₦airaland Forum

How ONSA Coordinated Multi-Agency Intelligence, Operations That Secured Release of Kidnapped Oyo Pupils, Teachers

Weeks of coordinated intelligence gathering and security operations led by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) have culminated in the successful rescue of 44 pupils and teachers kidnapped in Oyo State.

The victims, who were kidnapped by terrorists from Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State on May 15, 2026, regained their freedom on Friday following an intelligence-led operation that lasted more than a month and involved multiple security and intelligence agencies.

At the heart of the operation was ONSA, working through the National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC), which coordinated intelligence gathering, operational planning and inter-agency collaboration alongside troops of the Nigerian Army led by the General Officer Commanding (GOC) 2 Division, Major General CR Nnebeife.

The operation also brought together Special Forces from the Armed Forces of Nigeria, including the Army, Navy and Air Force, the Nigeria Police Force, Department of State Services (DSS), National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), as well as local vigilantes, hunters and Amotekun personnel.

Rather than pursuing a purely military approach, the operation combined intelligence-led investigations with precision security actions aimed at dismantling the criminal network responsible for the abduction while ensuring the safe recovery of the victims.

According to military authorities, the operation focused on identifying the terrorist kingpins behind the kidnapping, dismantling their logistics network, exposing their informants and locating their hideouts within the Old Oyo National Park forest and other locations.

The coordinated effort resulted in multiple arrests in Oyo State and across other parts of the country, significantly disrupting the group’s operations and placing sustained pressure on its members.

The authorities said the pressure ultimately compelled the terrorists to unconditionally release all 44 pupils and teachers.

Officials noted that the operation was deliberately planned and executed with extreme caution to avoid collateral damage and ensure the safety of the children and their teachers throughout the rescue process, although some security personnel lost their lives during the operation.

The rescued victims are currently receiving medical attention at an undisclosed medical facility before being handed over to the Oyo State Government for reunification with their families.

Major General Nnebeife, on behalf of all participating security agencies, commended President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for providing the strategic direction, support and resources that made the operation possible.

He also expressed appreciation to the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, for facilitating seamless coordination among the various security and intelligence agencies, as well as the Minister of Defence, the Chief of Defence Staff, the Service Chiefs, the Inspector-General of Police, the Directors-General of the DSS and NIA, and the heads of other participating agencies.

The GOC further thanked Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde and residents of the state for their cooperation throughout the operation, while urging Nigerians to continue providing timely and credible information to security agencies in support of ongoing efforts to safeguard lives and property across the country.

The Power to Transform: Why the 1GW Northern Electrification Project Could Redefine Northern Nigeria’s Future

For decades, discussions about unlocking Northern Nigeria’s vast economic potential have often circled back to many stubborn obstacles, chief among them: electricity.

The region possesses some of Africa’s largest expanses of arable land, abundant solid minerals, a youthful labour force and an entrepreneurial culture. Yet, despite these natural advantages, chronic power shortages have constrained industrial growth, discouraged investment, raised the cost of doing business and limited the region’s ability to compete economically.

It is against this backdrop that the proposed 1GW Northern Electrification Project stands out as one of the most consequential economic interventions in Northern Nigeria in recent history.

The project, which combines 1,000 megawatts of utility-scale solar generation with a 500MW Battery Energy Storage System (BESS), has the potential to fundamentally alter the development trajectory of the region. If successfully executed, it could become the foundation upon which Northern Nigeria builds a new era of industrialisation, agricultural modernisation and private sector-led growth.

More importantly, it represents a shift in thinking—from managing electricity shortages to building the infrastructure necessary for long-term prosperity.

Power projects are often measured in installed capacity. Their true impact, however, lies in what that electricity makes possible.

Reliable electricity means factories operating around the clock instead of shutting down because diesel has become prohibitively expensive. It means agro-processing plants preserving agricultural produce instead of watching it spoil. It means hospitals performing life-saving procedures without fear of blackouts, schools running computer laboratories, businesses expanding operations and young entrepreneurs building technology-driven enterprises.

The inclusion of a 500MW Battery Energy Storage System makes this initiative particularly significant. Unlike conventional solar projects that generate electricity only when the sun shines, battery storage provides dispatchable power, allowing electricity generated during the day to be supplied well into the evening. In practical terms, it offers the reliability that industries and investors require before committing capital.

This combination of renewable generation and storage transforms solar energy from an intermittent resource into dependable infrastructure.

No economy has achieved meaningful industrialisation without reliable electricity. Northern Nigeria has long possessed the ingredients for industrial growth: agriculture, livestock, solid minerals, strategic trade routes and a large consumer market. What has been missing is dependable energy. And the 1GW Northern Electrification Project has the potential to change that equation.

Manufacturing clusters that have struggled with exorbitant energy costs could become viable once again. Agro-processing industries could emerge closer to farming communities, reducing post-harvest losses while increasing the value derived from agricultural production. Cold-chain logistics, food preservation facilities, mining operations and light manufacturing—all sectors constrained by unreliable electricity—would gain the confidence to expand.

For investors, power availability often determines where factories are built. Stable electricity reduces operating costs, improves productivity and increases profitability. In that sense, this project is is also about making Northern Nigeria investable.

Few regions stand to benefit more from reliable electricity than Northern Nigeria’s agricultural economy. As Nigeria’s food basket, the North has enormous production capacity. Yet much of that potential is lost between harvest and market because of inadequate storage, processing and mechanisation.

Reliable electricity could power irrigation systems that extend farming beyond the rainy season. It could support processing facilities that convert raw produce into higher-value products. It could sustain cold storage infrastructure that preserves vegetables, dairy products, meat and fish, reducing the enormous losses that currently occur after harvest.

The economic implications extend beyond farming itself. Processing creates manufacturing jobs. Better storage improves market prices for farmers. Value addition increases exports. Stronger agricultural supply chains strengthen food security nationally.

Across the country, and in particular Northern Nigeria, countless businesses spend more on diesel than they do on expansion.

Small and medium-sized enterprises—the backbone of regional economies—often devote significant portions of their operating expenses to self-generated electricity. Hospitals, universities, telecommunications infrastructure and government facilities face similar challenges.

Replacing a substantial portion of this expensive diesel dependence with utility-scale solar and battery storage offers significant economic efficiency for the region.

Savings previously consumed by fuel purchases and generator maintenance can instead be invested in hiring workers, expanding production, improving services and stimulating economic activity.

The development divide between Northern and Southern Nigeria has often been reinforced by unequal access to infrastructure.

Addressing this imbalance requires more than social programmes. It requires productive infrastructure that enables sustainable economic activity.

The Northern Electrification Project directly targets one of the region’s most significant structural constraints. By improving energy access, it creates conditions for higher investment, stronger productivity and broader economic participation.

A more prosperous Northern Nigeria is not only beneficial to the region itself. It strengthens national economic growth, reduces migration driven by limited opportunities, and addresses some of the economic conditions that can contribute to insecurity and social instability.

Major infrastructure initiatives do not advance on ambition alone. They require sustained coordination, institutional credibility and disciplined implementation.

That is where the role of the Chairman of the Presidential Implementation Committee for Technology Transfer (PICTT), Dr. Dahiru Muhammed, has become increasingly significant.

Beyond championing the vision, Dr. Muhammed has emerged as one of the principal drivers of the project’s institutional architecture.

His recent strategic engagement with the Minister of Power, Joseph Olasunkanmi Tegbe, illustrates an approach focused on execution. Discussions have centred on governance, transparency, financing safeguards, investor protection and implementation mechanisms—precisely the issues that determine whether infrastructure projects succeed or become unrealised promises.

His efforts have also coincided with another important institutional milestone: the establishment of the Northern Nigeria Electrification Company (NNEC), a dedicated Special Purpose Vehicle created to oversee implementation. The creation of a specialised vehicle with defined governance structures signals recognition that transformative projects require institutions capable of outlasting political cycles.

Equally important has been Dr. Muhammed’s emphasis on building investor confidence. By advocating governance structures that protect financing arrangements, minimise political interference and ensure accountability throughout the project’s lifecycle, he is helping create the conditions necessary for long-term project sustainability.

In infrastructure development, governance is often as important as engineering.

The project carries significance beyond Nigeria.

Supported by financing from the US EXIM Bank and backed by collaboration between the Federal Government, Northern Governors and international partners, it sends a message that Northern Nigeria is positioning itself as a destination for serious infrastructure investment.

The region’s abundant solar resources make it naturally suited for renewable energy. Successful implementation of this project could unlock additional climate finance, attract private investment into clean energy and establish Northern Nigeria as a leading destination for utility-scale renewable infrastructure in Africa.

- Bature Danlami, a technology enthusiast writes from Kano State.

NASENI Scales Up Local Rapid Diagnostic Test Kit Production, Targets 80% of Nigeria’s Demand

The National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) has intensified efforts to reduce Nigeria’s dependence on imported medical diagnostics by expanding local production of rapid diagnostic test kits capable of meeting up to 80 per cent of the country’s annual demand.

The Agency showcased the growing capacity during a visit by the Director-General of the Budget Office of the Federation, Mr. Tanimu Yakubu, to the NASENI–Troment Diagnostics Factory, where locally manufactured rapid diagnostic test kits are being produced for malaria, tuberculosis (TB), HIV, hepatitis B and C, monkeypox, syphilis, and pregnancy testing.

Speaking during the tour, NASENI’s Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Mr. Khalil Suleiman Halilu, described the facility as a strategic investment in Nigeria’s healthcare system, noting that local production of quality diagnostic kits would strengthen disease surveillance, improve access to timely testing, reduce import dependence, and enhance national health security.

According to him, the test kits are manufactured to international standards and have received certifications from the World Health Organization (WHO), the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), as well as ISO quality management systems, making them suitable for both domestic use and wider markets.

Halilu said the factory’s production capacity positions Nigeria to satisfy the bulk of its diagnostic testing needs through local manufacturing, while also conserving foreign exchange and strengthening the country’s healthcare value chain.

He added that the facility recently earned commendation from the Harvard University-led Science of Defeating Malaria team for its contribution to expanding local diagnostic manufacturing capacity in Nigeria.

Reaffirming NASENI’s broader industrialisation agenda, Halilu said the Agency’s focus extends beyond manufacturing products to building industries that directly improve the lives of Nigerians.

“Since assuming office, my vision has been to ensure that every Nigerian household uses at least one product proudly made by NASENI. We are steadily turning that vision into reality. Industrialisation becomes truly meaningful when it delivers practical solutions that improve lives and create Infinite Possibilities for our people,” he said.

The NASENI–Troment Diagnostics Factory is one of the Agency’s flagship healthcare manufacturing projects, reflecting the Federal Government’s drive to deepen local production, promote import substitution, and build a more resilient healthcare manufacturing ecosystem.

NASENI Building Local Capacity for High-Precision Manufacturing, Says Khalil as Budget Office DG Visits Centre of Excellence

The Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), Khalil Suleiman Halilu, has said Nigeria must develop the capacity to manufacture high-precision components locally if it is to achieve sustainable industrialisation and reduce its reliance on imported technologies.

Halilu made the remarks while receiving the Director-General of the Budget Office of the Federation, Mr. Tanimu Yakubu, during a visit to the NASENI Centre of Excellence for Precision Manufacturing.

He explained that the Centre, established under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, is a strategic investment aimed at building Nigeria’s advanced manufacturing capabilities and closing critical gaps in the country’s industrial value chain.

According to him, the facility is designed to produce world-class, high-precision components for key sectors of the economy, including aerospace, automotive, energy, defence and healthcare, while serving as a platform for technology transfer, skills development and industrial innovation.

Halilu said strengthening indigenous precision manufacturing would not only reduce Nigeria’s dependence on imported components but also improve the competitiveness of local industries, create high-value employment opportunities and position the country as a leading manufacturing hub in Africa.

He thanked the Director-General of the Budget Office for visiting the facility and commended his sustained support for initiatives that promote industrialisation, technological advancement and economic transformation in Nigeria.

The Governing Council of Lagos State University (LASU) has been admonished not to succumb to political pressure to recall a lecturer earlier dismissed over gross misconduct.

The appeal was made by a group, the “Concerned LASU Students”, who introduced themselves as “direct victims of one of the episodes that were investigated which led to the dismissal of Professor Olatunji Tajudeen Fasasi Abanikannda.”

In a statement signed by its leader, Comrade Tajudeen Alausa, the students frowned at what they termed an ongoing spirited effort by some political interests to politicise the matter with a view to facilitating the reversal of the disciplinary action taken in 2025.

“Recall that the LASU management had set an inquiry to look into our catalogue of grievances including high-handedness and traumatic humiliation we had suffered at the hands of Professor Abanikannda including a particularly sadistic incident in which he forced us to stand in heavy rainfall during Farm Practical Year at the Epe Campus for no justifiable reason,” said Alausa.

Following the adoption of the report of a disciplinary committee, the LASU management had in July 2025 relieved Professor Abanikannda of his job as the Dean of the School of Agriculture (Epe Campus).

In a termination letter dated July3, 2025 and signed by LASU Registrar and Secretary to Council, Mr. Emmanuel Fanu, LASU found the former dean guilty of four offences including “subjecting 400-level students of the School of Agriculture to inhumane treatment by keeping them on the farm from 6.30AM to 10PM, without break, food and water, even during the torrential rain fall that lasted between 4.45PM (and) 6PM.”

The “Concerned Students” claimed to be aware of subterranean moves by some powerful individuals to upturn the earlier decision by the Governing Council and facilitate Abanikannda’s return to continue from where he stopped.

“We have it on a good authority that some lobbyists have mounted a well-funded campaign to reinstate Abanikannda. Just as we also understand one of those currently aspiring to become vice chancellor when the tenure of the present VC (Professor Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello) ends has promised to reinstate a man found guilty of such grave unethical conduct,” said Alausa.
The concerned students vowed to resist any such action.

“We don’t care who becomes the next VC, but we will resist any attempt to bring back Abanikannda. That will a slap on our faces and an attempt to reopen our wounds,” he added.

1GW Northern Electrification Project Advances as PICTT Chairman, Power Minister Review Implementation Framework

The Chairman of the Presidential Implementation Committee for Technology Transfer (PICTT), Dr. Dahiru Muhammed, held a strategic meeting with the Honourable Minister of Power, Joseph Olasunkanmi Tegbe, to review progress on the Sun Africa Power Project and the proposed 1GW Northern Electrification Project, a landmark renewable energy initiative expected to transform electricity supply across Northern Nigeria.

The meeting comes on the heels of the approval by the Northern Governors for the establishment of the Northern Nigeria Electrification Company (NNEC) as the region’s dedicated renewable energy company. With its registration now completed, NNEC will serve as the special purpose vehicle responsible for implementing the project.

The initiative, financed by the US EXIM Bank with the support of the United States Government, is expected to deliver up to 1,000MW of utility-scale solar generation capacity, complemented by a 500MW Battery Energy Storage System (BESS), across participating Northern States.

During the meeting, Dr. Muhammed and the Minister reviewed key aspects of the project’s implementation, including its institutional structure and governance framework. Discussions centred on measures to ensure transparency and accountability, insulate the initiative from political interference, protect investor confidence, and guarantee the sustainability of financing and repayment obligations throughout the project’s lifecycle.

As part of the next phase of implementation, a memorandum on the project will be presented to the Federal Executive Council (FEC) for consideration and approval before full execution commences.

Speaking after the meeting, Dr. Muhammed expressed appreciation to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for providing the leadership that has made the project possible. He described the initiative as a transformational investment that aligns with the administration’s commitment to expanding energy access, driving industrialisation, and unlocking the vast economic potential of Northern Nigeria.

He noted that the 1GW Northern Electrification Project is expected to provide a reliable energy foundation for industries, businesses, educational institutions, healthcare facilities, and communities across the region, while stimulating investment, creating jobs, and accelerating socio-economic development.

Dr. Muhammed reaffirmed the commitment of PICTT and all stakeholders to ensuring the successful delivery of the project, describing it as a defining step towards building a more energy-secure, economically competitive, and self-reliant Northern Nigeria.

The Chairman of the Presidential Implementation Committee for Technology Transfer (PICTT), Dr. Dahiru Muhammed, held a strategic meeting with the Honourable Minister of Power, Joseph Olasunkanmi Tegbe, to review progress on the Sun Africa Power Project and the proposed 1GW Northern Electrification Project, a landmark renewable energy initiative expected to transform electricity supply across Northern Nigeria.

The meeting comes on the heels of the approval by the Northern Governors for the establishment of the Northern Nigeria Electrification Company (NNEC) as the region’s dedicated renewable energy company. With its registration now completed, NNEC will serve as the special purpose vehicle responsible for implementing the project.

The initiative, financed by the US EXIM Bank with the support of the United States Government, is expected to deliver up to 1,000MW of utility-scale solar generation capacity, complemented by a 500MW Battery Energy Storage System (BESS), across participating Northern States.

During the meeting, Dr. Muhammed and the Minister reviewed key aspects of the project’s implementation, including its institutional structure and governance framework. Discussions centred on measures to ensure transparency and accountability, insulate the initiative from political interference, protect investor confidence, and guarantee the sustainability of financing and repayment obligations throughout the project’s lifecycle.

As part of the next phase of implementation, a memorandum on the project will be presented to the Federal Executive Council (FEC) for consideration and approval before full execution commences.

Speaking after the meeting, Dr. Muhammed expressed appreciation to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for providing the leadership that has made the project possible. He described the initiative as a transformational investment that aligns with the administration’s commitment to expanding energy access, driving industrialisation, and unlocking the vast economic potential of Northern Nigeria.

He noted that the 1GW Northern Electrification Project is expected to provide a reliable energy foundation for industries, businesses, educational institutions, healthcare facilities, and communities across the region, while stimulating investment, creating jobs, and accelerating socio-economic development.

Dr. Muhammed reaffirmed the commitment of PICTT and all stakeholders to ensuring the successful delivery of the project, describing it as a defining step towards building a more energy-secure, economically competitive, and self-reliant Northern Nigeria.

Why NASENI’s Locally Made Malaria Test Kits Matter

Malaria remains one of Nigeria’s most persistent public health challenges, accounting for millions of illnesses and thousands of deaths every year. Yet one of the biggest obstacles to effective malaria control is the widespread practice of treating every fever as malaria without first confirming the diagnosis.

This habit has significant consequences. Many Nigerians spend scarce household income on antimalarial medicines they do not need, while illnesses such as typhoid, bacterial infections and viral diseases go untreated because they are mistaken for malaria. Beyond the financial cost, indiscriminate use of antimalarial drugs also accelerates the emergence of drug-resistant malaria parasites, threatening the long-term effectiveness of life-saving treatments.

This is why the decision by the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), in partnership with Troment Nigeria Limited, to manufacture rapid diagnostic test kits locally deserves widespread commendation.

The Abuja-based facility, with the capacity to produce up to 600 million diagnostic kits annually under the N-CheckUP brand represents a crucial manufacturing investment for Nigerians. It is a strategic intervention that strengthens Nigeria’s healthcare system while supporting industrial development. Producing malaria, typhoid, hepatitis and HIV test kits domestically will make diagnostics more affordable and accessible, encouraging Nigerians to test before treatment and improving the quality of healthcare delivery.

The economic benefits are equally compelling. For decades, Nigeria has depended almost entirely on imported rapid diagnostic kits, resulting in substantial foreign exchange outflows. In a recent interview on Channels TV, NASENI’s Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Khalil Halilu boldly stated that one of the goals that NASENI hopes to achieve is to cut down Nigeria’s import dependency and save huge amounts of Foreign exchange through strengthening our domestic production. By meeting an estimated 80 per cent of domestic demand through local production, the country stands to retain millions of dollars annually that would otherwise be spent on imports. At the same time, families will avoid unnecessary expenditure on medicines by purchasing antimalarial drugs only when tests confirm malaria infection.

The initiative also enhances Nigeria’s healthcare security. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed the risks of relying heavily on international supply chains for essential medical products. Local manufacturing ensures a more reliable supply of diagnostic kits, reducing vulnerability to global disruptions and strengthening the country’s preparedness for future health emergencies.

Beyond meeting domestic needs, the factory’s production capacity positions Nigeria as a potential exporter of medical diagnostics across Africa under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). This represents a significant shift from being primarily an importer of healthcare products to becoming a regional supplier of health technology.

Equally important is the industrial value of the project. Manufacturing sophisticated biomedical products creates opportunities for Nigerian engineers, laboratory scientists, technicians and logistics professionals, contributing to the growth of high-skilled employment and advancing local technological capabilities.

As international donor funding for malaria programmes continues to decline, no thanks to Donald Trump, countries must increasingly build self-sustaining healthcare systems. In that context, NASENI’s investment in local diagnostic production is both timely and strategic. It demonstrates that strengthening healthcare is not only about providing treatment but also about ensuring accurate diagnosis, reducing dependence on imports, conserving foreign exchange and building domestic industrial capacity.

NASENI is helping to improve health outcomes while laying the foundation for a more resilient and self-reliant healthcare system. It is a forward-looking investment whose benefits will be felt far beyond the factory floor.

- Raphael Olukayode is a graduate of Microbiology and writes from Ogun state

The Closing Chapter: How Nigeria Will Miss Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar

There are ministers who occupy office, and there are ministers who redefine it. Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar belongs firmly in the latter category.

When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu appointed him Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nigeria needed a diplomat that was capable of restoring coherence to its foreign policy, repositioning its voice in an increasingly fractured world, and demonstrating that diplomacy could also be measured by real outcomes. Ambassador Tuggar did precisely that.

His departure from the Ministry marks the end of one of the most consequential chapters in Nigeria’s recent diplomatic history. It also leaves a vacuum that will not be easily filled. History will likely remember his tenure for something enduring: he gave Nigeria’s foreign policy a philosophy, a direction, and a sense of purpose.

Before Ambassador Tuggar, Nigeria’s diplomacy often appeared reactive—responding to crises as they emerged and pursuing relationships that sometimes lacked an overarching strategic framework. Under his stewardship, foreign policy became intentional.

The introduction of the 4D Doctrine—Demography, Development, Diaspora and Democracy—was perhaps his greatest intellectual contribution to Nigeria’s engagement with the world.

Yes, it was an elegant acronym, but more than that, it was a carefully constructed framework that placed Nigerians themselves at the centre of diplomacy. Development was the principal objective of international engagement. Demography became a strategic advantage. The Nigerian diaspora was elevated from passive observers abroad to active partners in national development. And democracy remained both a domestic commitment and a regional responsibility.

It was the rare policy doctrine that was both intellectually coherent and practically applicable.

Closely connected to this was another defining idea that Ambassador Tuggar championed with remarkable clarity: strategic autonomy. At a time when geopolitical competition was increasingly demanding that countries chose sides, Nigeria chose instead to choose itself.

Ambassador Tuggar consistently argued that Nigeria’s foreign policy should be guided not by ideological camps or inherited alliances, but by national interest. The result was a balanced diplomacy that deepened engagement with China, India, Brazil and the Gulf states while simultaneously strengthening relations with traditional partners including the United States, the United Kingdom and the European Union.

It ensured that Nigeria remained a trusted interlocutor across competing global blocs while preserving the flexibility to negotiate from a position of independence.

Yet perhaps the most remarkable feature of Tuggar’s diplomacy was his determination to ensure that foreign policy produced tangible economic returns. Under his leadership, diplomacy increasingly became an instrument of development. Nigeria secured billions of dollars in investment commitments, including $14 billion from India across strategic sectors and €250 million in support for Nigerian businesses through partnerships with the Netherlands. Strategic agreements were concluded with major global powers including Germany, China, Saudi Arabia, France, Qatar, Brazil, India and the United Kingdom, each carefully aligned with sectors capable of driving national development.

The remarkable oversubscription of Nigeria’s Eurobond issuance during this period reflected growing international confidence in the country’s reform agenda.

His influence extended well beyond bilateral relationships. Ambassador Tuggar understood that Nigeria’s destiny is inseparable from that of West Africa. That conviction found its clearest expression in the launch of the West Africa Economic Summit (WAES)—an initiative that may ultimately become one of the most important regional innovations of this administration.

Unlike the many conferences that end with polished communiqués and little else, WAES was deliberately structured around implementation. Presidential roundtables, CEO forums, investment deal rooms and business expos transformed diplomacy into commerce and regional integration into practical opportunity.

It reflected Ambassador Tuggar’s belief that Nigeria should not merely lead West Africa by virtue of its size, but also through ideas, institutions and economic leadership. The summit repositioned the country as a convener of regional economic thinking and leadership.

He showed similar ambition on the continental stage.

Nigeria’s successful campaign to secure a permanent seat on the Board of the proposed African Central Bank was no accident. It was the product of persistent diplomacy, strategic coalition-building and painstaking negotiation.

Likewise, Nigeria emerged with stronger influence within the African Union’s institutional architecture while advancing its positions on maritime security, democratic governance, regional integration and economic reform.

He also played a decisive role in securing the election of Nigeria LNG Managing Director Dr. Philip Mshelbila as Secretary-General of the Gas Exporting Countries Forum—another strategic victory that strengthened Nigeria’s influence in global energy governance.

Perhaps nowhere was Ambassador Tuggar’s vision more evident than in Nigeria’s engagement with global platforms.

For decades, Nigeria attended international gatherings such as the World Economic Forum in Davos largely as a country of unrealised potential. Under Tuggar’s watch, that changed. The establishment of Nigeria House at Davos transformed the country’s presence from passive participation to active engagement. It provided a permanent sovereign platform for investment discussions, policy dialogue and commercial partnerships, projecting a Nigeria increasingly interested in closing deals rather than making declarations.

His diplomacy also carried an unmistakable normative dimension. The launch of the Regional Partnership for Democracy with the United Nations Development Programme represented a bold attempt to strengthen democratic governance across West Africa through African-led solutions.

Rather than merely condemning democratic backsliding, Nigeria under Ambassador Tuggar sought to build institutions capable of preventing it. It was an ambitious initiative rooted in a simple but powerful belief: that African democracy should be defended by Africans, through African institutions and according to African realities.

That philosophy reflected Ambassador Tuggar’s broader diplomatic style. He was principled without being ideological. Confident without being combative. Intellectual without becoming inaccessible. And there was grace in the way he represented Nigeria. And there was swagger in the confidence with which he defended its interests.

He carried himself with the assurance of someone who understood that diplomacy is not an exercise in pleasing others, but in advancing one’s nation with dignity.

Whether engaging global powers, defending Nigeria’s sovereignty, negotiating difficult regional issues or articulating new diplomatic ideas, Ambassador Tuggar consistently projected quiet confidence backed by substance. That combination earned him something increasingly rare in international diplomacy: respect.

Even after leaving office, he continues to receive invitations to major international engagements—from Venezuela to Oslo—not merely as a former minister, but as a respected diplomatic voice whose ideas continue to command attention.

That says something. Great public servants often leave behind institutions that function better because they served. Ambassador Tuggar leaves behind a foreign ministry that became more strategic, more intellectually confident and more closely aligned with Nigeria’s economic aspirations.

He also leaves behind a foreign policy architecture that future administrations would be wise to preserve rather than discard.

His decision to seek the governorship of Bauchi State reflected the same instinct that characterised his diplomatic career: a desire to serve. I, like many believed—and still believe—that he possessed both the competence and vision to transform the state.

That opportunity was denied, not by the electorate, but by the familiar machinery of political intrigue. The schemers and plotters who manipulated the process may have secured a temporary political victory, but Bauchi lost the opportunity to be led by one of the country’s most accomplished public servants.

That loss belongs not to Ambassador Tuggar. It belongs to the people who were denied the chance to choose him. As one chapter closes, two truths remain difficult to dispute. Nigeria has lost an exceptional Foreign Minister whose ideas reshaped the country’s diplomatic identity and whose leadership restored confidence in the conduct of its foreign policy.

And Bauchi has missed the opportunity to be governed by a leader whose record suggests he would have brought the same vision, discipline and strategic thinking to statecraft.

The measure of a public servant is often clearest after they leave office. By that standard, Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar has already secured his place. Nigeria will miss him. Bauchi already does.


* Eyimofe Amajuoritse is a journalist covering Nigeria’s foreign relations.

THE TALENT WHISPERER AND HIS FINEST FIND: Tunji Bello at 65

• How a President’s gift for spotting excellence, and a regulator’s relentless conscience, are reshaping consumer protection in Nigeria

There is a particular kind of leader whose greatest skill is not what he builds himself, but what he sees in others: the understated brilliance, the quiet fire, the disciplined mind that the crowd walks past without a second glance. Bola Ahmed Tinubu has long been that kind of leader. Long before the presidency, before the vast political architecture he constructed across almost three decades in the opposition and in power, Tinubu’s most consequential act, repeated again and again, was the act of appointment. He looked where others did not look, reached where others did not reach, and handed the instruments of consequence to people the establishment had not yet fully understood.

When President Tinubu appointed Olatunji Bello as the Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission in June 2024, many Nigerians saw it as a routine reshuffle, a competent man with solid credentials and a long Lagos pedigree. What they missed was the signal. Tinubu, who has always valued disciplined talent and institutional memory, understood something about this particular man that the resumes and citations could not fully convey: Tunji Bello does not do things by halves.

Two years into that assignment, the appointment stands as one of the most consequential of the Tinubu presidency, a case study in what happens when the right person is placed at the exact intersection where markets, fairness, and the daily suffering of ordinary Nigerians converge.

THE MAKING OF A PUBLIC MAN

Olatunji Bello turns 65 tomorrow, July 1, 2026. The significance of the moment lies not in symbolism, but in the shape of a career defined by discipline, public purpose, and uncommon institutional impact. From the University of Ibadan to the newsroom, from Lagos State government to the FCCPC, he has brought the same unmistakable habits of mind to every assignment: precision, patience, and an uncompromising sense of duty.

At the University of Ibadan, he was not merely a student of Political Science. He was Vice President of the Students Union, a role that demanded conviction, nerve, and the ability to speak for others under pressure. That early experience matters because it revealed something that has remained constant in his public life, the instinct to stand where institutions are weakest and the public interest is most vulnerable.

After Ibadan, he went on to postgraduate study in International Law and Diplomacy, later added a law degree from the University of Lagos, and ultimately brought to public service a rare blend of political judgment, legal literacy, and journalistic instincts. That combination would prove decisive in every serious role that followed.

CONCORD AND JUNE 12

It is in the Concord chapter that the fuller picture of Tunji Bello comes into focus. He built his reputation in a newsroom that sat close to the pulse of Nigerian politics, eventually rising to become Group Politics Editor, then Editor of Sunday Concord, and later Editor of the Daily Concord. Concord was not a neutral workplace. It was the media wing of the Abiola universe, and in the years surrounding the annulled June 12 election, it was also one of the most politically charged institutions in the country.

Bello’s proximity to that history mattered. He was not just reporting events from a distance. He was part of a generation that understood the moral cost of democratic rupture and the necessity of public courage. His prior relationship with Bola Tinubu (both were in MKO’s inner circle of strategists ahead of the historic 1993 polls) belongs to that same historical arc, the anti-annulment struggle, the June 12 cause, the long democratic detour, and the alliances built in the heat of that struggle. The connection between them was not accidental. It was forged in a period when conviction was tested daily and loyalty had to mean something more than convenience.

That bond would later find institutional expression in Lagos, and now in Abuja.

LAGOS AS A LABORATORY

Before arriving at the FCCPC, Bello had already spent years in the machinery of Lagos governance, including long stretches as Commissioner for the Environment and Water Resources under successive governors. That continuity is important. It is rare in Nigerian public life for a man to survive across administrations without becoming either ornamental or compromised. Bello managed something more difficult: he remained relevant without becoming pliant.

That longevity tells its own story. It suggests trust, competence, and the ability to translate political confidence into administrative results. It also helps explain why Tinubu, who prizes institutional toughness and technical loyalty, would see in Bello the right hand for a difficult regulatory task.

THE FCCPC UNDER PRESSURE

When Bello arrived at the FCCPC, the agency already had legal authority. What it needed was a leader willing to turn authority into consequence. That is what changed. Under his watch, the Commission moved from being largely reactive to becoming visibly interventionist, and it did so in sectors where Nigerians had long assumed they were on their own.

Between March and August 2025, the FCCPC resolved more than 9,091 consumer complaints across 30 sectors and recovered over ₦10 billion for consumers. Banking generated the highest number of complaints, followed by FMCG (fast moving consumer goods), fintech, and electricity. These are not abstract regulatory triumphs. They are practical recoveries, refunds, reversals, and redress for ordinary people who had previously been trapped in silence.

The significance of this is not merely the money recovered, though the money matters. It is the message sent to the market: consumer abuse now has a cost.

DIGITAL LENDING AND DISCIPLINE

One of the clearest examples of Bello’s style came in the treatment of predatory digital lenders. The FCCPC’s response was not soft persuasion. It used coordinated enforcement, blacklisting, and collaboration with Google to remove non-compliant loan apps from circulation. That mattered because it struck at the business model itself, not merely at the surface behavior.

In a sector that had normalised humiliation as a collection strategy, the FCCPC under Bello restored a measure of dignity to the consumer. The agency also made clear that innovation does not excuse abuse, and that speed in lending cannot be a cover for cruelty in recovery.

THE COURTS AND THE COMMISSION

The legal victories under Bello have reinforced the FCCPC’s credibility. The tribunal’s affirmation of the Commission’s authority in the Meta and WhatsApp matter was especially significant, because it validated the FCCPC’s power to act decisively even against globally dominant companies. The case was not only about data and platform conduct. It was about whether Nigeria could enforce its laws against the largest firms in the world and still stand tall.

Similarly, recent court rulings have strengthened the Commission’s moral authority. They have made clear that unlawful service denial and refund refusals are no longer invisible harms, but justiciable wrongs. For a consumer protection agency, that shift is everything.

FOOD, FUEL, AND FAIRNESS

The strongest illustration of Bello’s instinct may be the Commission’s recent warning to petroleum marketers over fuel pricing. Following a sharp fall in global crude prices, the FCCPC noted that downstream operators had moved quickly to raise prices when crude rose, but were slow to pass on the benefits when crude fell. That imbalance, Bello said, is precisely the kind of market distortion a consumer protection body must confront.

This is where his prose as a regulator becomes especially revealing. He does not argue for price control in a deregulated market. He argues for fairness in a market that too often rewards asymmetry. The principle is simple and powerful: if the market is quick to punish consumers on the way up, it must not be sluggish in rewarding them on the way down.

That line places him in a very small class of Nigerian public officials who understand that competition policy is not a technical specialty alone. It is a moral instrument.

THE DIFFERENCE HE BRINGS

What makes Tunji Bello exceptional is not merely that he is intelligent, experienced, or loyal. Many people are those things. It is that he combines institutional memory with ethical steadiness and an unusually disciplined public style. He has moved through journalism, law, environmental governance, and consumer protection without losing his centre.

There is also something deeply important about the continuity of his temperament. Colleagues have long described him as urbane, accessible, and faithful to principle, someone who remained consistent even in political environments that reward opportunism. That consistency is now paying public dividends at the FCCPC.

He understands, perhaps better than most regulators, that a consumer is not an economic abstraction. A consumer is a citizen standing at the point where power meets daily life.

TINUBU’S EYE FOR TALENT

This is where Bola Tinubu belongs in the story. For over two decades, he has been celebrated, sometimes grudgingly, for his eye for talent and his ability to place the right people in the right roles. He did it as governor. He is doing it again as president.

Tunji Bello’s rise validates that reputation. It shows a president willing to spot value before it becomes obvious to everyone else, and a public servant whose long history of seriousness has finally found an institutional platform equal to his temperament. The old alliance, formed in the democratic struggles of Lagos and the moral aftermath of June 12, has become something more enduring: a productive partnership between political foresight and administrative rigor.

SIXTY-FIVE AND STILL ASCENDING

At 65, Tunji Bello is not a man looking back in nostalgia. He is a man whose best public work may still be ahead of him. The FCCPC has become more visible, more assertive, and more feared by bad actors because it now speaks with a steadiness that Nigerian consumers can trust.

That is the real measure of his tenure. Not noise. Not vanity. Not public dramatics. Just consequence.

Olatunji Bello has spent a lifetime moving toward this kind of work. From student union leadership in Ibadan, to the newsroom of Concord, to the Lagos government offices where he learned the discipline of public administration, he has always inhabited institutions as if they mattered. Under President Tinubu, at the FCCPC, that instinct has finally found its sharpest expression.

And Nigeria is better for it.

#FCCPC
#Nigeria
#ConsumerProtection
#ConsumerRights

TB @ 65: Profile in diligence

By Ondaje Ijagwu

As Mr Tunji Bello marks his 65th birthday on July 1, there is a natural temptation to measure his public life by the offices he has held, the policies he has championed or the regulatory milestones achieved under his leadership. Yet those who have worked most closely with him often tell a quieter story, one found in meetings, conversations and decisions that have gradually reshaped the culture of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC). It is a story less about the exercise of power than about the judgement required to exercise it fairly.

When Bello resumed as Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer in July 2024, he could easily have disappeared into the familiar rituals of a leadership transition: routine briefings, files awaiting signature and meetings with senior officials. Instead, before settling into his office, he walked through the Commission. He stopped in departments, greeted members of staff and introduced himself to the people who would be expected to translate policy into daily work. It was not a choreographed tour for photographers or a symbolic courtesy destined for the next day's newspapers. For everyone who witnessed it, it was an unhurried effort to understand the institution through the people who animated it.

Only afterwards did he take his seat behind the executive desk. His first address to the staff reinforced the same impression. "I have been well received," he said. "I am confident that I am in the midst of people who can accomplish more." He spoke less about himself than about the Commission's obligation to ordinary Nigerians.

"We need to expand our reach. Nigerians need to feel us. How can we be of assistance to the ordinary consumer?... We need to do more market surveillance."

Many chief executives spend their opening days defining authority. Bello appeared more interested in defining purpose. The emphasis was not on the office he had assumed but on the institution he believed the Commission should become. One that remained close enough to consumers and markets to respond with credibility.

At a recent meeting, the discussion had turned to staff transfers, one of those routine administrative matters. Operational needs had to be balanced. Managers pondered where officers should be deployed across the Commission's network of zonal and state offices to maximise efficiency.

Then an unexpected question altered the tone of the discussion. "If someone has stayed for up to ten years in one of the Commission's zonal offices," Tunji Bello asked, "doesn't that simply mean the staff must have built a family out there that should not be disrupted?"

For a moment, the conversation paused. The point was not that transfers should never happen. Public institutions cannot function without movement, and leadership sometimes requires difficult decisions. His intervention simply widened the frame through which the issue was being considered. Behind every transfer file was a family that had found its footing in a particular city, children settled into schools, spouses whose own careers had become rooted, ageing parents accustomed to familiar routines and communities that had slowly become home. The Commission's operational needs remained important, but they were no longer the only consideration.

That brief exchange revealed something official communiqués seldom capture. Bello appeared to approach administration with the conviction that institutions are communities of people as much as systems of process. Efficiency mattered. So did fairness. Leadership required holding both in balance.

Management meetings came to reflect a culture in which ideas were tested, alternative opinions encouraged and disagreement treated as part of sound decision making rather than as a challenge to authority. Although the Executive Vice Chairman retained ultimate responsibility, colleagues recognised that outcomes were genuinely shaped by contributions made during discussions. People contribute more honestly when they know they are expected to think rather than merely agree. That culture of participation would become one of the defining features of Bello's leadership.


Listening, however, is only the beginning of leadership. Institutions are ultimately judged by whether their decisions reflect the breadth of experience within them.
One of the quieter changes under Bello has been the steady widening of participation in the Commission's internal governance. Heads of zonal and state offices now participate in management meetings, ensuring that operational realities from across Nigeria help to shape discussions at headquarters. Separate engagements between management and field leadership have also been introduced, creating a direct forum for practical challenges to be discussed without unnecessary bureaucratic layers. Distance from Abuja no longer necessarily means distance from decision-making.

The same philosophy has informed professional development. Local and overseas training opportunities are now distributed more broadly across the organisation, with officers from zonal and state offices participating alongside colleagues at headquarters. Younger officers have gained opportunities that previously appeared beyond reach, while experienced personnel continue to receive specialised development suited to their responsibilities.

The objective is not equal distribution for its own sake. It is the recognition that institutions grow stronger when knowledge and opportunity circulate widely.

Practical support has accompanied these structural changes. Operational vehicles have been provided, strengthening field activities, while increased operational funding has significantly enhanced the capacity of outstation offices. Institutional assignments have also been distributed more evenly across the Commission.

The same attentiveness extends to staff welfare. When the recent conflict in the Middle East drove up fuel prices and increased transportation costs, Bello approved the procurement of brand new staff buses to support employees' daily commute.

These measures alleviated immediate hardship while providing longer-term support. They reflected an understanding that people are better able to serve institutions when institutions remain attentive to the practical burdens they carry into work.

That understanding became even more evident in moments beyond administration. When a member of staff lost a spouse, Bello led the management team on a condolence visit and remained personally present throughout events connected with the funeral. No regulation required such involvement. It simply reflected an understanding that institutions are communities whose responsibilities do not end where personal grief begins.

The same spirit was quietly visible during the Commission's May Day celebration. Rather than remaining apart from the event, Bello sat among members of staff and visiting union officials, narrowing the customary distance between management and workforce.

The day's most revealing moment came when a senior national union official reviewed the document prepared by the Commission's union representatives. Expecting the familiar catalogue of complaints, he instead found acknowledgements of welfare improvements, administrative reforms and management's responsiveness.
The significance lay not in the absence of disagreement, for every healthy institution has differences of opinion. It lay in the confidence that concerns are always heard, discussed and addressed.

Outside the Commission, it appears in engagement with markets, insistence on transparency and the pursuit of fair competition as a practical safeguard for ordinary Nigerians. The settings differ. The underlying instinct does not.

Public institutions are often judged by the visibility of their leaders. Their enduring strength, however, is more accurately measured by the confidence of the people who work within them. Do they believe they will be heard? Do they believe opportunities are genuinely open? Do they believe difficult decisions will be weighed carefully? Do they believe authority exists to strengthen the institution rather than merely to remind everyone where it resides? Those are questions no annual report can answer.

Yet they often determine whether institutions merely function or genuinely endure.
As Tunji Bello marks his 65th birthday, many will rightly assess his public life through the offices he has held, the policies he has advanced and the regulatory achievements recorded during his stewardship of the FCCPC. Those achievements deserve their place in the public record. There is, however, another measure. It is found in the culture a leader leaves behind.

Leadership often reveals itself in moments too small for headlines. A question asked before a transfer is approved; a decision to widen opportunity rather than preserve privilege, a visit to a grieving colleague after official duty might reasonably have ended, a conversation with market leaders before the first sanction is imposed. None of these moments changes a country overnight. Together, however, they change something just as important. They change the way people experience institutions.

Perhaps that is the true weight of fairness. Not that it is proclaimed, but that it is practised so consistently, in decisions both large and small, that it gradually becomes the culture itself. If that becomes the enduring legacy of Tunji Bello's leadership, it will also be the finest tribute to a public life still in service, and a fitting reflection as he marks his 65th birthday.

Mr. Ijagwu is
Director, Corporate Affairs
Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission.

NASENI Equips Kano Youth, Women with Practical Skills to Support Industrial Growth

The National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) has reaffirmed its commitment to developing the skilled workforce needed to drive industrialization in Kano State, as it commenced the Community Empowerment Initiative in Science, Technology, Skills Acquisition, and Renewable Energy for Youth and Women.

Speaking in Kano, the Executive Vice Chairman/CEO of NASENI, Mr. Khalil Suleiman Halilu, said the Agency’s investments in projects such as the Sustainable Emerging Technologies Institute (SETI), the Transformer Manufacturing Plant, and the Coal and Liquid-Based Fertilizer Plant must be matched with investments in human capital.

According to him, industrialization requires both infrastructure and skilled people, stressing that sustainable development can only be achieved when local communities possess the skills needed to power emerging industries.

As part of the initiative, young people and women from Kumbotso and Tarauni Local Government Areas are being equipped with practical skills in solar installation, welding and fabrication, food processing, and STEM education to enhance employability, entrepreneurship, and economic self-reliance.

Halilu said NASENI’s vision is to ensure that as its industrial investments in Kano continue to expand, the technicians, innovators, entrepreneurs, and skilled workforce required to sustain them will come from Kano communities.

He reiterated that the Agency remains committed to creating opportunities through technology, skills development, and innovation in line with the Federal Government’s industrialization agenda and the Nigeria First Policy.

The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) has expressed concern over findings from an ongoing surveillance of the downstream petroleum market suggesting undue exploitation of consumers.

In its statement, FCCPC stated that a review of the gantry prices of local refiners, marketers, depot operators and retail outlet operators revealed token reductions in prices that are not commensurate with the steep fall in crude prices in the global market.

Reacting, the Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the FCCPC, Mr. Tunji Bello, stated:

"To be clear, the Commission does not regulate or approve petroleum prices in a deregulated downstream market. Our responsibility under the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act, 2018, is to promote competitive markets, prevent anti-competitive conduct, and protect consumers from unfair, deceptive and exploitative business practices.

“We are concerned that while dealers often respond swiftly by hiking pump prices whenever crude prices rise, it is curious that it is taking forever for consumers to benefit significantly when crude prices fall. Competitive markets must work fairly in both directions."

Following a ceasefire accord between U.S. and Iran two weeks ago and the reopening of the Straits of Hormuz, crude prices have fallen to $73, a sharp drop from the peak of $120 per barrel in April.

Across the global market, crude prices have since returned to the February levels.

The earlier spike in crude prices saw local refiners and marketers raising pump prices swiftly across the country, with petrol price climbing to between N1,350 to N1,500 and diesel selling N2,000 as hostilities intensified in the gulf between April and May.

In February, common PMS (petrol) averaged between N800 and N900.

Across the country today, PMS is still sold at average of N1,200 while some local refiners fixed between N1,025 and N1,075 as their gantry prices.

Though recognising that domestic prices are influenced by a range of commercial and market factors (including refining costs, foreign exchange movements, logistics, financing and distribution expenses), the Commission however expects competitive market dynamics to have eased the swift transmission of resulting cost efficiencies to consumers.

Mr. Bello further stated: "Market liberalisation does not diminish businesses' obligations to compete fairly or consumers' right to fair treatment. Where credible evidence indicates conduct that undermines competition, exploits consumers or otherwise contravenes the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act, the Commission will investigate and take appropriate enforcement action."

He encouraged consumers to continue reporting suspected anti-competitive conduct, misleading pricing practices and other forms of unfair market behaviour through the Commission's established complaint channels.


Ondaje Ijagwu
Director, Corporate Affairs

https://independent.ng/crude-price-fall-fccpc-frowns-at-exploitation-by-oil-marketers-threatens-sanction/

Praying for the Nation and Our Leaders Is Not Only a Civic Responsibility but Also a Religious Obligation — Minister Matawalle

As the Nigerian Army commenced activities marking the Nigerian Army Day Celebration (NADCEL) 2026, the Honourable Minister of State for Defence, Dr. Bello Matawalle, MON, has called on Nigerians to remain steadfast in offering prayers for the nation and its leaders, emphasizing that such prayers are not only a civic responsibility but also a religious obligation.

The Honourable Minister made the call on Friday while serving as the Special Guest of Honour at the Special Jumu’ah Prayer held at the Army Headquarters Garrison Central Mosque, Mogadishu Cantonment, Asokoro, Abuja.

The sermon, delivered under the theme, "Protecting the Nation and Serving the People: A Way Forward for the Nigerian Army," underscored the collective responsibility of all citizens in supporting national security and promoting peace across the country.

According to the Minister, true patriotism goes beyond words or emotions, it is demonstrated through actions that strengthen the nation and safeguard the lives and well-being of its citizens.

Delivering the sermon after the Jumu’ah Prayer led by the Cantonment Chief Imam, the Director, Nigerian Army Directorate of Islamic Affairs, Brigadier General Usman Musa, noted that the prevailing perception that security is solely the responsibility of government must change. He stressed that when communities remain passive while criminals attack and inflict casualties, insecurity inevitably worsens.

He also added that the appropriate approach is for government and the general public to work together against criminal elements, rather than leaving the responsibility to government alone. Citing Maiduguri as a practical example, Brigadier General Musa explained that the city became relatively secure because its people stood firm, rejected the status quo, and collaborated closely with security forces.

According to him, through this collective effort, insurgents were driven out of the city centre and forced into the bush, demonstrating that insecurity can be effectively suppressed when communities cooperate with authorities.

The Special Jumu’ah Prayer was attended by the Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General W. Shu’aibu, the Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Idi Abbas, other senior military officers, members of the Nigerian Army Officers' Wives Association (NAOWA), among others.

NASENI EMPOWERS 50 KANO WOMEN WITH RENEWABLE ENERGY TOOLKITS


The National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure, NASENI, has trained and equipped 50 women in Kano with renewable energy skills under its “She-Powers Energy Initiative”.

NASENI, in collaboration with AMG Worldwide Ltd., presented certificates and NASENI-branded toolkits to the beneficiaries.

The beneficiaries had completed training in solar energy installation, maintenance and troubleshooting.

Speaking at the event, on Thursday, the Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of NASENI, Engr. Khalil Halilu, said the initiative was designed to create women entrepreneurs and renewable energy champions across communities.

Mr Halilu said the agency’s focus extended beyond technology to ensuring that innovation improved lives and created economic opportunities.

“When many people think about energy, they think about power plants, transmission lines and infrastructure. At NASENI, we think about people.

“Behind every solar panel is a household, behind every innovation is a livelihood, and behind every technology is an opportunity to improve lives,” Halilu said

He noted that the increasing demand for renewable energy solutions in Nigeria provided opportunities for job creation, business development and improved access to clean energy.Geographic Reference

He explained that the programme was part of a nationwide women empowerment initiative, adding that thousands of women had benefited from the agency’s interventions in agriculture, drone technology and other sectors.

Mr Halilu said the certificates and provision of toolkits would enable the beneficiaries to immediately begin offering services without depending on borrowed equipment.

The NASENI boss also stressed the importance of empowering women in Northern communities, where cultural practices often restricted men from accessing certain parts of homes.

“Trained women could install and maintain energy systems in such areas while earning a livelihood”, Mr Halilu said.

Governor Abba Kabir-Yusuf of Kano State commended the initiative, describing it as a boost to women empowerment and skills acquisition.

Kabir-Yusuf, represented by his Senior Special Adviser on Women Education, Yasmin Mukhtar, reaffirmed the state government’s commitment to human capital development.

He said the government had continued to support programmes that equipped women with technical and entrepreneurial skills.

Also, the Head Training Facilitator of AMG Worldwide Ltd., Munnir Ibrahim, said the training had transformed the beneficiaries from learners into professionals capable of delivering renewable energy solutions.

He urged the beneficiaries to utilise the knowledge gained to build businesses and support their communities.

Katagum group to Tinubu: Field credible candidate to reclaim Bauchi in 2027

The Katagum Youth Progressive Group (KYPG) has called on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, to carefully review the party’s gubernatorial candidature process in Bauchi State ahead of the 2027 general elections, as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) approaches its July 11 deadline for the submission of candidates’ particulars.

The group specifically urged the APC leadership to replace Barr. Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar (SAN) with what it described as a more competent, credible, and electable candidate capable of strengthening the party’s chances of victory in the state.

Recalled that APC announced former Governor of Bauchi State, Barr. Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar, as the winner of the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship primary election ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The group expressed concern over the possibility of the party presenting a candidate whose previous record in public office, it alleged, was marked by inadequate infrastructure development, delays in project execution, disregard for traditional institutions, lack of transparency, and insufficient engagement with critical stakeholders.

In a statement signed yesterday by its chairman, Baba Isah Azare, the group stressed that the APC must field a candidate capable of uniting party members, inspiring public confidence, and providing a credible alternative for the people of Bauchi State.

According to the statement, “The APC cannot afford to repeat past mistakes. Bauchi voters deserve a candidate with a proven track record of performance, accountability, respect for traditional institutions, and the capacity to attract widespread public support.”

The group warned that the imposition of an unpopular candidate could undermine the party’s electoral prospects and diminish its chances of securing victory in the 2027 governorship election.

The Katagum Youth Progressive Group therefore appealed to President Tinubu and the APC leadership to place greater emphasis on competence, acceptability, integrity, and grassroots support in determining the party’s governorship candidate for Bauchi State.

The group maintained that only a widely accepted and credible candidate can strengthen the APC’s chances of reclaiming power in the state and delivering effective leadership to the people.

Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar served as Governor of Bauchi State from 2015 to 2019 under the APC platform. Muhammad Abdullahi Abubakar SAN lost his re-election bid in 2019 to Governor Bala Mohammed of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Wealth in the Shadow of Bandits: The Two Worlds of Abdulaziz Yari

The story of Abdulaziz Yari, a former governor and current senator from Zamfara State in northwestern Nigeria, presents a stark and troubling paradox. It is a narrative that encapsulates the deep-seated contradictions within Nigerian politics, where immense personal wealth often exists alongside profound public suffering. Zamfara State, despite being endowed with significant mineral resources, notably gold, remains one of the poorest and most insecure states in the country. Yet, Abdulaziz Yari, who presided over the state as governor from 2011 to 2019, is frequently cited as one of the wealthiest politicians from northern Nigeria. This glaring disparity raises fundamental questions about governance, accountability, and the very purpose of public office.

Abdulaziz Yari’s political journey saw him rise to become a two-term governor and later a senator representing Zamfara West. His tenure in the Government House, however, is marked by a legacy that many residents associate with the onset of the state’s severe security crisis. It was in 2011, the very year he took office, that a horrific massacre occurred in Kizzara village, Tsafe Local Government Area, where over 100 innocent people were killed. This event is widely regarded as the gruesome dawn of the banditry that would later engulf the state and spread across the region. A resident, Nasiru Idris, and many others directly link the escalation of violence to Yari’s administration, suggesting either a failure of governance or a more sinister complicity through neglect.

The origins of this insecurity are complex, but a recurring thread points to the state’s rich gold fields. Across Nigeria, it is a common belief that illegal gold mining is a primary fuel for the violence in Zamfara. Armed groups fight for control of mining sites, and the proceeds from smuggled gold are used to purchase weapons, creating a vicious cycle of conflict and exploitation. The state’s mineral wealth, rather than being a blessing for its people, has become a curse, funding chaos while the populace lives in fear and deprivation.

However, during the administration of Yari, one of his political associates and a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Alhaji Sani Gwamna Mayanchi, was arrested by the State Security Service (SSS) at its Abuja headquarters. His arrest was in connection with investigations into banditry within Zamfara State.

Mayanchi faced intense public backlash over allegations that he was a principal accessory to the crisis. He was accused of facilitating the donation of a large number of motorcycles and Hilux vans to insurgent groups. This was purportedly done as part of an "appeasement" strategy, aimed at brokering peace in the state's most volatile areas.

Further fueling public distrust, a photograph allegedly showing Mayanchi with a rifle slung across his chest during his visits to insurgent enclaves has been widely circulated on mobile phones. The propagation of this image has significantly aggravated public apprehension and cast serious doubt on the government's sincerity in its stated commitment to ending the insurgency.

Against this backdrop of poverty and violence, the personal fortune of Abdulaziz Yari stands out as an astonishing anomaly. By his own admission and the accounts of those who knew him, Yari was not a man of means before entering politics. He had no known large-scale factories, no vast agricultural enterprises, and no visible business empire that could explain his current financial status. Associates, when pressed, can only point to his time as governor as the source of his wealth. This admission alone is damning. It prompts an uncomfortable but necessary question: is the office of governor meant to be a money-spinning venture for personal enrichment?

The scale of this wealth became a topic of national discussion with the recent acquisition of the Geregu Power Plant. Yari reportedly purchased this strategic national asset from billionaire businessman Femi Otedola for a staggering sum of One Trillion Naira. Such a transaction, involving a sitting senator and former governor, immediately draws scrutiny. It forces the public to wonder how a career public servant, on a government salary, amasses the capital for a trillion-naira investment. The transaction seems to symbolize a system where political power is seamlessly converted into monumental private wealth, far removed from the economic realities of the senator’s constituents.

The questions surrounding the sources of Yari’s wealth are not merely speculative. They are given weight by the actions of Nigeria’s anti-corruption agencies. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has reportedly intercepted gold bars worth approximately four billion Naira at the Aminu Kano International Airport, with the consignment allegedly linked to the former governor. While these allegations are yet to be fully proven in court, they fit a disturbing pattern and reinforce public suspicion. They suggest that the very resource—gold—that is at the heart of Zamfara’s insecurity may also be a channel for illicit wealth accumulation by those in power.

This situation creates a profound moral and economic crisis. It illustrates a model where public service is perceived not as a duty, but as the most lucrative business venture available. Politicians derive fortunes from the state rather than from legitimate, verifiable, and productive private enterprises. This model devastates public trust and cripples development. The resources that should fund schools, hospitals, roads, and security in Zamfara are instead seemingly diverted, leaving the state vulnerable. The people are trapped between marauding bandits and a political class whose wealth appears inexplicably divorced from their suffering.

The case of Senator Abdulaziz Yari is, therefore, more than an individual story. It is a microcosm of a national ailment. It reflects the failure of institutions to check the excesses of powerful individuals and the inability to ensure that natural resources benefit the common good. It highlights the urgent need for transparency in political financing, stronger anti-corruption enforcement, and a fundamental re-evaluation of the relationship between power and wealth in Nigeria. Until these issues are addressed, the paradox of wealthy politicians presiding over poor and insecure populations will remain a defining and tragic feature of the Nigerian political landscape. The story of Zamfara and its wealthy former governor is a cautionary tale of lost opportunities and a pressing call for systemic change.

The persistent insecurity in Zamfara State, widely attributed to banditry funded by illegal gold mining, has repeatedly drawn scrutiny to the alleged involvement of high-profile political figures. Central to these allegations is Senator Abdulaziz Yari, whose tenure as Governor coincides with the escalation of the crisis and whose name frequently surfaces in reports on illicit mining operations.

Analyses from institutions like the Institute for Security Studies, alongside numerous national and international investigations, consistently identify illegal gold mining as the primary economic engine for banditry in the region. The proceeds from these activities are used to procure weapons, perpetuating a cycle of violence. Within this context, Senator Yari has been specifically implicated. A 2021 investigation, known as the Ghana Gold Report, linked him to seized gold bars worth millions of dollars in Ghana. Furthermore, an inquiry conducted by a serving member of the 10th House of Representatives has also reportedly drawn connections between the senator and the illicit trade.

This scrutiny has occasionally translated into official action, albeit with inconclusive results. In 2022, the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) secured an interim forfeiture order for 10 properties linked to Senator Yari, described as potential "proceeds of corruption stemming from illegal activities," including mining. His political career has been marked by recurrent encounters with law enforcement. Following his senatorial election victory in 2023, he obtained a court order restraining the EFCC, the ICPC, and the Department of State Services (DSS) from arresting him. Notably, the DSS arrested and detained him for nearly a week, though the findings of that investigation were never made public.

A particularly damning element of the allegations is Senator Yari's own prior admission. He has stated that over $500 million is generated annually from mining activities in Zamfara, with negligible revenue reaching the state's coffers. This admission is often cited by critics as indicative of his deep insight into—and alleged facilitation of—a system that bleeds the state of its resources.

While Senator Yari has consistently denied any wrongdoing, the intersection of his governorship, the catastrophic rise of banditry during that period, and the scale of illegal mining has sustained serious allegations against him. The pattern of judicial interventions to block investigations, followed by arrests that yield no public accountability, has fueled public frustration and skepticism. The apparent inability or unwillingness of federal authorities to conclusively investigate and act upon these persistent reports represents a significant obstacle to addressing the root causes of insecurity in Northern Nigeria. Ultimately, resolving the crisis in Zamfara necessitates confronting the alleged political corruption that enables the illegal economy fueling the violence.

- From Ja’afar Khalifa

Culled from the The Spectacles Ng (https://www.tspectacles.com.ng/2026/06/wealth-in-shadow-of-bandits-two-worlds.html?fbclid=IwY2xjawSpPKhleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETFSSWFteWxHbVc1b3NtVHhMc3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHj5RUtbq4fa85LriIKnlF5DLQQDabahTPYfHD6bjxKgYR_T95Dis8tyM6pRw_aem_H2yOhqN4shnYhyjCi_T_Eg)

“NASENI Is Ready to Support MDAs on Digital Transformation” – Khalil Halilu, EVC

The Executive Vice Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), Mr. Khalil Suleiman Halilu, has reiterated the Agency’s commitment to supporting Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) in accelerating their digital transformation through the adoption of integrated Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) solutions.

Speaking at the Nigeria Public Service Lecture Series organized by the Bureau of Public Service Reforms (BPSR) in Abuja, Khalil said public service reform is fundamentally a leadership commitment that must be driven by innovation, technology, and a culture of performance.

He noted that when he assumed office in 2023, many of NASENI’s processes were manual, approvals were slow, and digital adoption was limited. However, through deliberate institutional reforms and the deployment of an ERP system, the Agency now operates a largely paperless and data-driven environment.

According to him, the transformation has significantly improved operational efficiency, transparency, accountability, and service delivery across the Agency, while empowering staff at all levels to utilize digital tools in their daily operations.

Drawing from NASENI’s experience, the EVC emphasized that institutions transform when people embrace change and technology, adding that digital transformation remains critical to building a more efficient and responsive public service.

He therefore invited MDAs across the country to partner with NASENI in deploying ERP solutions tailored to their operational needs, stressing that the future of governance is digital and innovation-driven.

The Nigeria Public Service Lecture Series provides a platform for senior public officials, policy leaders, and development partners to discuss strategies for strengthening public institutions, advancing governance reforms, and improving service delivery in Nigeria.

Matawalle Unveils #TinubuAgain Logo, Reaffirms Loyalty and Support for President Tinubu

Former Governor of Zamfara State and Minister of State for Defence, Dr. Bello Mohammed Matawalle, has formally unveiled the #TinubuAgain Movement Logo.

The movement is a nationwide political and grassroots mobilization platform aimed at consolidating support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and advancing the administration’s Renewed Hope Agenda across the country.

The launch is marked by the unveiling of the Movement’s official logo, which prominently features the images of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, and Dr. Matawalle, the Founder and Convener of the initiative.

Speaking on the significance of the unveiling, the Movement described the logo as a symbol of its unwavering commitment to sustaining, promoting, and expanding the vision, policies, and achievements of the Tinubu administration in every part of Nigeria.

The emergence of the #TinubuAgain Movement is widely seen as a demonstration of Matawalle’s enduring loyalty to President Tinubu and his strong conviction in the administration’s reform agenda. Since joining the Federal Government, Matawalle has consistently been one of the President’s most vocal supporters, frequently defending the administration’s policies and advocating for their long-term benefits to Nigerians.

According to the Movement, its primary objective is to ensure that the message of the Renewed Hope Agenda reaches citizens at the grassroots level, with structures extending to wards, local government areas, and states across the federation.

“The #TinubuAgain Movement represents a collective commitment to nation-building and the continued advancement of the Renewed Hope Agenda,” the organization stated. “It is dedicated to ensuring that the policies, reforms, achievements, and developmental strides of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu resonate with Nigerians in every community across the country.”

The Movement further noted that it would serve as a platform for public engagement, civic mobilization, and advocacy, helping to deepen awareness of the administration’s achievements while fostering greater citizen participation in the national development process.

The Movement’s focus on community-level engagement is expected to strengthen public understanding of key government policies and their impact on economic growth, infrastructure development, security, and social welfare.

For Matawalle, the launch underscores not only his political alignment with President Tinubu but also his belief that the administration’s ongoing reforms are laying the foundation for a more prosperous and stable Nigeria. The former governor has repeatedly argued that despite the short-term challenges associated with major economic reforms, the long-term gains will position the country for sustainable growth and development.

As the #TinubuAgain Movement begins operations nationwide, its leadership says it will work to mobilize supporters, promote public enlightenment, and build a broad coalition of Nigerians committed to consolidating the gains of the Renewed Hope Agenda.

Until recently, few Nigerians could claim to have heard of Optasia, let alone its Nigerian subsidiary Nairtime, the foreign-owned AI-led financial technology platform providing micro-lending, airtime credit and automated credit-scoring services across 38 countries.

Yet, this South African-owned entity has maintained, almost exclusively, Nigeria’s entire airtime and data borrowing market, in the last 12 years. Indeed, until the firm’s tiff with the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) over allegations of anti-competition and other unfair market practices, most Nigerians would probably not have known that an entity whose annual turnover is in excess of N400 billion actually exists. Not anymore.

At issue is the South African tech firm’s long-standing dominance in the lucrative airtime and data lending market against FCCPC’s mandate to protect consumers, prevent capital flight, and enforce local regulations.

Now, the administration of President Bola Tinubu has decided to buck the ugly trend. Indeed, the consumer affairs regulator, the FCCPC, has since received the president’s marching order to break its 12-year monopoly. The FCCPC, by the directive, is to use its statutory powers under the FCCPC Act to end those exclusivity arrangements that have kept smaller players out of the airtime credit lending space.

Surely, the government’s decision on the matter will be hard to fault. That it has been in the making over the past 12 years, during which Optasia maintained its stranglehold on that segment of the telecommunications market is perhaps inevitable. If anything, it is a reflection of how the terrain has changed over the years.

The fact is that the conditions under which that lone operator took over the segment to the exclusion of others, no longer exist. Today, whereas a number of highly innovative start-ups have not only emerged but have signalled their readiness to compete for a share of the market, they have had to endure the pain of being muscled out by the dominant operator.

To cap it all, the entity employs no Nigerian staff and does not share credit data with Nigerian bureaux or other financial technology firms, thus creating an information asymmetry that has stifled local competition.

The FCCPC on its part has long made the argument that opening the market to competition will promote local participation, strengthen the local fintech ecosystem, create employment opportunities as well as stem the continuous outflow of capital from the country.

These goals, aside being in alignment with its mandate, is also at the core of the Nigeria First policy of the Tinubu administration, under which local start-ups can count on the protection that the government can best offer, including shielding them from the predatory actions of the foreign but more established actors.

It comes as no surprise therefore, that the resolve by the Federal Government to protect the Nigerian consumer, engender competition, and to ensure that local fintechs thrive, thus protecting the nation’s larger interests, is not only fiercely resisted but is being challenged on all fronts by players like Optasia.

The FCCPC must stay the course. It should ignore the blackmail from players, who, long used to playing footloose with local regulations, are quick to deploy foreign direct investment as shield to escape regulatory scrutiny.

While Nigeria welcomes foreign players in all sectors of the economy, its commitment to the fundamental rules of competition and fair market practices should be upheld at all times by operators. We find nothing that the FCCPC has done that is outside of its remit.

In this particular instance, it would seem a case of recalcitrance on the part of Optasia to conform to regulation. The company, as indeed any other operator (foreign or local) in the Nigerian fintech space must see itself as open to, not above, regulation, and to act in all manner consistent with the nation’s laws and economic aspirations.

President Tinubu’s Fiscal Reset and the New Wealth of Nigeria’s States

When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu announced the removal of fuel subsidy on May 29, 2023, the decision sparked intense national debate. Combined with the administration’s exchange-rate reforms, including the floating and subsequent stabilization of the Naira, the policy marked one of the most significant economic shifts in Nigeria’s recent history. Three years later, the clearest evidence of the impact of these reforms are not to be found in Abuja, but in the finances of Nigeria’s 36 states.

The numbers tell a compelling story.

In May 2023, the total monthly allocation distributed to the 36 states through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) stood at N343.08 billion. By April 2026, that figure had risen to N708.18 billion. In just under three years, aggregate monthly allocations to states increased by more than 106 per cent.

More striking is the fact that every state in the federation recorded an increase. The average gain across states was approximately 128 per cent, meaning that many states more than doubled—and in some cases nearly tripled—their monthly allocations.

This transformation is largely the fiscal dividend of two major reforms: the removal of fuel subsidy and the restructuring of the foreign exchange regime.

For years, fuel subsidy consumed hundreds of billions of Naira monthly, with estimates placing the cost at over N400 billion at its peak. Resources that would otherwise have flowed into the federation account were absorbed by subsidy payments. The result was a federation in which states frequently struggled with limited revenues, delayed projects, and mounting obligations.

The removal of the subsidy changed that equation. Revenue previously spent sustaining an unsustainable subsidy regime became available for distribution among the federal, state and local governments. At the same time, foreign exchange reforms improved government revenues from oil exports and other dollar-denominated earnings, strengthening the pool of funds available for allocation.

The result is a significantly stronger fiscal position for virtually every state government.

Perhaps nowhere is this more evident than in Lagos State. Monthly allocations rose from N11.5 billion in May 2023 to N40.5 billion in April 2026—an extraordinary increase of 252 per cent. While Lagos already enjoys the strongest internally generated revenue base in the country, the sharp increase in federal allocations has further enhanced its capacity to finance major infrastructure projects, including rail expansion, road rehabilitation and urban drainage systems.

The story is equally significant in states that historically operated with far more limited resources. Many non-oil-producing states that received between N5 billion and N7 billion monthly in 2023 now receive between N13 billion and N17 billion. States such as Ogun, Taraba, Osun, Plateau, Kogi and Abia fall within this category, reflecting gains ranging from roughly 130 to 165 per cent.

For these states, the increase fundamentally alters their fiscal capacity. A state moving from N6 billion to N15 billion monthly is no longer confined to merely paying salaries and pensions. It gains room to invest in roads, schools, healthcare facilities and other critical infrastructure while still meeting recurrent obligations.

The effects are already visible across the federation. Larger allocations have enabled states to accelerate infrastructure development, undertake urban renewal programmes, and improve public service delivery. In the health and education sectors, governments now possess greater capacity to upgrade primary healthcare centres, recruit teachers, and revive scholarship programmes that had been constrained by limited resources.

Northern economic powerhouse Kano State offers another illustration. Its monthly allocation rose from N10.2 billion in May 2023 to N24.4 billion in April 2026—an increase of 139 per cent. Such growth provides significantly greater fiscal space for industrial development, infrastructure expansion and commercial revitalization initiatives.

Similarly, Oyo State’s allocation climbed fromN8.5 billion to N21.5 billion, a 153 per cent increase. The enhanced revenues align with the state’s extensive road construction and urban renewal projects across Ibadan and other major centres.

Even in the Niger Delta, where political developments have often dominated headlines, the fiscal picture has strengthened considerably. Rivers and Bayelsa States recorded increases of 66 per cent and 85 per cent respectively, providing additional resources for infrastructure and youth-development programmes.

The conclusion is difficult to avoid. While debates over economic reforms will continue, the fiscal condition of Nigeria’s states has improved markedly since 2023. The combination of subsidy removal and exchange-rate reforms has expanded the revenue available to sub-national governments, giving them more resources than at any point in the history of our country.

The challenge now is no longer primarily one of revenue scarcity. It is one of governance, accountability and effective deployment of these resources. For the first time in many years, most states possess the fiscal means to pursue meaningful development. The measure of success going forward will be how effectively they convert this unprecedented increase in revenue into tangible improvements in the lives of their citizens.

— Chinedu Offor is a developmental economist and writes from Imo State

Technology transfer in the age of economic sovereignty, By Khalil Suleiman Halilu


Across the world, countries are rethinking how they build economic resilience. Global supply chain disruptions, geopolitical tensions, and growing competition for strategic technologies have reinforced a simple lesson: nations that cannot develop and produce critical technologies remain vulnerable.

This vision of economic sovereignty is not about reactive, isolationist protectionism; it is about ‘capability-building nationalism’ — a strategy designed to integrate Nigeria more deeply into the global economy by strengthening our domestic productive base.

For Nigeria, this reality makes industrial self-reliance not merely an aspiration but a strategic necessity. At the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), we view technology transfer as one of the most effective pathways to achieving that goal. However, technology transfer is not simply about importing machinery or signing international agreements. It is about acquiring knowledge, building local capabilities, creating industries, and developing the human capital required to sustain them.

Nigeria has pursued industrialisation before. From the indigenisation policies of the 1970s to various industrial development plans and local content initiatives, successive governments have sought to strengthen domestic production. While these efforts achieved varying degrees of success, many encountered a common challenge: ownership was transferred more easily than capability.

The lesson is clear. Sustainable industrialisation requires more than protectionist policies or local participation mandates. It requires deliberate investments in technological capabilities, innovation ecosystems, and productive enterprises.

Why Technology Transfer Matters

Technology transfer is often misunderstood as the movement of equipment or technical designs from one country to another. In reality, its most valuable component is the transfer of know-how: the skills, processes, management systems, and innovation culture that enable industries to grow and compete.

For Nigeria, the stakes are significant. Manufacturing remains below its potential, while dependence on imported machinery, equipment, and industrial inputs continue to place pressure on foreign exchange reserves and expose businesses to global shocks.

Effective technology transfer can help reverse this trend. It can create jobs, strengthen local supply chains, increase productivity, broaden the tax base, and improve national competitiveness. Most importantly, it can transform Nigeria from a consumer of technology into a producer of technology.

Structural Barriers to Scale

Since its establishment in 1992, NASENI has been mandated to develop Nigeria’s science, engineering, and technological infrastructure. For many years, like several research institutions across the country, our efforts were concentrated on research outputs and prototype development.

Today, our focus is different.

We have adopted a strategy built around what we call the 3Cs: Collaboration, Creation, and Commercialisation. This framework is designed to close the long-standing gap between research and industry by ensuring that innovations move beyond laboratories and become products, businesses, and jobs. By pooling expertise with international partners, we move beyond theory to shared, scalable problem-solving. This means designing not just for the lab, but for the factory floor, ensuring that our prototypes address real-world industrial needs. By moving from lab-scale prototypes to market-ready products, we ensure that innovation is not just an academic exercise, but a revenue-generating enterprise.

Our partnerships reflect this approach. Through the DELTA-2 Programme with the Technology Agency of the Czech Republic, Nigerian innovators are collaborating internationally to develop practical solutions in agriculture, mining, and manufacturing. Our partnership with the Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON) seeks to strengthen domestic manufacturing capabilities in strategic sectors. We are also working with the Abuja Technology Village to create a technology and manufacturing ecosystem that can support innovation-led industrial growth. Through our DELTA-2 and DICON partnerships, we are already localising the production of critical industrial components, directly reducing our reliance on expensive imports.

At the same time, initiatives such as DELT-Her are helping to expand participation in engineering and technology among women, recognising that industrial transformation must be inclusive if it is to be sustainable.

These efforts represent an important shift in orientation. Yet, we must be honest: ambition alone does not create industrial capability. Success must ultimately be measured by outcomes — factories built, products commercialised, jobs created, and technologies successfully transferred into local production.

The Challenges We Must Confront

Technology transfer is neither automatic nor guaranteed.
One major challenge is scaling innovations. Developing prototypes is important, but moving from prototypes to commercially viable products require financing, production expertise, quality assurance systems, and access to markets.

Another challenge is fragmentation. Nigeria’s innovation ecosystem involves numerous agencies, research institutions, universities, and private sector actors. Without effective coordination, duplication of effort and inefficient resource allocation become inevitable.
Human capital remains equally critical. Advanced manufacturing requires engineers, technicians, machinists, production managers, and skilled operators.
Yet, the country continues to face skills shortages and the effects of talent migration.

Financing also remains a significant obstacle. Technology transfer and industrial upgrading require patient capital, affordable credit, and long-term investment horizons. Domestic firms often struggle to access these resources.

Finally, governance and accountability matter. Investors and technology partners need confidence that programmes are transparent, performance-driven, and protected from undue political interference.

A Pragmatic Framework for Technology Transfer

To effectively build industrial capability, several priorities must guide our approach.

First, we must focus on strategic value chains. Rather than attempting to localise everything simultaneously, efforts should concentrate on sectors where Nigeria possesses clear potential, including agro-processing, renewable energy technologies, pharmaceuticals, construction materials, and industrial spare parts.
Second, public procurement must become a strategic tool for industrial development. Government purchasing power should create reliable demand for domestic products, while maintaining strict performance and quality standards.

Third, financing mechanisms must support scale-up. Research grants are important, but commercialisation requires concessional finance, credit guarantees, and blended investment structures capable of attracting private capital.

Fourth, technology partnerships should prioritise capability transfer rather than dependency. Joint ventures, licensing arrangements, and technical collaborations should include clear provisions for skills development, local content growth, and knowledge sharing.

Fifth, vocational education and apprenticeship systems must be strengthened. Industrialisation cannot occur without a pipeline of highly skilled technicians and production specialists.

Sixth, quality infrastructure must be improved. Testing laboratories, certification systems, standards development, and metrology facilities are essential for building consumer confidence in locally produced goods.
Finally, transparency and performance measurement must guide every intervention. Clear metrics, including production volumes, jobs created, investment attracted, and technology adoption rates, should determine success.

The consequences of failing to implement these measures are significant. Without strategic prioritisation, resources will be spread too thinly to generate meaningful industrial impact. Without procurement support, domestic manufacturers may struggle to achieve commercial viability. Without financing, promising innovations will remain trapped at the prototype stage. Without skills development, industries will face persistent talent shortages. Without quality assurance, local products may fail to compete. And without accountability, public investments risk being consumed by inefficiency, rather than generating productive outcomes.

In such a scenario, Nigeria could once again find itself repeating a familiar cycle: ambitious industrial policies, limited execution, continued import dependence, and missed opportunities for economic transformation.

A Realistic Path Forward

Industrial transformation does not happen overnight. Every successful industrial nation has built its capabilities through decades of investment, learning, experimentation, and adaptation.

NASENI’s role is not to replace private enterprise. Rather, it is to serve as a catalyst — bridging research and industry, supporting innovation, developing infrastructure, fostering partnerships, and accelerating technology adoption.

Nigeria possesses the market size, entrepreneurial talent, and resource base necessary for industrial growth. What is required now is sustained commitment, policy consistency, and institutional discipline.
Economic sovereignty, when grounded in capability-building rather than protectionism alone, can become a powerful force for development. Technology transfer is one of the most important instruments available to achieve that objective.

At NASENI, we remain committed to ensuring that technology serves not only as a tool for innovation but also as a foundation for industrial competitiveness, economic resilience, and national prosperity. The path ahead is challenging, but by prioritising performance-driven, capability-focused investments, we will turn Nigeria’s industrial potential into a daily reality.

Khalil Suleiman Halilu is the executive vice chairman and chief executive officer  of National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI).

Africa’s Innovation Challenge Is Not Talent, but Turning Research Into Industry - Dr, Dahiru, Chairman PICTT

Africa’s struggle to compete in the global technology economy is not a consequence of a shortage of talent or ideas. Rather, it stems from a persistent failure to translate research into commercially viable products, according to Dr. Muhammed Dahiru, chairman of Nigeria’s Presidential Implementation Committee on Technology Transfer (PICTT).

Speaking at the 2nd International Conference on Science, Technology and Innovation in Abuja, Dr. Dahiru argued that the continent’s technological future will depend less on the volume of research it produces and more on its ability to build the policy, institutional and commercial frameworks needed to move innovation from laboratories to the marketplace.

Addressing a panel session titled “Policy Frameworks for Closing Africa’s Technology Gap,” he said Africa stood at a pivotal moment in its development. The continent, he noted, possesses many of the ingredients required for technological advancement — a young and growing population, abundant natural resources and a deep reservoir of talent. Yet those advantages have not translated into a corresponding presence in the global innovation ecosystem.

“Africa’s technological marginalization remains significant,” Dr. Dahiru said. “As of today, the continent accounts for only 2 percent of global patent applications.”

The statistic, he suggested, reflects a broader structural challenge. Across much of the continent, universities and research institutions continue to generate knowledge and scientific discoveries, but weak commercialization pathways have limited their economic impact. The result is a persistent gap between innovation and industrial application.

Dr. Dahiru rejected the notion that African researchers lack the capacity to compete globally. The challenge, he argued, lies in creating the conditions that allow research outcomes to become marketable technologies, scalable enterprises and productive industries.

“The issue is not the absence of innovation,” he said. “The issue is building the mechanisms that enable innovation to reach the market.”

That process, he argued, requires more than government funding or policy declarations. It depends on the development of innovation ecosystems that connect researchers, entrepreneurs, investors, industry and public institutions around shared objectives.

Responding to questions on technology transfer policy, Dr. Dahiru also urged Nigerians to take a more active role in advancing the country’s technological capabilities, warning against an overreliance on government intervention.

“We should not wait for government to do everything,” he said. “Whatever opportunity you have, you must play your part rather than merely complain. Everyone has a role to play in helping Nigeria attain the technological capability it needs to succeed.”

Central to that effort, he said, is the deliberate integration of innovation and entrepreneurship. Scientific breakthroughs alone are insufficient if they cannot be developed into products, businesses and industries capable of generating economic value.

“Developing such ecosystems is essential for transferring technology from the lab to the market,” Dr. Dahiru said. “Innovation alone is not enough; it must be linked to entrepreneurship. Without that connection, technology transfer cannot happen.”

He called for closer collaboration among universities, businesses, government agencies, venture capital firms and the broader private sector, arguing that technological progress flourishes when institutions work within coordinated ecosystems focused on solving common challenges.

Such ecosystems, he said, can be developed in specific locations and replicated across countries and regions, creating the foundations for broader industrial transformation.

For Africa, the challenge is increasingly urgent. As emerging technologies reshape global production, trade and economic power, countries that fail to convert research into innovation risk falling further behind. The continent’s opportunity, Dr. Dahiru suggested, lies not merely in producing knowledge but in building the institutions and partnerships capable of transforming that knowledge into prosperity.

“The talent is already here,” he said. “The task now is to create the systems that allow it to thrive.”

Can President Tinubu Trust the Double-Faced Senator Abdulaziz Yari?

Those who know Senator Abdulaziz Yari know that he is extremely wealthy—far beyond the tens of billions. What many cannot tell you, however, is where this wealth came from. The only known source his associates can point to is his tenure as Governor of Zamfara State. But then, is the office of governor meant to be a money-spinning venture?

Senator Abdulaziz Yari had no known factory, no known large-scale farm, and no known business enterprise capable of generating the kind of wealth he possesses today. So where did all the money come from? That question will, of course, generate controversy. Yet it is not out of place to ask it. Should public office be a source of personal wealth? Should politicians derive their fortunes from public service rather than from legitimate and verifiable business activities?

In Senator Yari’s case, a series of investigations by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) provide grounds upon which many Nigerians, particularly Zamfara indigenes, may trace his wealth to public resources.

In 2022, Senator Yari was reportedly grilled by the EFCC over an alleged attempt to move N300 billion from a corporate account in a commercial bank shortly after he had forfeited assets believed to be proceeds of corruption.

In 2022, following proceedings initiated by the ICPC, a Federal High Court ordered the final forfeiture of N278,989,960 traced to the former governor. The funds were reportedly held across multiple Zenith Bank and Polaris Bank accounts in his name and in the names of companies linked to him, including Kayatawa Nigeria Limited and B.T. Oil and Gas Nigeria Limited. The forfeiture covered several cash holdings in both Naira and foreign currencies.

Additionally, the ICPC secured an interim court order in February 2022 for the forfeiture of 10 properties allegedly linked to him and located across Abuja, Kaduna, Zamfara State, and Maryland in the United States.

As of the same year, Senator Yari was also under investigation over alleged fraud connected to the Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme (SURE-P). Although the EFCC has not secured a successful prosecution in the matter, the allegations continue to linger over him.

There was also his arrest in connection with allegations involving former Accountant-General of the Federation, Ahmed Idris. He was alleged to have received N22 billion from the former Accountant-General.

All of these allegations paint a troubling picture that raise serious questions about the sources of Senator Yari’s wealth and whether they can withstand any rigorous moral or ethical scrutiny.

But beyond the cloud of corruption allegations that surrounds Senator Yari is what many consider his reputation for political duplicity. He is widely perceived as someone who says one thing in one place and something entirely different elsewhere. He has earned a reputation for playing political games rather than being straightforward in his dealings.

Recall the criticism levelled against him by Senator Kabir Marafa during the administration of late President Muhammadu Buhari. According to Marafa, Yari would visit President Buhari in Abuja, praise him lavishly, and commend his administration. Yet upon returning to Zamfara State, he would criticise the same President, insult him and accuse him of failing to secure the country.

That is the nature of Senator Yari’s politics. He says one thing here and another thing elsewhere.

According to Marafa: “You only take the sunny side of government but the ugly side you say you are not responsible,” he said about Yari. “When it comes to the money of Zamfara State, he is the governor of Zamfara State. When it comes to the protection of lives of the people of the state, then it is President Muhammadu Buhari that is responsible. And the worst thing that I always say is that this is the first person that has unfettered access to the President.

“Now, have you been telling the President the truth? This is where the challenge lies. When he comes to the Villa, he tells you that the President is doing very well. When he goes back to the state, he says security is not his responsibility but that of the President, and he didn’t do it.”

Today, this is the same man who claims to be a friend of President Bola Tinubu. On one hand, he publicly professes support for the President and is said to sponsor activities in support of him. On the other hand, he is being accused of financing efforts aimed at undermining the same President.

Earlier this week, a group known as the Zamfara Youth Indigenes Forum (ZYIF) called on the Senator Yari to desist from coordinating a planned protest against President Tinubu’s Service Chiefs and the Ministers of Defence.

In a statement signed by its leadership, the group claimed that some of its members had been approached and offered money to participate in the planned protest by Senator Yari.

The group accused the former Governor of mobilising opposition against the President’s appointees while simultaneously presenting himself as an ally of the President. Indeed, how can someone who publicly professes loyalty to the President allegedly work behind the scenes against the appointees of that same President? Would that not amount to indirectly undermining the President himself?

It strains belief.

Senator Yari’s loyalty is ultimately to his own political survival and interests. He is not seen as someone driven by friendship, loyalty, or principle, but by calculation and advantage. Relationships are transactional rather than genuine for him.

This is why President Tinubu must carefully reconsider any so-called friendship with Senator Yari. At the very least, he should keep him at arm’s length. Senator Yari brings with him allegations of corruption, questions about his integrity, and a reputation for political double-dealing.

If the President remains uncertain, perhaps he should ask Senator Yari a simple question: how many close friends has he maintained for the past ten years?

For Senator Yari everything is ultimately transactional.

- Mal. Bilyaminu Tsafe, is a member of the APC in Zamfara State.

Of Sore Losers and the Illusion of Ijebu-Remo State

By Seyi Bakare

Like the corrupt and perennially lazy workman blaming his tools, the camp of the drowning Ogun East senator, Gbenga Daniel, has not ceased bellyaching over their principal’s failed 2027 re-election bid. The latest excuse—that Governor Dapo Abiodun is behind the failure of Daniel’s state creation gambit—is an afterthought cooked up to pacify bruised political egos.

In a treatise titled “Governor Dapo Abiodun and the Stalled Dream of Ijebu-Remo State,” with the rider “Senate Triumph Sabotaged in the House,” Victor Ojelabi, publisher of the blog Freelanews, piles up allegations against the Ogun State governor, accusing him of truncating the state creation initiative by allegedly influencing Ogun APC lawmakers in the House of Representatives.

Seeking to avoid the burden of proving his claims, Ojelabi repeatedly deploys words such as “allegedly” and “reportedly” while presenting speculation as fact. According to him, “Governor Dapo Abiodun stands accused of single-handedly sabotaging the creation of Ijebu-Remo State, a move that could have transformed the region into a booming economic powerhouse.” He further claims, without presenting any verifiable evidence, that Senator Daniel had “reportedly secured a staggering 75 signatures from distinguished senators, pushing the Ijebu-Remo State Creation Bill with determination and strategic brilliance.” Yet, he fails to explain how such an allegedly persuasive legislator could not secure corresponding support in the House of Representatives.

Even if one agrees, for the sake of argument, that 75 signatures constitute a significant political endorsement, it still stretches logic beyond reasonable limits to suggest that a proposal capable of attracting such support in one chamber would inexplicably fail to secure meaningful traction in the other solely because of Governor Abiodun. Rather than casting the governor in a bad light, this narrative raises questions about the seriousness and preparedness of those who now claim to be the sole proponents of the proposal.

A serious advocate of state creation would ordinarily prioritise painstaking consultations and broad-based support across both chambers of the National Assembly. Failing to secure such support while blaming others for the outcome reveals a troubling lack of political homework.

Losers will always search for excuses, and it cannot be plainer that these characters have struggled to come to terms with the loss of a senatorial ticket they apparently considered their birthright. They have accused virtually everyone of conspiracy, including President Bola Tinubu—the same political leader on whose behalf they once floated a “BAT-OGD” movement—alleging collusion with Governor Abiodun to edge their principal out of the 2027 race.

In their eagerness to shift blame, they conveniently forget that agitation for state creation predates the current controversy by decades. Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, no new state has been created in Nigeria. Even attempts to create additional local government councils have often resulted in prolonged constitutional and political disputes. Nigerians need only recall the challenges encountered during efforts to create additional local governments in Lagos State in the early years of the Fourth Republic.

The reason is simple: the Nigerian Constitution deliberately makes state creation one of the most difficult political exercises imaginable. It is designed that way because creating a state is not merely a matter of drawing a new boundary on a map; it is a fundamental restructuring of the federation. Section 8 of the Constitution imposes a maze of requirements involving elected representatives from affected areas, local government councils, State Houses of Assembly, the National Assembly, and the electorate itself through a referendum. Every stage presents a hurdle capable of terminating the process.

Indeed, the Constitution practically requires a national consensus before any new state can emerge. The proposal must survive multiple veto points, any one of which can kill it. That is why state creation remains one of the rarest constitutional exercises in the federation. It is easier to campaign for a new state than to create one.

Beyond the constitutional requirements lie even more daunting political realities. Every new state changes the distribution of federal revenue, legislative representation, ministerial appointments, and access to federal institutions. Inevitably, every proposal produces winners and losers. Those who stand to lose influence or resources naturally oppose it.

Approving one new state would also open the floodgates to dozens of similar demands across the federation. This is precisely why state creation has remained largely theoretical since 1999. In recent constitution review exercises, agitators demanded dozens of new states from different regions. If one is granted today, proponents of all the others would insist on equal treatment tomorrow. In Oyo State, there are agitations for Ibadan State and New Oyo State. In Lagos, there are demands for Lagoon State. Similar agitations exist across the federation. The question then becomes: if every region wants its own state, where does it end?

There is also the inconvenient economic reality that many of the existing 36 states struggle to survive without monthly federal allocations. Most generate insufficient internal revenue to sustain themselves. Creating more states means more governors, more commissioners, more assemblies, more bureaucracies, and more recurrent expenditure. At a time when the national conversation is about economic efficiency and reducing the cost of governance, many policymakers view additional states as a financial burden rather than a solution.

There is also the question of timing. At a period when many Nigerians are questioning the sustainability of the existing federal structure and calling for stronger economic viability among states, the creation of additional administrative units is bound to attract intense scrutiny. Any serious advocate of state creation must first answer the question of viability before seeking constitutional approval.

State creation also raises contentious issues relating to boundaries, ownership of resources, traditional institutions, and ethnic identity. Communities that appear united in agitation often become divided when questions arise about the location of a capital city, the sharing of assets, or political dominance within the proposed state. History has shown that such disagreements can derail even the most enthusiastic campaigns.

Against this backdrop, the attempt to blame Governor Abiodun for the failure of the Ijebu State creation proposal is not merely dishonest; it is absurd. If presidents, elder statesmen, constitutional conferences, influential regional blocs, and determined agitators have failed to create a state in nearly three decades, how exactly was Senator Daniel expecting to achieve this constitutional miracle? More importantly, why did a man who allegedly conquered the Senate fail to secure corresponding support in the House of Representatives?

The more plausible explanation is that the state creation campaign was never conceived as a serious constitutional project. It was a political slogan designed to generate excitement and sympathy ahead of the APC primary cycle. It was intended to create the illusion of a historic mission rather than deliver a constitutionally attainable objective.

The timing of the agitation raises legitimate questions. Aspirations for statehood are usually long-term, multi-generational projects pursued consistently across political cycles. They are not typically activated only when an incumbent office-holder faces a difficult re-election contest. That coincidence alone invites scrutiny.

If sincere agitators for new states have not succeeded since 1999, how could a senator who appeared to be using the state creation gambit to bolster his re-election prospects succeed? In the Senate, Gbenga Daniel is not among the most influential voices. He is not among the senators whose interventions regularly shape national discourse. By contrast, on virtually any issue in the polity, Nigerians know where senators such as Adams Oshiomhole and Ali Ndume stand because their views are frequently heard. When last did the Nigerian public hear Senator Daniel take a defining position on a major national issue?

The man has been busy fighting his state government instead of giving the people of Ogun East quality representation. To reduce the failure of Ijebu State creation to Governor Abiodun’s alleged lack of support is to ignore the possibility that the project itself lacked the broad political and constitutional backing necessary for success.

Besides, how logical is it for a sitting governor to preside over the dissolution of the very state he was elected to govern? And if Daniel were truly sincere about this cause, why did he not vigorously champion it throughout his eight years as governor? Why did the agitation suddenly become urgent when his political future became uncertain? Does it mean that Ijebu State can only be created if it aligns with Daniel’s personal ambition?

Perhaps the greatest irony is that a politician whose political positioning has frequently evolved with prevailing circumstances now seeks to present himself as the unquestioned custodian of a movement rooted in history, identity, and collective heritage. Questions of identity are sensitive matters, and those whose political trajectory has frequently invited debate should exercise caution before appropriating a people’s aspiration as a personal political project.

While the people of Ijebu and Remo have every democratic right to agitate for a new state, such agitation cannot be tied to the political survival of any single individual. Besides, Ojelabi shot himself in the foot by claiming that his principal is agitating for a so-called Ijebu-Remo State when the agitation has historically been about Ijebu State. If you are going to defend Ijebu State, do so without opportunistically redefining it. The sudden attempt to rebrand the agitation only raises further questions about sincerity, clarity of purpose, and motive.

The truth remains stubborn. The Constitution—not Governor Abiodun—is the greatest obstacle to state creation in Nigeria. The sooner Daniel and his sympathisers come to terms with that reality, the sooner they can stop manufacturing conspiracies to explain what was, from the outset, a politically convenient but constitutionally improbable project. State creation is not achieved through press statements, sponsored articles, or election-season sloganeering. It requires consensus, credibility, and constitutional compliance—three commodities that appear to have been in short supply throughout this ill-fated adventure.

Bakare leads a youth advocacy group in Abeokuta, Ogun State.

From R& To Market: How NASENI Is Bridging Gaps In Nigeria’s Industrial Value Chain

Nigeria for some decades has struggled to improve on its industrial outputs, but growth has been hampered by a single bottleneck: the gap between research and commercial production. Ideas are generated in labs and universities, but few make it to factories, markets, and the hands of Nigerian consumers.

The National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) is closing that gap by building a complete value chain—from concept to prototype, from pilot production to market-ready products that industries can adopt today.

To make this a reality, the Agency is adding value to nation’s industrial chains by controlling the high-margin stages of research and development (R&) design, engineering, branding and after-sales services while using advanced manufacturing, automation, and skilled labour to convert raw materials and imported inputs into differentiated high-quality finished goods.

NASENI is strengthening backward integration by developing local suppliers for components and machinery; building forward linkages through processing and branding to capture more of the final product value, and investing heavily in skills, standards, and innovation ecosystem that enable firms to move up the value chain.

This strategy is helping to keep more value jobs and profits domestically while competing on technology and quality rather than just cost.

From Lab Bench to Factory Floor

NASENI’s mandate goes beyond research. The Agency operates a network of Development Institutes and advanced manufacturing centres designed to translate research into tangible products. At the heart of this system is reverse engineering and technology adaptation as well as commercialisation.  Instead of waiting for imported equipment, NASENI’s engineers dissect foreign technologies, redesign them for Nigerian operating conditions, and prepare them for local manufacturing. This approach has already produced working models in renewable energy, agriculture, transportation, and capital goods.

The goal is simple: reduce Nigeria’s dependence on imports, cut foreign exchange drain, and create products that are cheaper to buy, easier to maintain and built for local use and create jobs for Nigerians.

The R& to Market Pipeline

NASENI’s process follows a deliberate 5-stage pipeline that private sector partners can plug into at any point. They are as follow:

1. Research & Adaptation

NASENI identifies high-demand capital goods products that Nigeria imports heavily. Engineers adapt designs using locally available materials and skills. These capital goods products cut across the key sectors of the economy.  They include Multi-grain Thresher, Rice Milling and Destoning Machines, Solar-powered Irrigation Pump, Oil Extraction System/Oil Expeller, Solar Water Dispensers, Home Solar Energy units, Energy efficient Street Lights, Lithium Batteries, Hybrid and Electric Vehicles, Electric Tricycles, NASENI Laptops, Tablets, and many more.


2. Prototype Development & Testing

Prototypes are built and tested in NASENI’s laboratories for durability, efficiency, and compliance with Nigerian standards. Testing reduces risk for partners who want to license the technology.

3. Pilot Production

Small-batch production validates cost, quality, and scalability. This is where NASENI de-risks the investment for industry. Stakeholders can inspect pilot lines, assess quality, and negotiate licencing before committing to large-scale production.

4. Technology Transfer & Licensing

NASENI offers licencing agreements, joint ventures, and technical support to qualified partners. This means industries can start manufacturing NASENI-developed products without building R& departments from scratch.

5. Market Deployment & After-sales Support

Through partnerships with distributors, cooperatives, and state governments, NASENI products reach end-users. The Agency also provides training for maintenance and troubleshooting, protecting the partner’s brand reputation.

Where Industry Gains

The value for stakeholders is in speed, cost, and reduced risk.

Speed to Market: A partner licencing a NASENI design bypasses 2–4 years of independent R&. Production can begin once licencing and training are complete.
Cost Savings: Products adapted for local materials and labour cut import costs by 30%–60% in sectors like solar components, agricultural machinery, and electrical equipment.

Data point to source: Comparative cost analysis of NASENI solar panels and imported equivalents are available at the NASENI Energy Directorate.

Risk Reduction: NASENI absorbs early-stage R& risk. Partners enter at the pilot or licensing stage with proven prototypes and technical documentation.

Local Content Compliance: Products developed under NASENI meet Nigerian local content requirements, making them eligible for government procurement and preferential treatment in public projects.

Real Products, Real Impact

Several NASENI technologies have passed through the licencing stage. Examples include Solar Irrigation Pumps designed for smallholder farmers, Electric Tricycles for urban transport, and Transformer components for the power sector. Each product comes with a technical package: design files, bill of materials, supplier list, and training manual. For industries, this means immediate opportunities.

An agricultural equipment dealer can licence a NASENI Thresher and begin assembly in-house. A renewable energy firm can integrate NASENI’s solar components into its existing projects at lower cost. A manufacturing small and medium enterprise (SME) can use NASENI’s CNC and machining centres to produce parts without buying expensive equipment. There are a number of active licencing agreements, SMEs trained, and jobs created through NASENI technology transfer programmes from 2023–2026.

The Infrastructure Advantage

Nigeria, NASENI operates advanced manufacturing centres equipped with CNC machines, 3D printers, metrology labs, and testing rigs. Partners can use these facilities on a fee-for-service basis, avoiding millions in capital expenditure. This shared infrastructure model is critical for SMEs and mid-sized firms that want to move up the value chain but lack the capital for heavy equipment. It also ensures quality control, as all licensed products are tested against NASENI’s standards before market release.

Partnership Model: How It Works

NASENI’s engagement with industry is structured for clarity and mutual benefit. NASENI assesses technical fit and readiness. The following are how it works.
Agreement & Training: Licencing terms are agreed, and partner staff receives hands-on training.

Production & Rollout: Partner begins production with ongoing technical support from NASENI.

Market Feedback Loop: NASENI collects user feedback to improve future iterations. The model is designed to be flexible. Partnerships range from single-product licencing to joint ventures for large-scale manufacturing plants.

Call to Action:

Nigeria’s industrial transformation will not come from imports alone. It will come from Nigerian companies producing Nigerian solutions, using Nigerian talents and infrastructure. NASENI invites manufacturers, investors, distributors, and state governments to partner in building this value chain. If you operate in agriculture, energy, transportation, or manufacturing, there is a NASENI technology ready for adoption.

For existing or new partner of the Agency, the following steps are available: Review NASENI’s current technology catalogue on the Agency’s website and at zonal offices; Request a technical briefing and factory tour to assess production readiness; Engage NASENI’s Investment and Partnership Directorate to discuss licensing, joint venture (JV) and co-production terms; and Join upcoming NASENI Industry Stakeholder Forums for direct access to engineers and project managers.

NASENI is currently playing a critical role through its indigenous technologies in building Nigeria’s industrial value chain.  The infrastructure is in place. The designs are tested. The market is waiting. The next step is for industry to step in, scale production, and make “Made-in-Nigeria” the standard.

Between FCCPC, FDI and vested interests

By John Odigie

The opinion piece by one "Elu Moses” published in a national daily is a masterclass in what skilled propagandists call the "noble cause substitution." You take a nakedly commercial interest, in this case, the protection of a specific foreign operator's revenue stream from regulatory oversight, and you dress it in the language of national development, investment climate, and economic patriotism. You invoke the President's name. You warn of catastrophe. You gesture towards abstract billions. And you hope that nobody notices the man behind the curtain.
Nigerians should notice. Because the curtain, in this instance, is remarkably thin.
Let us begin with what the Moses piece conspicuously fails to tell us. It does not tell us which specific foreign enterprise is so vital to Nigeria's digital future that it must be shielded from the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC). It does not tell us how many Nigerians this enterprise employs. It does not tell us what taxes it pays to the Nigeria Revenue Service. It does not tell us what physical infrastructure it has built on Nigerian soil. It does not tell us what knowledge it has transferred to Nigerian engineers and technologists. It does not tell us what its profit margins look like, where those profits are domiciled, or what percentage of the value it extracts from Nigerian consumers is reinvested in Nigeria.
Moses’ piece employs several argumentative devices that deserve direct rebuttal. First is the insinuation that the FCCPC is contradicting the Presidency's FDI drive. This framing inverts reality with considerable skill. The FCCPC's mandate to ensure competitive markets, protect consumers, and prevent exploitative commercial practices, is not in tension with legitimate foreign investment. It is its precondition. Serious institutional investors, the sovereign wealth funds, the development finance institutions, the global private equity firms whose capital President Tinubu's administration is courting in Davos and Washington, conduct rigorous due diligence. What they seek is not the absence of regulation. They seek regulatory predictability, institutional credibility, and the knowledge that markets operate on transparent rules applied equally to all participants.
What genuinely deters serious FDI is the opposite of what the Moses piece implies. It is the perception that Nigeria is a soft state; that its regulators can be neutralised by sufficiently aggressive lobbying, that its institutions fold under commercial pressure, that opacity and political connection are better protections than genuine compliance. An FCCPC that backs down from legitimate regulatory action because a foreign operator plants threatening opinion pieces in national newspapers would be a far more powerful deterrent to serious investment than an FCCPC that enforces its mandate consistently and fearlessly.
For an article ostensibly about defending foreign direct investment, this is a breathtaking series of omissions. Because real foreign direct investment, the kind that creates jobs, builds capacity, transfers technology, and deepens local value chains, tends to leave evidence. Factories. Offices. Payroll records. Tax receipts. Graduate training programmes. Research partnerships with Nigerian universities.
But make no mistake about it: Moses’ piece is the latest in the series of coordinated media onslaught against FCCPC by vested interests unwilling to forgo the undue advantage they had enjoyed in Nigeria for donkey years without regulatory scrutiny.
The audacity is, in its own way, impressive. Several of the commercial arrangements now under regulatory examination were established and consolidated during a period when Nigeria did not have a modern competition and consumer protection framework. The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act was enacted in 2018. For years before that, Nigeria's market was, from a competition law perspective, essentially a frontier, a place where arrangements that would have attracted immediate regulatory attention in the United States, the European Union, or indeed South Africa itself, could operate without meaningful scrutiny.
Moses frames the entire dispute as a conflict between Nigeria's regulatory instincts and Nigeria's investment needs. But this framing conceals the most important question of all: investment for whom?
Foreign direct investment that creates jobs, builds infrastructure, transfers skills, pays taxes, stimulates local supply chains, and competes fairly in open markets is among the most powerful engines of development available to an emerging economy. Nigeria wants and needs such investment. President Tinubu's administration is right to pursue it.
But not every commercial arrangement that involves a foreign entity qualifies as foreign direct investment in any meaningful developmental sense. A foreign company that participates in Nigerian consumer markets through a locally incorporated subsidiary with minimal physical presence, employs few Nigerians in substantive roles, domiciles its profits offshore, and resists every effort by Nigerian authorities to examine its practices is not, in any serious economic sense, investing in Nigeria. It is extracting from Nigeria. A predator.
Some enterprises, including Optasia, built their Nigerian market positions precisely during that period of regulatory vacuum. They grew accustomed to operating without the discipline that competition law imposes. They structured their commercial relationships in ways that made sense in the absence of a regulator empowered to ask hard questions about market dominance, consumer disclosure, and competitive fairness.
Then Nigeria grew up. The FCCPC is not an aberration. It is not an invention of the current administration designed to harass foreign investors. It is the product of a legislative decision by the National Assembly to bring Nigeria into the community of nations that take competition and consumer protection seriously. Every G20 economy has such a framework. South Africa has had its Competition Commission since 1998. The European Union's competition regime is among the most rigorous in the world. The United States Department of Justice Antitrust Division has been operating for over a century.
Nobody calls the EU's enforcement of competition law "anti-FDI." Nobody accuses the South African Competition Commission of "repelling investment" when it investigates dominant firms or interrogates market structure.
What the Moses piece actually defends, though it cannot bring itself to say so plainly, is something categorically different; a commercial arrangement in which a foreign entity, operating through a subsidiary with virtually no physical presence in Nigeria, participates in the financial lives of millions of Nigerian consumers while remaining conveniently beyond the reach of meaningful regulatory accountability. That is not foreign direct investment. That is regulatory arbitrage dressed in investment clothing.
The enterprise at the centre of this controversy is Optasia, a South African incorporated fintech company operating in Nigeria through its subsidiary Nairtime. Nairtime participates in Nigeria's airtime advance ecosystem, a sector that, by the industry's own previous celebrations, moves enormous sums through the mobile phones of millions of Nigerians daily, including some of the country's most economically vulnerable citizens.
Nairtime has no significant physical footprint in Nigeria. No factory. No meaningful office. No substantial local workforce proportionate to its market participation. Yet, by its own admission, its turnover in 2025 was over $3b across a few countries it operates across the African continent. Who does not know that Nigeria has the highest population as well as the biggest tele-density in Africa?
Optasia’s is, by any reasonable definition, what Nigerians would recognise as a briefcase operation, incorporated elsewhere, managed elsewhere, profiting from Nigeria, and answerable, in any practical sense, to nobody here.
Now here is where this story acquires a dimension that ought to make every Nigerian, regardless of their views on the FCCPC, sit up straight.
This South African incorporated company, through its proxies and sympathisers, is currently engaged in a public relations campaign designed to intimidate a Nigerian federal regulatory agency into backing down from its statutory mandate. A South African briefcase entrepreneur is, in effect, standing up to a Nigerian government institution and demanding that it avert its eyes.
This is happening at a moment when Nigerian traders, businesspeople, and professionals in South Africa have been subjected to sustained economic hostility, when Nigerian-owned shops have been looted, Nigerian entrepreneurs have been forcibly repatriated, and the South African government has looked on with studied indifference at the treatment of Nigerian nationals on its soil. Nigerian men and women who built legitimate businesses with their own capital, on South African streets, have been driven out, not by regulators, but by mobs, while South African authorities offered little protection.
Not a few notable Nigerian businessmen have bitter experiences in South Africa. Only recently, Alhaji Samad Rabiu, the CEO of Bua Group recounted how he was denied entry into South Africa having arrived the International Airport in South Africa for a scheduled business summit over a minor visa issue that could have been easily resolved by discretion. No, the South African ordered him to leave. The painful part, according to Rabiu, was that he watched several visitors from western countries enter South Africa that same day without visa.
When Dr. Mike Adenuga wanted to extend Glo Mobile to South Africa years back, he was denied licence. Also, Thisday newspaper was forced to close its operations in South Africa when it attempted to enter the South African market in 2001 through hostile policies.
And yet here we are, being lectured about regulatory hostility by a South African enterprise that has enjoyed the freedom of Nigeria's market, the patronage of Nigeria's consumers, and the tolerance of Nigeria's institutions, and whose response to the mildest regulatory scrutiny is to fund newspaper attacks on the agency doing the scrutinising.
Another argument that deserves response is the contention that the N4.6 trillion figure is inflated; that the real market is only N300 - 400 billion. This is the most brazen piece of number manipulation in the article, and it carries a delicious irony. For years, impressive figures were deployed by industry participants and their advocates to celebrate the scale and importance of the airtime advance ecosystem, to attract partnerships, to demonstrate market significance, to justify infrastructure investment, to argue against any competitive entry that might disturb existing arrangements. The numbers were large when large numbers served the purpose.
Now that large numbers attract regulatory attention, everyone has suddenly become a scrupulous accountant. The figures, we are told, have been "math-washed." The market is really quite modest. Nothing to see here.
Even if one were to concede Optasia's claim that the ₦4.6 trillion figure represents its continental earnings, who does not know that Nigeria constitutes a significant proportion of those earnings?
Moses also made the argument that foreign partners absorb risk on behalf of Nigerian operators and consumers. This claim is presented as self-evidently true, but it is entirely unverified and, on examination, deeply implausible as a description of how these commercial arrangements actually function. If offshore infrastructure partners are genuinely absorbing default risk on behalf of Nigerian consumers and mobile network operators, that should be documentable. There should be audited indemnity agreements. There should be disclosed capital reserves. There should be transparent accounting of risk transfer.
Where are these documents? Where is the disclosure? Why are Nigerian consumers, whose airtime advances are the entire basis of this ecosystem, not entitled to know, in plain terms, who ultimately bears the risk on their transactions and what the effective cost of credit is?
The FCCPC's DEON framework addresses exactly these questions. The ferocity of the opposition to it tells us something important about how comfortable the current arrangement's beneficiaries are with transparency.
Alu’s analogy that regulating this sector is like attacking banks for using Oracle software is so strained, it borders on the comical. Oracle sells database software. It does not design the credit products that Nigerian banks offer consumers. It does not set lending terms. It does not participate in revenue from individual consumer transactions. It does not market directly to end users. It does not make underwriting decisions on the creditworthiness of individual Nigerians.
Optasia/Nairtime, by contrast, is according to the model that its own defenders describe, the de facto underwriter, risk carrier, and infrastructure operator for a consumer credit product reaching millions of Nigerians. If that description is accurate, it is not a software vendor. It is a lender. And lenders in Nigeria are regulated. The FCCPC and other relevant authorities are entitled to ask every question that applies to any lender operating in this market.

* Dr. John Odigie, a financial analysis, wrote from No 17. Mohammadu Gambo street, Asokoro, Abuja.

NSA-Led Security Coordination Delivers Major Breakthrough as Governor Ododo Briefs Ribadu on Elimination of Terrorist Kingpin Battijo

The strengthening of inter-agency coordination under the leadership of the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) has recorded another major milestone, as Kogi State Governor, Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo, on Monday formally briefed the National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, on the successful operation that led to the elimination of notorious terrorist and bandit kingpin, Kachalla Ibrahim Battijo.

The meeting at the Office of the National Security Adviser highlighted how enhanced intelligence sharing, joint operational planning and seamless collaboration among security and intelligence agencies have continued to strengthen Nigeria’s counter-terrorism efforts and deliver tangible results across the country.

Governor Ododo told the NSA that the operation, which culminated in the neutralization of Battijo and the dismantling of a significant part of his criminal network, was the outcome of an intelligence-led security architecture driven by close coordination between the Office of the National Security Adviser, the Armed Forces, the Department of State Services (DSS), the Nigeria Police Force, local security structures and the Kogi State Government.

According to the Governor, sophisticated intelligence assets deployed through the collaborative security framework made it possible to track the movements and activities of Battijo and his gang, leading to the discovery of their plan to attack and abduct students writing the ongoing West African Senior School Certificate Examination at Government Secondary School, Iluke, in Kabba/Bunu Local Government Area.

Acting swiftly on actionable intelligence generated through the coordinated security network, the Kogi State Government, working with relevant security agencies, relocated the students from a vulnerable location to the heart of Iluke town to ensure their safety while they continued their examinations.

When the terrorists proceeded with their planned assault, troops of the Nigerian military, operating in concert with other security agencies, the Kogi State Vigilante Service and local hunters, mounted a coordinated response and successfully repelled the attack. In the fierce exchange that followed, Battijo was neutralized and several members of his criminal gang were eliminated.

The operation was sustained through a series of follow-up clearance missions coordinated among the participating security agencies. Troops of the Nigerian Army under the Commander, 12 Brigade, Brigadier General Karim Sidi, subsequently exhumed the remains of the slain terrorist leader for further examination and intelligence exploitation, while additional members of the gang attempting to regroup around the area were tracked and neutralized.

Security forces also recovered more than fifteen bodies of bandits during the clearance operations, underscoring the scale and effectiveness of the coordinated offensive against the criminal network.

Governor Ododo commended the National Security Adviser for providing the strategic leadership and coordination that have significantly improved synergy among Nigeria’s security and intelligence agencies. He noted that the elimination of Battijo was a practical demonstration of how unified planning, intelligence fusion and joint operations under the Office of the National Security Adviser are changing the dynamics of the fight against terrorism and banditry.

The Governor also expressed appreciation to the Service Chiefs, the Inspector-General of Police and the Director-General of the Department of State Services for the professionalism and gallantry displayed by officers and personnel involved in the operation. He further acknowledged the courage and local knowledge of the Kogi State Vigilante Service and the Hunters Group, whose contributions complemented the efforts of federal security agencies.

Governor Ododo equally praised President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for prioritising national security and for empowering the nation’s security institutions through reforms that have enhanced collaboration, intelligence gathering and operational effectiveness.

According to him, the successful elimination of Battijo and the sustained pressure being mounted against criminal elements across the country are evidence that the President’s security initiatives, coordinated through the Office of the National Security Adviser, are yielding measurable outcomes.

He called on Nigerians to continue supporting the nation’s security institutions, stressing that sustained public cooperation and intelligence sharing remain critical to defeating terrorism, banditry and violent criminality.

Reaffirming his administration’s commitment to security, the Governor assured the NSA that Kogi State would continue to work closely with the Office of the National Security Adviser and all federal security agencies to deny criminal elements any foothold within the state.

“Kogi State will never be a safe haven for terrorists, bandits or any criminal group. We will continue to collaborate with the Office of the National Security Adviser and federal security agencies to protect our people and ensure that our territory is not used as a launching pad for attacks on neighbouring states,” Governor Ododo said.

Responding, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu described the elimination of Kachalla Battijo as a major breakthrough in the nation’s ongoing campaign against terrorism and banditry, noting that the operation reflects the growing effectiveness of the integrated security strategy being implemented under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

The NSA described Battijo as one of the country’s most dangerous terrorist figures and said his neutralization represents a significant setback for criminal networks operating across the North Central region and beyond.

Mallam Ribadu commended Governor Ododo for his resolve and close cooperation with federal authorities, observing that the success of the operation reinforces the importance of strong partnerships between state governments and national security institutions.

He also emphasized the strategic importance of Kogi State to Nigeria’s security architecture because of its position as a gateway linking nine states and the Federal Capital Territory, adding that the Office of the National Security Adviser will continue to coordinate efforts to sustain the gains already recorded.

The NSA further noted that the operation is a clear demonstration of the impact of President Tinubu’s security reforms, particularly the enhanced intelligence integration and inter-agency cooperation being driven by the Office of the National Security Adviser.

Governor Ododo was accompanied on the visit by senior security officials and the Kogi State Security Adviser.

BREAKING: EFCC Intercepts Gold Bars Worth ₦4 Billion at Kano Airport, Trail Linked to Former Zamfara State Governor, Yari


A credible insider source within the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has disclosed that operatives of the anti-graft agency successfully intercepted gold bars valued at approximately ₦4 billion at the Aminu Kano International Airport, with the consignment allegedly traced to Senator Abdul Aziz Yari Abubakar, former Governor of Zamfara State.

The source, who was an active member of the interception team, revealed that the gold bars were allegedly being smuggled out of the country with the assistance of one Aliyu Baffa, an airport security personnel, in collaboration with two other suspects. Those apprehended have since voluntarily confessed, without any form of coercion, to being members of a cartel allegedly controlled by Senator Yari, which is said to be engaged in large-scale illegal mining operations spanning Zamfara, Kaduna, and Kebbi States.

A senior security official at the Aminu Kano International Airport, who requested anonymity, recounted the sequence of events: “Our men on duty observed suspicious items concealed within 15 suitcases being loaded aboard an Ethiopian Airlines flight destined for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and immediately alerted the EFCC, resulting in the interception of the physical gold bars.”

Subsequent investigations revealed that a close associate of Senator Yari, identified as a prominent member of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), allegedly made contact with EFCC officials in a bid to secure the release of the seized gold through inducement. The attempt was firmly rejected. The associate was also denied access to officials of the Department of State Services (DSS), the Nigeria Immigration Service, and airport security authorities. He was subsequently advised to communicate to Senator Yari the need to appear before the Commission for questioning, as Baffa and the two other suspects had explicitly named the former governor as the principal actor in the case.
In a related development, a known confidant of the former Senator, presently serving as a member of the House of Representatives, was reportedly spotted in a private discussion within the premises of the EFCC Kano State regional office, accompanied by two other individuals.

Senator Yari has been the subject of repeated allegations concerning his involvement in illegal mining activities. He has also been accused of channelling proceeds from illegal mining and stamp duty revenues into the financing of the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

At the time of compiling this report, Senator Yari had not responded to multiple telephone calls and had failed to acknowledge 21 text messages sent to him seeking his reaction to the allegations.

DELTA-2: Why Nigeria Must Invest in the Future Before It Imports It

Nations do not become global powers simply because they possess natural resources or large populations. They rise because they master technology and create the innovations that shape the future. In today’s world, the countries that lead are those that design the next generation of products, build the next wave of industries, and own the intellectual property that powers the global economy. For Nigeria to secure its rightful place in history, it must move from being primarily a consumer of technology to becoming a creator of it.

This is why the PICTT flagship initiative, the DELTA-2 Programme is considered a strategic investment in Nigeria’s future. Established as a bilateral Research, Development and Innovation (R&&I) partnership between Nigeria and the Czech Republic, DELTA-2 is deliberately designed to solve one of the country’s greatest development challenges: the inability to convert brilliant ideas and academic research into market-ready technologies and commercially viable businesses.

With a funding envelope of $21.7 million, jointly supported by the Technology Agency of the Czech Republic (TA CR) and Nigeria through PICTT and NASENI, the programme is creating a practical pathway for technology transfer, applied research and industrial collaboration. It brings together government, universities, research institutions and the private sector to ensure that innovation does not end in laboratories, but becomes products, services and technologies that create jobs and wealth.

The significance of DELTA-2 also lies in its philosophy. For a project to be considered, it must demonstrate originality, scientific rigour and, crucially, the potential for commercialisation. Of course, many projects and products appear good in face value, but do they solve a problem? Do they address a human need? And crucially are they commercially viable?

The expected outputs are patented software solutions, pilot plants, certified methodologies and new technologies that can be manufactured, deployed and exported. By this thinking, the programme addresses the long-standing disconnect between research and economic productivity.

The response from Nigeria’s innovation ecosystem has already demonstrated the country’s untapped potential. The first call for proposals attracted 285 submissions from companies, universities and research institutions across the country. Proving that Nigerians have indeed an abundance of ideas and talent. What has often been missing is a structured mechanism to fund, nurture and commercialise innovation. DELTA-2 provides exactly that.

By supporting innovation in agriculture, mining, manufacturing and other technology-driven sectors, the programme strengthens local industry, promotes economic diversification and reduces dependence on imported technologies. At the same time, collaboration with Czech institutions gives Nigerian researchers and entrepreneurs access to global expertise, advanced technologies and international research networks, helping to build the technical skills and capabilities required for sustained industrial growth.

Perhaps most importantly, the PICTT’s DELTA-2 is helping to cultivate a culture where innovation becomes an economic asset rather than an academic exercise. It creates opportunities for researchers, engineers, technicians and young innovators, while fostering an ecosystem where knowledge is translated into enterprise and enterprise into national prosperity.

History shows that no nation has achieved lasting development without making a deliberate commitment to science, technology and innovation. The countries that dominate the twenty-first century are not merely those with the largest markets, but those that create the technologies on which others depend. Nigeria’s ambition to become one of the world’s leading economies cannot be realised through consumption alone; it must be built on invention.

By investing in technology transfer, commercial research and local innovation today, the country is laying the foundations for a future in which Nigerian ideas, Nigerian patents and Nigerian-made technologies help shape the world. This is how nations earn their place in history.


- Frederick Oki is a technology developer, in Lagos

Democracy Day: NASENI Reaffirms Commitment to Innovation-Driven National Development

The Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), Mr. Khalil Suleiman Halilu, has congratulated Nigerians on the occasion of the 2026 Democracy Day celebration.

In a message marking the occasion, Halilu described Democracy Day as an opportunity to reflect on Nigeria’s democratic journey, celebrate the resilience of its people, and renew commitment to national progress.

He reaffirmed NASENI’s dedication to advancing innovation, industrialization, and technology-driven solutions that improve lives, create jobs, and support sustainable economic growth in line with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

The NASENI’s Chief Executive urged Nigerians to remain united in supporting efforts aimed at building a more prosperous, self-reliant, and technologically advanced nation.

He wished all Nigerians a peaceful and memorable Democracy

Security Forces Neutralise Notorious Bandit Kingpin, Ibrahim Bastuji

A coordinated operation by Nigerian security agencies has led to the elimination of notorious bandit kingpin, Ibrahim Bastuji, in what has been described as a major breakthrough in ongoing efforts to dismantle criminal networks operating across the North-Central region.

The operation, carried out on Wednesday by a joint team comprising troops of the Nigerian Army, operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS), officers of the Nigeria Police Force, and personnel of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), with support from Kogi State vigilantes, successfully ambushed Bastuji and members of his gang as they allegedly prepared to launch an attack on a school and residents of Iluke Bunu in Kabba/Bunu Local Government Area of Kogi State.

Security sources said scores of the armed bandits were neutralised during the operation, with Bastuji believed to have been among those killed.

The sources disclosed that the successful operation was the product of sustained intelligence gathering and enhanced inter-agency collaboration, following credible intelligence that the gang was plotting to abduct schoolchildren to use as bargaining chips for the release of some of Bastuji’s family members currently in security custody. The operation is understood to be part of the broader intelligence-led security architecture that has strengthened coordination among security and intelligence agencies under the strategic oversight of the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA).

Bastuji had long been identified by security agencies as one of the most dangerous criminal elements operating across the Kogi-Kwara-Niger axis, with links to several high-profile attacks, mass abductions, and killings.

He is believed to have masterminded the May 2026 invasion of a church night vigil at Ori-Oke Ijaye in Ekiti Local Government Area of Kwara State, where three worshippers were killed and 15 others abducted. Security records further implicate him in the November 18, 2025 attack on a Christ Apostolic Church congregation in ErukuBunu LGA of Kogi State, during which one worshipper was killed and 20 others kidnapped.

He is further implicated in the November 18, 2025 attack on a Christ Apostolic Church congregation in Eruku, Ekiti State, which claimed the lives of two worshippers and resulted in the abduction of 38 others. In early 2025, he was reportedly behind the kidnapping of 24 persons, including four Chinese expatriates.

Bastuji was equally linked to the April 2026 abduction of several civilians, including foreign nationals, in the Mapo area of Kogi State, as well as the January 2026 midnight blockade of the Lokoja-Abuja Highway, during which multiple commuters were killed and several others abducted. He was also believed to have coordinated the attack on a joint military and vigilante patrol in Koton Karfe Local Government Area of Kogi State that claimed the lives of three vigilante operatives and left a number of troops injured.

Originally from Katsina State, Bastuji reportedly began his criminal career in Zamfara State, where he operated alongside the notorious bandit leader, Kachalla Dan-Karami Gwaska, before expanding his network into Niger and Kwara States.

However, sustained military operations and persistent pressure from security agencies forced him to relocate his base to the Asawa Mountains in Kogi State, near Koton Karfe, from where he continued to direct kidnappings, raids, and other violent criminal activities across the Kogi-Kwara corridor.

Security analysts believe the operation represents another indication of the growing effectiveness of intelligence-driven security operations and the increasing synergy among the country’s security and intelligence agencies in confronting organised criminal groups.

Reacting to the development, a community leader, Bello Abdullahi, described Bastuji’s elimination as a significant victory in the campaign against banditry and kidnapping.

“The elimination of Ibrahim Bastuji marks a significant milestone in the sustained effort to restore peace and security across the Kogi-Kwara axis and the broader North-Central region. His death effectively decapitates a criminal network responsible for years of terror, mass abductions, and the killing of innocent worshippers, security personnel, and civilians,” he said.

Residents and local stakeholders expressed optimism that the operation would further degrade the operational capacity of criminal gangs in the region and reinforce ongoing efforts by security agencies to restore lasting peace and public confidence.