At the end of the war, the Ukpabi Asika regime brought
together these Biafran scientists and set up PRODA. The
initiative led, in the first five years between 1970-1975
under the late Prof. Gordian Ezekwe and Mang Ndukwe,
to designs of industrial machinery models and
prototypes for the East Central State Industrial
Masterplan, which remain undeveloped even today. The
Murtala/Obasanjo regime took over PRODA in 1975 by
decree, starved it of funds, and basically destroyed its
aims.
Secondly, Federal government policies centralized all
potentials for innovation and entrepreneurship. Before
1983, states had their Ministries of Trade and Industry.
These were charged with local business registration,
trade, and investment promotion, and so on. But today
in Nigeria, if you wish to do any business, you'd have to
go to Abuja (it used to be Lagos) to register under the
Corporate Affairs Commission. It used t be that local
business registration were state and municipal functions.
The concentration of the leverage for trade utterly limited
Igbo entrepreneurs, particularly in the era of import
licensing, once your quota was exhausted, you could not
do business. This affected the old Igbo money in Aba
and Onitsha, who were the arrow-heads of innovation
and traditional partners in the advance of Igbo industrial
economy. It is remarkable that as at 1985, a least by a
book published by the Oxford Economist Tom Forrest in
1980, The Advance of African Capital, the Igbo had the
highest investment in machine tools industries in all of
Africa, and the highest depth of investment in Rural,
cottage industries. In his prediction in 1980, if that rate
of investment continued, according to Forrest in 1980,
the Igbo part of Africa would accomplish an industrial
revolution by 1987. Now, by 1983/85, Federal government
policies helped to dismantle the growth of indigenous
Igbo Industry through its targeted national economic
policies. As I have said, there is a corollary between
industrial development and innovation.
Thirdly, the severe, strategic staunching of huge capital
in-flow into the East starved Igbo businesses and
institutions of the capacity to utilize or even expand their
capacities. There were no strategic Federal Capital
projects in the East. There were no huge infrastructural
investments in the East. The last major Federal
government investment in Igbo land was the Niger Bridge
which was commissioned in 1966. Any region starved of
government funds experiences catatony and attrition.
Private capital is often not enough to create the kind of
synergy necessary for innovation. Rather than invest in
the East, from 1970 to date, the Federal government has
strategically closed down every capacity for technological
advancement in the East and stripped that region of its
capacity. By 1966, the Eastern Nigerian Gas masterplan
had been completed under Okpara. But in its review of a
Nigeria gas masterplan, the Federal government
strategically circumvented the East. Oil and Gas are
under Federal oversight.

The Trans-Amadi to Aba
Industrial Gas network/linkage had been completed in
1966, to pipe gas from Port-Harcourt to Aba. The Federal
government let that go into abeyance and uprooted the
already reticulated pipes. The East was denied access to
energy with the destruction of the Power stations during
the war. The Mbakwe government sought to remedy this
by embarking on two highly critical area of investment
necessary for industrial life: the 5 Zonal water projects,
which were 75 completed by 1983, and set for
commissioning in 1984, which was to supply clean water
for domestic and industrial use to all parts of the old
Imo state, and the Amaraku and Izombe Power stations,
under the Imo Rural Electrification Project. These were
the first ever massive independent power projects ever
carried out by any state government in Nigeria which
would have made significant part of Igbo land energy
independent today. The supply of daily electricity was
possible in Imo as at 1984. [b] The Amaraku station had
come on stream, and the Izombe Gas station was
underway, when Buhari and his men struck. Ground had
already been acquired and cleared on the Umuahia-
Okigwe road to commence work by the South Korean
Auto firm, Hyundai, under a partnership with Imo for the
Hyundai Assembly plant in Umuahia, to cater to a West
African market. The first order of business under the
Buhari government in January 1984, was to declare all
that investment by Mbakwe "white elephant projects."
They were abandoned, and left to decay. The equipment
at the Amaraku power station was later sold in parts by
Joe Aneke during Abacha's government. Some of the
industries like the Paint and Resins company, and the
Aluminium Extrusion plant in Inyishi were privatized, and
sold. Projects like the massive Ezinachi Clay & Brick
works at Okigwe are at various stages of decay, as
memorial to all that effort.
4thly, You may not remember but Odumegwu Ojukwu
founded and opened the first Nigerian University of
Technology - the University of Technology Port-Harcourt
in 1967, under the leadership of prof. Kenneth Dike. He
had also compelled Shell to establish the First Petroleum
Technology Training Institute in Port-Harcourt in 1966. All
these were dismantled. The PTI was take from Port-
Harcourt to Warri, while University of Tech, P/H was
reduced to a campus of UNN, until 1975, when it became
Uniport. You will recall that for years, up till 1981, the
only institutions of higher learning in Central Eastern
Nigeria were the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, IMT
Enugu and Alvan Ikoku College of Ed, in Owerri. There is
no innovation without centers of strategic research.
Mbakwe and Jim Nwobodo changed all that in 1981,
when they pushed through their various states
Assembly, the bills establishing the old Anambra State
Univ. of Tech (ASUTHECH), under the presidency of
Kenneth Dike, and the IMOSU with its five campuses
under the presidency of Prof MJC Echeruo. The
masterplan for these universities as epicenters of
research and innovation in the East were effectively
grounded with the second coming of the military in 1984,
and the dimunition of their mission through
underfunding, etc.

As I have said, I have given you the
very short version. After a brief glimpse of light between
1979-83, Igbo land witnessed the highest form of attrition
from 1983- date, and the destruction of the efforts of its
public leadership to restore it to its feet has been
strategic. Some have been intimidated, and the Igbo
themselves have grown very cynical from that experience
of deep alienation from Nigeria. I think you should be a
little less cynical of Igbo attempts to re-situate
themselves in the Nigerian federation: starved of funds,
starved of investments, subjected to regulatory strictures
from a powerful central government which sees the East
in adversarial terms, and often threatened, the Igbo
themselves grew cynical of it all. You may recall, the first
move by the governors of the former Eastern Region to
meet under the aegis of the old Eastern Region's
Governors Conference in 1999, was basically checkmated
by Obasanjo who threatened them after they called for
confederation in response to the Sharia issue in the
North. Their attempts to establish liaison offices in Enugu
and create a regional partnership was considered very
threatening by the federal government under Obasanjo,
that not too long after, they abandoned that move, and
that was it. If people cannot be allowed to organize for
the good of their constituents, then it only means one
thing: it is not in the interest of certain vested interests
in Nigeria for a return of a common ground in the
Eastern part of Nigeria because establishing that kind of
common ground threatens the balance of power. It is
even immaterial if such a common ground leads to
Nigeria's ultimate benefit. There are people who just find
the idea of a common, progressive partnership of the old
Eastern Region threatening to their own long term
interests. This is precisely what is going on - its
undercurrent. This of course cannot be permitted to go
on forever. A generation arises which often says, "No! in
Thunder."
Igbo population is quite huge, and people who truly know
understand that the Igbo constitute the single largest
ethnic nation in Nigeria. Much has been made about how
this so-called "small" Igbo land space could
accommodate the vast Igbo population. But People also
forget that Igbo land accommodated Igbo who fled from
everywhere else in 1967. So, the question of whether
Igbo land is large enough to contain the Igbo is a non-
issue. In any case, Biafra is not only the land of the Igbo.
It goes far beyond Igbo land. But even for the sake of
building scenarios, we stick to Igbo land alone - the great
Igbo cities of Enugu, Port-Harcourt, Owerri, Aba,
Onitsha, Asaba, Abakiliki, Umuahia, Awka and Onitsha
are yet to be reach even 30% of their capacities. New
arteries can be built, facilities expanded; there are
innovative ways of moving populations through new
transportation platforms -underneath, above, on the
surface, and by waterways.
The East of Nigeria has one
of the most complex and connected, and largely disused
system of natural river waterways in the world. New,
ecologically habitable towns can be expanded to form
new cities from the Grade A Townships - Agbor,
Obiaruku, Aboh, Oguta, Mgbidi, Orlu, Ihiala, Amawbia/
Ekwuluobia, Elele/Ahoada, Owerrinta, Bonny, Asa,
Arochukwu, Afikpo, Okigwe, and so on. The Igbo will be
fine. The Japanese and the Dutch, for example, have
proved that there are innovative ways of using
constricted space.
As for the economy: it is supply and demand. New
economic policies will integrated Igbo economy to the
central west African and West African Markets. The Igbo
will create a new vast export network, unhindered by
idiotic economic and foreign policies. The re-activation of
the PH port systems will for e.g. open the closed
economic corridor once and for all to global trade. As
anybody knows, it might take a fast train no more than
45 minutes to move goods from the Warri or Sapele
ports to Aba and even in less time to Onitsha. As Diette
Spiff once observed while playing golf at Oguta, all it
would take to connect Warri and Oguta is just a long
bridge, and the vast economic movement will commence
between Warri and its traditional trading areas of Onitsha
and the rest of the East. The quantum of economic
activity will see the growth of that corridor between Aba-
Oguta- Obiaruku down to Warri as the crow flies. The
impact of trade between the Calabar ports and Aba will
explode. In fact, the old trading stations along the Qua-
Iboe River (the Cross River) at Arochukwu, Afikpo, down
to Oron and Mamfe in the Cameroons will explode and
create new prosperity and new opportunities. I am giving
the short version. So, the Igbo will be alright. They would
simply be just able to define their own development
strategies, deploy their highly trained manpower
currently wasting unutilized, and the basis of its vast
middle class will create new consumers, and generate an
internal energy that will thrive on Igbo innovation,
industry, and know-how, which Nigeria currently
suppresses. This is exactly one very possible scenario.

So, Tanko Yakassi is wrong. May be if the Igbo leave
Kano, the Emir will no longer need to buy his bulb from
an Igbo trader in Kano. He will have to buy it either from
an Hausa, a Fulani, a Lebanese, or some such person.
But those will have to come to Igbo land to buy it first
before selling to the Emir. There was a time when all of
West Africa came to Onitsha or Aba to buy and trade
because it was safe, and those cities were the largest
market emporia in the continent. People came from as
far aways as the Congo to buy stuff in Aba and sell in
the Congo. It could happen again, only this time on a
vaster, more controlled scale. The network of Igbo global
trade will not stop if they left Nigeria. In fact, they will
have more access to an indigenous credit system that
would expand that trade, currently unobtainable and
unavailable today to them, because Nigeria makes it
impossible for Igbo business to grow through all kinds of
restrictions strategically imposed on it, including port
restrictions.
However, although I do think that the Igbo would do
quite well alone, they could do a lot better with Nigeria, if
the conditions are right. This agitation is for the
conditions to be made right; for Nigeria and its political
and economic policies to stop being a wedge on Igbo
aspirations. And Igbo aspiration is quite simple: to match
the rest of the developed world inch by every inch, and
not to be held down by the Nigerian millstone of
corruption, inefficiency, and inferiority. The Igbo think
that control of their public policies on education,
research and innovation, economic and monetary
policies, and recruitment, control and deployment of its
own work force both in public and private sectors will
give them the leverage they need to build a coherent and
civilized society. They point to the example of Biafra,
where under three years, they were making their own
rockets and calculating its distances; distilling their own
oil and making aviation fuel, creating in their Chemical
and Biological laboratories, new cures for diseases like
Cholera, shaping their own spare parts, and turning the
entire East into a vast workshop, as Ojukwu put it, while
Nigeria was busy doing owambe, importing even
toothpick, and creating new wartime millionaires from
corrupt contracting systems by a powerful oligopoly. It is
a fallacy much driven by ignorance that Igbo will not
thrive and that Igbo land will not accommodate Igbo
population if they leave. That is not true. There is no
scientific basis for it. The dynamics of human movement
will take great care of all that. It s a lame excuse. What
people who wish for Nigeria to stay together should do is
not to make such puerile statements, because it is
meaningless. What we should all do is to find the
strategic means of containing Igbo discontent by
LISTENING to the Igbo, and seeking peaceful and
productive ways of fully freeing their energy to instigate
growth both of themselves and of Nigeria withun Nigeria
for everyone's benefit. Threatening them will not work. It
has never worked, and it is important to understand a bit
of Igbo cultural psychology: the more you threaten him,
the more the Igbo person digs in very stubbornly. Igbo,
with a long tradition of diplomacy, thrive on consensus
not on threat of the use of force, or the like. Frankly,
those who continue to think that the Igbo have no
options are yet to understand the complexity of this
movement as we speak. They still look at the surface of
events while the train is revving and about to leave the
station. We need to work very carefully on this issue. I
myself, I prefer Nigeria. I like its color of many peoples
and cultures. That in itself is the very condition for
growth and regeneration. A single Igbo nation may be
more prosperous, but will be less interesting, and that is
the more valid argument.
Written by: prof. Obi Nwakanma

End of discussion. Is there any question again on what Igbos want ? of course we know what Fulani's want, gracing land, sharia law, national police to control movements and ..........

Kemgbe 1975 buhari so na ndi nāchi na SMC...ele otu o gaesi nāju otu e si megbuo ndi Igbo
Mgbem kwuru na ndi Igbo emela onwe ha ihe akaja,ufodu nāko inyo!

Ndi Igbo teta n'ura nihi na onye ndīro gbara gburugburu a naghi a rahu ura

Op if I get you right igbos want to tell us story?

It pains me that Igbos fail to rain, even at that we can still make our region more economic viable rather than scattering all over nigeria and developing other regions. we have the key to make east economic hub instead of Lagos because "onye ji igu ka Ewu n'eso" by then they will be forced to turn on us.

The hard fact is that PRODA was deliberately killed by successive Arewa Heads of state of Nigeria.

When educated and experienced people talk of getting a Biaf.. country, an ill-educated Igbo trader who succeeded in building one ramshackle house in Lagos or in Abuja beats back the band.

yawn# next.

Demburrows:
At the end of the war, the Ukpabi Asika regime brought
together these Biafran scientists and set up PRODA. The
initiative led, in the first five years between 1970-1975
under the late Prof. Gordian Ezekwe and Mang Ndukwe,
to designs of industrial machinery models and
prototypes for the East Central State Industrial
Masterplan, which remain undeveloped even today. The
Murtala/Obasanjo regime took over PRODA in 1975 by
decree, starved it of funds, and basically destroyed its
aims.
Secondly, Federal government policies centralized all
potentials for innovation and entrepreneurship. Before
1983, states had their Ministries of Trade and Industry.
These were charged with local business registration,
trade, and investment promotion, and so on. But today
in Nigeria, if you wish to do any business, you'd have to
go to Abuja (it used to be Lagos) to register under the
Corporate Affairs Commission. It used t be that local
business registration were state and municipal functions.
The concentration of the leverage for trade utterly limited
Igbo entrepreneurs, particularly in the era of import
licensing, once your quota was exhausted, you could not
do business. This affected the old Igbo money in Aba
and Onitsha, who were the arrow-heads of innovation
and traditional partners in the advance of Igbo industrial
economy. It is remarkable that as at 1985, a least by a
book published by the Oxford Economist Tom Forrest in
1980, The Advance of African Capital, the Igbo had the
highest investment in machine tools industries in all of
Africa, and the highest depth of investment in Rural,
cottage industries. In his prediction in 1980, if that rate
of investment continued, according to Forrest in 1980,
the Igbo part of Africa would accomplish an industrial
revolution by 1987. Now, by 1983/85, Federal government
policies helped to dismantle the growth of indigenous
Igbo Industry through its targeted national economic
policies. As I have said, there is a corollary between
industrial development and innovation.
Thirdly, the severe, strategic staunching of huge capital
in-flow into the East starved Igbo businesses and
institutions of the capacity to utilize or even expand their
capacities. There were no strategic Federal Capital
projects in the East. There were no huge infrastructural
investments in the East. The last major Federal
government investment in Igbo land was the Niger Bridge
which was commissioned in 1966. Any region starved of
government funds experiences catatony and attrition.
Private capital is often not enough to create the kind of
synergy necessary for innovation. Rather than invest in
the East, from 1970 to date, the Federal government has
strategically closed down every capacity for technological
advancement in the East and stripped that region of its
capacity. By 1966, the Eastern Nigerian Gas masterplan
had been completed under Okpara. But in its review of a
Nigeria gas masterplan, the Federal government
strategically circumvented the East. Oil and Gas are
under Federal oversight.

The Trans-Amadi to Aba
Industrial Gas network/linkage had been completed in
1966, to pipe gas from Port-Harcourt to Aba. The Federal
government let that go into abeyance and uprooted the
already reticulated pipes. The East was denied access to
energy with the destruction of the Power stations during
the war. The Mbakwe government sought to remedy this
by embarking on two highly critical area of investment
necessary for industrial life: the 5 Zonal water projects,
which were 75 completed by 1983, and set for
commissioning in 1984, which was to supply clean water
for domestic and industrial use to all parts of the old
Imo state, and the Amaraku and Izombe Power stations,
under the Imo Rural Electrification Project. These were
the first ever massive independent power projects ever
carried out by any state government in Nigeria which
would have made significant part of Igbo land energy
independent today. The supply of daily electricity was
possible in Imo as at 1984. [b] The Amaraku station had
come on stream, and the Izombe Gas station was
underway, when Buhari and his men struck. Ground had
already been acquired and cleared on the Umuahia-
Okigwe road to commence work by the South Korean
Auto firm, Hyundai, under a partnership with Imo for the
Hyundai Assembly plant in Umuahia, to cater to a West
African market. The first order of business under the
Buhari government in January 1984, was to declare all
that investment by Mbakwe "white elephant projects."
They were abandoned, and left to decay. The equipment
at the Amaraku power station was later sold in parts by
Joe Aneke during Abacha's government. Some of the
industries like the Paint and Resins company, and the
Aluminium Extrusion plant in Inyishi were privatized, and
sold. Projects like the massive Ezinachi Clay & Brick
works at Okigwe are at various stages of decay, as
memorial to all that effort.
4thly, You may not remember but Odumegwu Ojukwu
founded and opened the first Nigerian University of
Technology - the University of Technology Port-Harcourt
in 1967, under the leadership of prof. Kenneth Dike. He
had also compelled Shell to establish the First Petroleum
Technology Training Institute in Port-Harcourt in 1966. All
these were dismantled. The PTI was take from Port-
Harcourt to Warri, while University of Tech, P/H was
reduced to a campus of UNN, until 1975, when it became
Uniport. You will recall that for years, up till 1981, the
only institutions of higher learning in Central Eastern
Nigeria were the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, IMT
Enugu and Alvan Ikoku College of Ed, in Owerri. There is
no innovation without centers of strategic research.
Mbakwe and Jim Nwobodo changed all that in 1981,
when they pushed through their various states
Assembly, the bills establishing the old Anambra State
Univ. of Tech (ASUTHECH), under the presidency of
Kenneth Dike, and the IMOSU with its five campuses
under the presidency of Prof MJC Echeruo. The
masterplan for these universities as epicenters of
research and innovation in the East were effectively
grounded with the second coming of the military in 1984,
and the dimunition of their mission through
underfunding, etc.

As I have said, I have given you the
very short version. After a brief glimpse of light between
1979-83, Igbo land witnessed the highest form of attrition
from 1983- date, and the destruction of the efforts of its
public leadership to restore it to its feet has been
strategic. Some have been intimidated, and the Igbo
themselves have grown very cynical from that experience
of deep alienation from Nigeria. I think you should be a
little less cynical of Igbo attempts to re-situate
themselves in the Nigerian federation: starved of funds,
starved of investments, subjected to regulatory strictures
from a powerful central government which sees the East
in adversarial terms, and often threatened, the Igbo
themselves grew cynical of it all. You may recall, the first
move by the governors of the former Eastern Region to
meet under the aegis of the old Eastern Region's
Governors Conference in 1999, was basically checkmated
by Obasanjo who threatened them after they called for
confederation in response to the Sharia issue in the
North. Their attempts to establish liaison offices in Enugu
and create a regional partnership was considered very
threatening by the federal government under Obasanjo,
that not too long after, they abandoned that move, and
that was it. If people cannot be allowed to organize for
the good of their constituents, then it only means one
thing: it is not in the interest of certain vested interests
in Nigeria for a return of a common ground in the
Eastern part of Nigeria because establishing that kind of
common ground threatens the balance of power. It is
even immaterial if such a common ground leads to
Nigeria's ultimate benefit. There are people who just find
the idea of a common, progressive partnership of the old
Eastern Region threatening to their own long term
interests. This is precisely what is going on - its
undercurrent. This of course cannot be permitted to go
on forever. A generation arises which often says, "No! in
Thunder."
Igbo population is quite huge, and people who truly know
understand that the Igbo constitute the single largest
ethnic nation in Nigeria. Much has been made about how
this so-called "small" Igbo land space could
accommodate the vast Igbo population. But People also
forget that Igbo land accommodated Igbo who fled from
everywhere else in 1967. So, the question of whether
Igbo land is large enough to contain the Igbo is a non-
issue. In any case, Biafra is not only the land of the Igbo.
It goes far beyond Igbo land. But even for the sake of
building scenarios, we stick to Igbo land alone - the great
Igbo cities of Enugu, Port-Harcourt, Owerri, Aba,
Onitsha, Asaba, Abakiliki, Umuahia, Awka and Onitsha
are yet to be reach even 30% of their capacities. New
arteries can be built, facilities expanded; there are
innovative ways of moving populations through new
transportation platforms -underneath, above, on the
surface, and by waterways.
The East of Nigeria has one
of the most complex and connected, and largely disused
system of natural river waterways in the world. New,
ecologically habitable towns can be expanded to form
new cities from the Grade A Townships - Agbor,
Obiaruku, Aboh, Oguta, Mgbidi, Orlu, Ihiala, Amawbia/
Ekwuluobia, Elele/Ahoada, Owerrinta, Bonny, Asa,
Arochukwu, Afikpo, Okigwe, and so on. The Igbo will be
fine. The Japanese and the Dutch, for example, have
proved that there are innovative ways of using
constricted space.
As for the economy: it is supply and demand. New
economic policies will integrated Igbo economy to the
central west African and West African Markets. The Igbo
will create a new vast export network, unhindered by
idiotic economic and foreign policies. The re-activation of
the PH port systems will for e.g. open the closed
economic corridor once and for all to global trade. As
anybody knows, it might take a fast train no more than
45 minutes to move goods from the Warri or Sapele
ports to Aba and even in less time to Onitsha. As Diette
Spiff once observed while playing golf at Oguta, all it
would take to connect Warri and Oguta is just a long
bridge, and the vast economic movement will commence
between Warri and its traditional trading areas of Onitsha
and the rest of the East. The quantum of economic
activity will see the growth of that corridor between Aba-
Oguta- Obiaruku down to Warri as the crow flies. The
impact of trade between the Calabar ports and Aba will
explode. In fact, the old trading stations along the Qua-
Iboe River (the Cross River) at Arochukwu, Afikpo, down
to Oron and Mamfe in the Cameroons will explode and
create new prosperity and new opportunities. I am giving
the short version. So, the Igbo will be alright. They would
simply be just able to define their own development
strategies, deploy their highly trained manpower
currently wasting unutilized, and the basis of its vast
middle class will create new consumers, and generate an
internal energy that will thrive on Igbo innovation,
industry, and know-how, which Nigeria currently
suppresses. This is exactly one very possible scenario.

this is wonderful

True talk op

Still looking for the fierce in the write up

It is not easy to be igbbotically silly

This is too long for Buhari to read.

Some people said he needs anger management classes and you're writing him an epistle. Would Idi Amin or Hitler have time to read what you wrote? It's too long, and our able president will not read it.

A short bulletted summary of points could help.

So the op is saying only non igbos contributed to the problems of the east?.Until u all look into the mirror and tell yourselves some 'home truths'.U will continue to walk in the wilderness like the Isrealites during Moses time.

mobaking:
So the op is saying only non igbos contributed to the problems of the east?.Until u all look into the mirror and tell yourselves some 'home truths'.U will continue to walk in the wilderness like the Isrealites during Moses time.

let the FG remove those backstabbing policy and see Igbo's fly.

sol2galay:
It pains me that Igbos fail to rain, even at that we can still make our region more economic viable rather than scattering all over nigeria and developing other regions. we have the key to make east economic hub instead of Lagos because "onye ji igu ka Ewu n'eso" by then they will be forced to turn on us.

u still don't understand, u cannot develop a region that is illegal to develop

mobaking:
So the op is saying only non igbos contributed to the problems of the east?.Until u all look into the mirror and tell yourselves some 'home truths'.U will continue to walk in the wilderness like the Isrealites during Moses time.

u pple just dont get it. What d Igbos are saying is that they dont control their destiny in Nigeria. Its always int the hands of any group dat controls d center......dats why it looks like they are blaming others. For people who are born free its a very strange situation.

Until reforms in Nigeria starting with decentralization are carried out....Biafrà remains an alternative.

Op , the niger bridge was built by the eastern region and not the federal govt as u stated.

nice piece!
we shall get our country.