of Bauchi politics. For a long time, there have been clear signs that some individuals see politics as a refuge for protection, rather than an opportunity to serve the people.

It is deeply unfortunate that discussions about political ambitions and allocation of positions are taking place at a time when ordinary citizens are battling poverty, insecurity, unemployment, and severe economic hardship. Instead of focusing on how to improve the lives of the people, some politicians are busy using political influence to secure protection for themselves.

The emergence of an audio recording involving a political figure identified as Mahmoud Dan Larabawa in conversation with the National Chairman of the APC, Nentawe Yilwatda, allegedly discussing efforts to cover up the scandal surrounding Bala Wunti, is both shameful and disappointing.

What is even more disturbing in the leaked conversation is not merely the issue of Bala Wunti joining the APC, but the apparent behind-the-scenes effort to create a special political cover for him, a political refuge from the questions and investigations surrounding the corruption allegations against him. This development, once again, exposes how some individuals have reduced politics to a means of escaping accountability instead of serving the public.

It is extremely troubling that attempts are allegedly being made to turn the ruling party into a protective shelter for individuals facing serious investigations. If a person is confronted with grave allegations involving public resources, the proper thing to do is to openly clear his name through due process and transparency, not to seek refuge in political parties or rely on protection from powerful figures.

This is not politics; this is a betrayal of the people. It is a betrayal of thousands of unemployed youths. It is a betrayal of struggling families battling hunger and hardship. Above all, it is a betrayal of the people of Bauchi who deserve leadership built on integrity, honesty, and accountability.

Even more disturbing is the apparent attempt to create the impression that certain high-level arrangements are being made from above to guarantee this political ambition. But it must be clearly understood that the people of Bauchi are politically conscious, and they will not accept leadership built on allegations, political protection, and the abuse of influence to evade scrutiny.

And as far as we are concerned, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has no choice but to respect the will and decision of the people of Bauchi. Bauchi does not belong to any individual or political clique that can sit behind closed doors and decide who will govern the state. The power of choice belongs to the ordinary people of Bauchi, not to political strategists operating behind the scenes.

The people of Bauchi are becoming more enlightened. They now understand the difference between genuine leadership and political ambition driven by the search for protection. The time has come for the people to unite and elect a leader with honesty, justice, compassion, and sincerity, a leader who will prioritise the welfare of the people above the protection of powerful interests.

Likewise, the National Chairman of the APC, Nentawe Yilwatda, has serious questions to answer. A ruling party should never become a sanctuary for individuals attempting to evade investigation or seek political protection. The duty of a party chairman is to protect the integrity and reputation of the party, not to involve himself in actions that could damage public trust and confidence.

If the APC is truly being used to orchestrate political protection for individuals facing investigation, then such actions amount to a serious betrayal of the party itself and Nigeria’s democracy as a whole. And if the leadership of the party cannot defend the credibility of the political system, then there is every reason to question whether such leadership deserves to remain in office.

Today, what the people of Bauchi want is not shadow politics, politics of protection, or politics that exploits the masses for personal ambition. What they seek is leadership founded on truth, justice, and accountability. And anyone who still fails to understand that times have changed will eventually be forced to confront that reality.

Usman Dahiru, a political affairs analyst, writes from Bauchi.

OPERATION HADIN KAI TROOPS REPULSE ISWAP ATTACK ON GONORI, NEUTRALISE SCORES IN COORDINATED AIR-LAND OPERATIONS

Troops of the Joint Task Force (North East) Operation HADIN KAI (OPHK), supported by the Air Component and Nigerian Army Aviation, have successfully repelled a daring attack by ISWAP terrorists on the 120 Task Force Battalion, Gonori, under Sector 2, in a highly coordinated operation that resulted in heavy terrorist casualties and the recovery of arms and ammunition.

The failed terrorist attack occurred in the late hours of Saturday, 9 May 2026, extending into the early hours of Sunday, 10 May 2026.

The terrorists, who advanced from the Mandunari axis at about midnight, were promptly detected by troops deployed on ambush duties. Acting on timely intelligence and established joint operational protocols, ground forces immediately launched a well-coordinated spoiling attack, effectively trapping the terrorists within a devastating killing zone before they could penetrate the defensive perimeter of the camp.

In further demonstration of the growing synergy and interoperability among Nigeria’s security forces, air platforms from the Air Component of OPHK and the Nigerian Army Aviation were swiftly deployed to support the ground troops in a synchronised air-land assault. The coordinated strikes decimated the fleeing insurgents and sealed the complete failure of the attack.

At no time was the camp breached, and no equipment was lost during the encounter.

Preliminary exploitation of the general area revealed extensive blood trails, body parts, and multiple signs of severe battle damage consistent with significant terrorist losses. Several terrorist corpses were also recovered within the vicinity of the engagement area.

Items recovered from the terrorists include one General Purpose Machine Gun (GPMG), two PKT machine guns, five AK-47 rifles, several belts of assorted ammunition, and other combat accessories.

Troops currently receiving medical attention for injuries sustained during the encounter are stable and responding well to treatment.

Exploitation and pursuit operations remain ongoing to consolidate the gains recorded during the operation and track fleeing terrorists attempting to escape the area.

The successful defence of Gonori once again underscores the effectiveness of enhanced coordination, intelligence-led operations, and jointness among the Armed Forces of Nigeria and other security agencies in the counter-terrorism campaign. It further reflects the sustained operational coherence being driven across the theatre in line with ongoing national security coordination efforts.

Operation HADIN KAI remains resolute in its mandate to deny terrorists freedom of action and sustain pressure on all criminal elements threatening peace and security in the North East.