₦airaland Forum

By Augustine Aminu
On Friday, May 15, 2026, the world was jolted by news of the killing of top commander of the Islamic State's West Africa Province (ISWAP), Abour Mainok and several other fighters. Also known as Abu Bilal al-Minuki, and
considered the second-in-command of ISIL (ISIS) globally, the top terrorist commander was reportedly killed during a joint Nigeria-U.S. Counter Terrorism operation in Metele, Borno State.
Ever since the elimination of al-Minuki, considered one of the biggest blows in recent times to terrorists in the world over, torrents of encomium have been pouring in for the Nigeria -U. S. joint terrorism operations.
Posting on his Truth Social handle, U. S. President Donald Trump, wrote, "Brave American forces ⁠and the Armed Forces of Nigeria flawlessly executed a meticulously planned and very complex mission to eliminate the most active terrorist in the world from the battlefield,"
Al-Minuki, added President Trump, “thought he could hide in Africa, but little did he know we had ‌sources ⁠who kept us informed on what he was doing."
On his part, President Bola Tinubu stated that both countries had “recorded a significant example of effective collaboration in the fight against terrorism”.
Early assessments indicate that al-Minuki, along with “several of his lieutenants,” were killed during a strike on his compound in Metele, Borno State," Tinubu said....

READ MORE...

https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/the-role-of-intelligence-in-the-nigeria-us-joint-counter-terrorism-operations-that-neutralized-top-iswap-commander,-fighters.html

I read the article by Mohammed Bello Doka from Kaduna State. To be honest, it's heavy. It hurts to read because the pain is real. Mothers burying kids in Kajuru. Kids in Sokoto are too weak to stand. Fathers in Zamfara paying ransom with their last cow. If you’re from the North, you feel that in your chest.

But the story it tells is incomplete. And an incomplete story to start with, an incomplete story becomes a weapon.

Right now, it’s a weapon telling millions of northern Muslims that the only reason they suffer is because Tinubu and his administration hate them. That’s not the truth. And it won’t fix anything.

As a political commentator watching from a sideline, let's scrutinise the points Doka raised one after the other.

1. Insecurity didn’t start in 2023. But the rules of engagement changed

Bandits were taxing villages in Zamfara in 2021. Schools were shut in Kaduna in 2022. The difference now is you hear about it faster, and the military is being told, "No more deals, no more ceasefires that buy time for regrouping" for the terrorists.

Recall, between Jan and April 2026, yes, 1,100 people were abducted. Terrible. But compare that to Jan-April 2024: 1,680 abductions per SBM Intelligence data. You will notice that the trend is moving down, not up. The Woro attack in Kwara happened. So did the rescue of 89 victims in Birnin Gwari 3 weeks later. The media space amplified the attack, not the rescue. That’s not Tinubu hiding it. That’s how bad news travels 10x faster than good news.

The real shift: Security forces are now taking the fight into forests instead of waiting in barracks. That’s why you see more contact, more casualties on both sides. It’s messy. But “silent war” implies nothing is being done. The 8th Division’s Operation Fansan Yamma has cleared 14 camps in Sokoto-Zamfara axis since March 2026 alone as being dislodged of terrorists. Ask people in Shinkafi if they feel nothing changed.

2. Poverty in the North is structural, not a Tinubu invention

The UN report that 71.9% poverty is in the North-East didn’t appear in 2024. NBS data shows it’s been above 65% since 2018. Sokoto placed at 90.5%? That’s from the 2025 Multidimensional Poverty Index using data collected under Buhari last year to begin with.

What’s different now is the pain of correction hits first. Subsidy removal, Forex unification, and the fight against agricultural smuggling hurt before the investments begin to yield results. But look at what’s running parallel:

- On Agriculture: The $2.5bn Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones project broke ground in Kano and Kaduna in Q1 2026. It is targeting 1.2m jobs. Not enough, but it’s not "silence".
- On Livestock: The new Ministry of Livestock Development, headed by a northerner, is rolling out ranching pilots in Nasarawa and Niger to end the farmer-herder conflict that drives displacement.
- Meanwhile, on Education: The Almajiri Education Commission got its highest budget ever in 2026. 400,000 kids enrolled in 12 northern states since Jan 2026 for the first time ever.

Is it fast enough? No. Is it “systematically dismantling the North”? No. The data says the North was already at the bottom. The fight now is to stop it falling further while building something new.
Dissecting appointments
3. Appointments: Follow the money and the mandate, not just the name

Yes, Ganduje, Yakubu, and Badaru are out. Yes, some replacements are northern Christians. But the narrative that the “Muslim North has no power” ignores where the money and policy levers actually sit:

- Budget & Planning: Atiku Bagudu, Kebbi. He signs off on every capital project.
- Agriculture: Abubakar Kyari, Borno. Rice, wheat, and dry-season farming policy.
- Health: Muhammad Ali Pate, Bauchi. He’s running the $2.2bn healthcare financing programme.
- Transportation, Housing, women's affairs, and Livestock - all held by northerners.

The presidency argues that national security and finance were given to technocrats trusted across regions to avoid the “ethnic capture” that broke trust under Buhari. Whether you agree is fair. But calling it a purge against Muslims ignores that VP Shettima sits on every major economic council, and Nuhu Ribadu, despite claims he’s sidelined, chairs the NSA office that approves every security operation.

On El-Rufai, Malami, Mamman: they’re facing EFCC cases started under Buhari, not new cases created in 2025. Selective prosecution is a real concern. But the files were opened before Tinubu took office. If you want to call it 'selective', ask why the files moved now. The answer is messy, but it’s not “because they’re northern Muslims.”

4. The North’s elite problem is older than Tinubu

The article is right about one thing: too many northern governors and ministers live in Abuja while their states burn. But that started in 1999. The difference is social media now shows the private jets and mass graves in the same feed.

Tinubu didn’t make northern elites silent. He inherited a system where speaking up gets you labelled "anti-party". If the North wants a different deal, the pressure has to be on those governors and senators who control state budgets and security votes. Blaming only Abuja lets the governors off the hook.

5. What’s actually being asked for?

If the demand is “treat the North fairly", I’m with you. But if the demand is “give us power back without fixing why we lost it,” that’s not a plan. That’s nostalgia.

This narrative isn’t proving that “Tinubu is perfect". He’s not. Subsidy removal without a functioning transport system was brutal. The pace of agricultural investment is too slow. Communication from the presidency on northern issues is defensive rather than proactive.

The counter-narrative is the North is in a fight for survival, and the fight started long before Tinubu. He’s choosing to fight it openly instead of managing it quietly. That hurts now, but hiding it hurt more.

So what do we do with this?

1. Demand specifics, not vibes: “Why is Sokoto’s budget for primary healthcare still 3%?” That question moves governors more than “Tinubu hates us".
2. Separate anger at policy from anger at identity: You can hate subsidy removal and still admit it wasn’t targeted at Muslims.
3. Use the people who are in power: Bagudu, Kyari, and Pate are in the room. If they’re silent, make them speak. If they’re delivering, make them show it.
4. Stop letting fear set the agenda: Every time

The North doesn’t need a saviour in Aso Rock. It needs leaders in Kaduna, Sokoto, and Maiduguri who are as afraid of their people as they are of Abuja.

Tinubu’s job is to run Nigeria. The North’s job is to make sure he can’t ignore it. That only happens if we stop fighting over who hates who, and start fighting over budgets, schools, and security outcomes. And what leverage the north can take advantage of.

Abdulaziz Munir
Writing from Jigawa.

By: Zagazola Makama

The latest international media appearance by Plateau-based activist, Masara Kim Usman, has once again exposed how misinformation, emotional propaganda and outright fabrication are being weaponised to inflame Plateau’s communal crisis and falsely portray it as an “Islamic jihadist war” against Christians.
In his now-circulating interview, Masara claimed that armed Fulani jihadists attacked a burial ground during funeral rites in Barkin Ladi while mourners were burying victims of earlier attacks.

According to him, gunmen opened fire from surrounding hills, forcing locals to abandon proper burial rites and hurriedly dump corpses into shallow graves before fleeing for their lives.
He further claimed he personally witnessed someone being shot during the attack and that armed terrorists carrying sophisticated weapons and sniper rifles attempted to massacre mourners.
But there is one major problem with the entire dramatic story: absolutely nobody was killed or injured during the so-called burial attack.
Not one casualty, no one corpse, not one hospital record, not one medical or security report from multiple security agencies and not one single verified victim, except him.

The obvious question therefore remains if hundreds of armed “Fulani jihadists” attacked a crowded burial ceremony with sophisticated rifles and sniper weapons as claimed by Mr Masara, how did nobody die? How did nobody sustain injury? How does a “mass attack” end without a single casualty?

The answer is simple, because the narrative was fabricated and staged to create panic, attract sympathy and push a false genocide narrative to international audiences. Even Masara’s own videos exposed the inconsistencies.

The same man claiming he was running for his life under heavy gunfire somehow managed to hold his camera perfectly steady, maintain smooth commentary with british accent, control his breathing, avoid visible distress, remain spotless without sweat or dust, and narrate events calmly like a movie correspondent.
At different times, he claimed he ran two kilometres. Later, the distance mysteriously became five kilometres. Yet throughout the footage, there was no sign of exhaustion, panic or trauma expected from someone supposedly escaping sniper fire and a coordinated terrorist assault.

Even more damaging to the propaganda effort was what appeared in the background of the footage itself. While Masara shouted dramatically about “Fulani attackers,” some women visible in the same environment were calmly walking without panic, without taking cover and without any indication that an active attack was taking place nearby. In the same background some youths were asked to run while the documentary was being shot.

In fact, the only armed individuals clearly visible in portions of the footage were local Berom militia carrying weapons and firing toward nearby hills.

Security and community sources confirmed that before the burial commenced, armed Berom youths had already gathered around the area, allegedly mobilising for a reprisal attack on a nearby Fulani settlement following earlier killings of seven persons.

Troops of Operation Enduring Peace deployed to the area reportedly intervened to stop the retaliatory mobilisation. According to findings, while tensions were high during the burial, sporadic gunshots were fired by the same local armed youths toward nearby hills, triggering confusion and panic which Masara and others immediately transformed into a staged “Fulani terrorist attack on mourners.”

Masara also falsely claimed that while the burial was ongoing, “someone was shot” some distance away from him. Again, this claim collapsed immediately because there was no recorded casualty, no injured victim, no evacuation and no corpse connected to the supposed shooting.

Not even community leaders could identify the alleged victim he claimed to have seen fall after gunshots. In his interview Masara claimed that local vigilante at the Burial responded with dane gunz but the Fulani had superior weapons than them. This further confirmed that the shooting was actually from within

The story simply never happened.
Masara also attempted to frame Plateau’s crisis as part of a broader “Islamic jihad against Christianity” allegedly aimed at establishing an Islamic caliphate and destroying Western civilisation.
According to him, Fulani attackers were fighting Christianity because “the West brought Christianity” and therefore wanted to eliminate Christians and Western influence.
This claim is not only false but dangerously irresponsible.
The reality is that Plateau State is NOT under invasion by Boko Haram, ISWAP or any international jihadist organisation.
No terrorist organisation has claimed responsibility for attacks in Plateau.
No ISIS flags have appeared in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Mangu or Bassa.
No evidence exists showing any coordinated jihadist structure operating in the state.
What Plateau is experiencing is a long-running communal conflict driven by reprisals, cattle rustling, farm destruction, land disputes, livestock poisoning and cycles of revenge killings between armed groups from different ethnic communities.

The killings are real.But they are happening on BOTH sides. Fulani communities have suffered attacks. Berom communities have suffered attacks. Livestock have been rustled and poisoned. Farms have been destroyed.
Villages on both sides have buried victims.

Even as this report is being compiled today 9th May 2026, fresh incidents involving attacks on livestock were again recorded in Bassa, where criminal youths reportedly shot and killed four cows, while in the night of 8th May 2026, attack was reported in Riyom where some people were killed in a cycle of reprisals that repeatedly triggers counter-attacks.

Masara conveniently ignored these incidents because acknowledging them would destroy the false “one-sided jihad” or Christian Genocide narrative being sold internationally.

He also falsely alleged that a Muslim soldier attached to Operation Enduring Peace aided attackers and was later arrested after refusing to engage the assailants.

This allegation was another blatant fabrication.
Checks revealed that the soldier in question, a naval rating, was away on an administrative assignment approved by his unit commander — who incidentally is also a Christian officer.
He was neither armed nor deployed at the attacked location during the incident.
But because the soldier was Muslim, propagandists immediately framed his absence as “evidence” that he collaborated with Fulani attackers.
This reckless weaponisation of religion is exactly what continues to poison Plateau’s fragile environment. Every incident is instantly branded “Islamic terrorism.” Every criminal becomes “Fulani jihadist.” Every reprisal attack becomes “Christian persecution.”

Meanwhile, the actual realities of criminality, communal reprisals and illegal arms proliferation are ignored. The same activists defending armed youths and illegal militias are often the loudest voices accusing security agencies of bias whenever arrests are made.
Only recently, troops uncovered illegal arms fabrication factories in Plateau and arrested suspects manufacturing AK-47 rifles and ammunition components. Instead of condemning the criminal arms operation, some individuals openly defended the suspects and justified illegal weapon production as “community self-defence.”

This dangerous normalisation of militancy or terrorism is precisely why Plateau remains trapped in endless violence. No society survives when civilians begin manufacturing assault rifles while activists celebrate them online. It is also important to note that several attacks highlighted by Masara conveniently omitted the reprisal context surrounding many incidents.

Zagazola repeatedly maintain that many retaliatory attacks follow earlier incidents involving cattle rustling, poisoning of livestock, attacks on herders or destruction of farms.

According to security source familiar with operations in Plateau: These attacks always have history behind them. Something usually happens before reprisals occur. We have repeatedly warned communities against poisoning cows, attacking herders and carrying out retaliatory raids. But propaganda often overshadows the real causes.”

The source added that illegal arms in the hands of youths across affected communities remain one of the biggest threats to peace. The truth remains that Plateau’s crisis cannot be solved through emotional manipulation, fake genocide narratives, staged videos or international propaganda tours.

The violence in Plateau is tragic and real.
But turning a complex communal conflict into fictional “Islamic conquest” propaganda only deepens mistrust, fuels retaliation and prolongs the bloodshed.

Peace will only come through accountability, disarmament, justice and honest engagement on ALL sides not through staged narratives designed to deceive the world and inflame tensions further.

anyway, you are our god junior brother, the Nigerian christians have forgiven you!

Gov Zulum on Borno Attack-The killing of Brigadier-General Oseni Braimah, was avoidable and sad indeed. Credible actionable intelligence was proactively provided- Gov Zulum
Clearly, the *Early Warning Alert* was ignored as usual. Investigation confirmed that both land and air components were alerted on the imminent mayhem when the attackers were sighted at Karnakasari village with hardware heading towards Benishiekh, precisely on 7th- two days before the attack on 9th. Same scenario in Yelwata Benue killings, kebbi with the kidnap of students, Papiri in Niger, and Kwara Church attack. This is one too many! A wake up call!..

Gov. Zullum have spill the beans that the military neglected intelligence from DSS that the Boko haram were coming to attack them 2 days before the attack that consumed Gen. O.O. Braimoh. pic.twitter.com/uoifPxpDew

— bashirbamusa (@bashirbamusa1) April 11, 2026

Following the killing of the military Gen. O.O. Bramah that happened in Maiduguri, the governor said the military ignored the intelligence shared with them by the DSS.. check the vedio in this link

Gov. Zullum have spill the beans that the military neglected intelligence from DSS that the Boko haram were coming to attack them 2 days before the attack that consumed Gen. O.O. Braimoh. pic.twitter.com/uoifPxpDew

— bashirbamusa (@bashirbamusa1) April 11, 2026

she is standing on the mandate. It doesn't matter what she know. Instead, she is practicing how to run Biafra Republic.

Don27tiky:
who carry out the act? Do they religious backing for their act? Do they do it for religion? Be sincere with your answers . Your holy book encourage you to hate Christians. No Muslim genuinely love a Christian but Christians genuinely love their Muslim friends. Even you will gladly carry out what your book says against your friend. Yes I like you but hate your religion

you have been manipulated to finish; all your claims here are lies from the pit of hell!

Botragelad:
Haha. Same pattern as always, these are the same youths and athletes the regime has been oppressing and killing for years for not obeying strict Islamic rule. Now they want to use them as human shields so that when the U.S. or Israel strikes, they can scream “genocide” for sympathy.

We all know how the Iranian regime operates. The same voices and propagandists like God1000, etc on here that stay silent now will suddenly act outraged when strikes happen, pretending they didn’t see this coming.

And if a strike does happen, it won’t be random. If you’re not involved in that, or not a terrorist, you shouldn’t be there, simple as that.

but what is the reason behind bombing Iran if you can use your brain for once?

Jangbajantis:
Not "gun men". Call them what they truly are: Islamic terrorists.

many people have lost their brain. Israel was threatening Turkey just two months ago, boom, the false flag has started.

Israeli leaders were openly saying Turkey is the next Iran. so the false flag have started.

IkeOnyia:
How many mosques have they burned down?

so you are one of them?

*Pledges continued Support to State Security Apparatus*

Governor of Enugu State, Dr. Peter Mbah, has commended operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) for the arrest of high-profile kidnappers and gunrunners in the state.
He gave the commendation during a visit to the Agency's State Headquarters on April 5, in Enugu.

The Governor expressed particular delight over the arrest of a high target gang leader, who has been responsible for series of attacks on security operatives and kidnapping for ransom in Enugu and its environs, noting that residents will finally be relieved of his reign of terror in the State and Southeast region. He further expressed dismay at how able-bodied individuals could abandon human decency for heinous crimes, stressing that the full weight of the law awaits the criminals.

He praised the DSS for their professionalism, discipline, and role in ensuring a peaceful Easter celebration, while urging the command to maintain this momentum, which he described as the core duty of government.

"The good people of Enugu State are grateful for the peaceful atmosphere especially around the Easter period, brought about through the efforts of the Service and other Security Agencies in the state". Expressing confidence that the criminals will finally end up behind bars with their network already disrupted, he added, 'It is your duty to sustain the tempo of security service delivery, as this remains the primary essence of Government and can never be taken for granted,' stated the Governor.

While expressing hope that the State would be rid of criminals with the sustained efforts of security agencies, the Governor also reaffirmed his commitment to making Enugu the safest hub for tourism, business, and living.

Operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) have arrested 25-year-old Nafisa Usman for allegedly supplying ammunition to bandits operating across several states .

Security sources revealed that Ms. Usman was nabbed at a major motor park in Kano, where she was caught with 200 rounds of newly acquired ammunition. The consignment, transported from Lafia in Nasarawa State, was headed for Kankara in Katsina State.

The source revealed that the operation followed actionable intelligence, which revealed Usman's movement and activities.

"Nafisa, a native of Zango village in Kankara Local Government Area of Katsina State, was intercepted before completing the delivery allegedly meant for bandits operating in the Kankara forest

"The suspect confessed to have been two months old in the trade of illegally shipping arms and ammunition for criminals. She revealed that the ammunition was handed her by an individual identified as 'Teso,' whom she claimed operates in collaboration with a military operative based in Lafia, Nasarawa State", disclosed the source.

The source further revealed that the suspect admitted her involvement and revealed that she has facilitated over ₦5 million in deals through Unguwa Uku motor park in Kano State for onward transportation to Katsina State.

'The supplies were intended for a bandit leader known as Mallam Haruna, said to be active in the Kankara axis. She added that she also supplies ammunition to one Buba and Abu, operating within the same forest region," revealed the source.

Nafisa also disclosed that she was introduced to the alleged bandit network by a Kano-based livestock trader identified as Sulaiman.

This operation, among many others, underscores the DSS's relentless efforts to dismantle criminal networks, disrupt illicit arms supply chains, and safeguard national security.

To be published

Unknown gunmen has been revealed today. You must rot in jail!

Operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS), on Monday at Ivara Esu Estate in Odukpani Local Government Area, Cross River State, arrested one suspected gunrunner, Kelvin Ebikeniye Dugo.

Security sources disclosed that the arrest followed credible intelligence on Dugo's plan to buy 832 rounds of live ammunition from one Azenda Barnabas (alias Jagaban), anotger suspected gunrunner based in Aliade, Benue State.

"The operatives intercepted Dugo moments after he received the consignment, which was concealed in food items. Recovered wete 832 rounds of ammunition and two empty AK-47 magazines" noted the source.

"The DSS has intensified its pursuit of such criminals, launching sustained operations across the states of the Federation.

"This successful operation is one of many ongoing nationwide efforts, highlighting the DSS' firm commitment to dismantling gun running syndicates and curbing illegal arms proliferation," declared the source.

Enemies of Nigeria will go down one by one!

Operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS), on Monday at Ivara Esu Estate in Odukpani Local Government Area, Cross River State, arrested one suspected gunrunner, Kelvin Ebikeniye Dugo.

Security sources disclosed that the arrest followed credible intelligence on Dugo's plan to buy 832 rounds of live ammunition from one Azenda Barnabas (alias Jagaban), another suspected gunrunner based in Aliade, Benue State.

Read more: https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/dss-arrests-suspected-gunrunner,-recover-832-rounds-of-live-ammunition.html

The Igbo idiom “Nwoke nusia ogu, nwanyi enwelu akuko” talks about man’s penchant for taking credit for the struggles or sacrifices of others.

For the benefit of those who do not understand Igbo, I’ll attempt a translation: when a man finishes a war, the woman takes over the role of telling the story.
This scenario is currently playing out in Southeast Nigeria, particularly in Anambra State. The past few weeks have seen the state governor, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo, touring markets and schools to, in his words, end the Monday sit-at-home.

Apparently, to underscore his administration’s commitment to ending “sit-at-home”, Soludo, within the space of three weeks, shut two markets: Onitsha Main Market and the New Auto Spare Parts Market in Nnewi. The move has drawn tons of applause for the governor, especially from those who feel that “sit-at-home” has seriously damaged the economy of the zone.

Social scientists, historians and persons in other fields of study are conversant with the phenomenon called cause and effect. In other words, they believe that every event (effect) is preceded by an action (cause).

Now, Soludo was sworn in as governor of Anambra State on March 17, 2022. The implication is that, by today, March 17, 2026, he has spent four years in office. Worthy of note is that the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) declared Monday sit-at-home on August 9, 2021 – seven long months before Soludo assumed office as governor. For three years and 10 months, Monday sit-at-home didn’t appear to be his problem. Well, until now.

Interestingly, Soludo’s anger with Monday sit-at-home began in late January, 2026. About two months earlier, on November 20, 2025, a Federal High Court in Abuja sentenced the IPOB leader, Nnamdi Kanu, to life imprisonment. Before the court verdict, many had predicted Armageddon in the Southeast region should the separatist leader be convicted, let alone sentenced.

What followed after operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) moved Kanu to Sokoto to begin serving his jail sentence, was absolute calm in the Southeast region. Weeks passed. More calm. Not even as much as a single protest in the entire region.
What is more, many say last Yuletide was the most peaceful the people of the Southeast region experienced in over ten years.

Soludo, apparently now convinced that Kanu’s incarceration had greatly weakened IPOB, moved in. Being a politician who wouldn’t allow any golden opportunity slip through his fingers, he seized the moment. Suddenly, he realized that sit-at-home was bad for the state. And that, consequently, he had to move to “end it.”
What many may not have realized was that Kanu, now apparently feeling home alone in Sokoto, and realizing the enormity of his life sentence, according to sources, began reaching out to influential political and religious leaders. He reportedly began seeking a political solution and soft landing. One of the deals reportedly struck with those he reached out to, was for the imprisoned Kanu to show good faith by announcing the cancellation of the sit-at-home order.

It therefore came as little surprise that, in early February, IPOB spokesman, Emma Powerful announced that Nnamdi Kanu, from Sokoto prison, had “officially and permanently cancelled” the directive with effect from Monday, 9 February 2026.

“This directive comes directly from Onyendu Mazi Nnamdi Kanu himself, who has once again staked everything on the line to ensure that our children return to school every Monday and that our people go about their lawful businesses without fear, intimidation, or molestation,” said Powerful.

To the discerning, Governor Soludo’s new found bravado wasn’t farfetched. It stemmed from the speedy and diligent prosecution of Kanu by the DSS leadership, culminating in his bagging a life sentence.

The determination and coordinated efforts by the Nigerian state through her security agencies, particularly the DSS, not only has, in the estimation of many, proven yet again that, with the necessary political will, anyone who underestimates the might of the State does so at his or her own risk.

The return to normalcy in the Southeast has shown that threats to security, in whatever shape and form, are surmountable.

By early 2026, the result of relentless operations, particularly by the DSS, led to key prosecutions and internal fractures within the IPOB camp. These efforts resulted in citizens having increased confidence in the ability of the State to protect life and property, as well as maintain peace, law and order.

Even after Kanu’s sentencing, it was obvious that the DSS didn’t rest on its oars. The Service heightened the deployment of human and material resources into gathering accurate intelligence to further weaken what was left of IPOB’s capacity to unleash terror on innocent and law-abiding citizens in the Southeast region.

To return peace and normalcy in the southeast, the secret police upped its game in smoking out IPOB commanders from their hideouts. They targeted and seized their cache of arms and ammunition, all the while cutting off fresh supplies. For the first time in years, the Southeast began witnessing a return to normalcy.

The end of the sit-at-home menace in the Southeast is a testimony to the fact that the strategy deployed by the DSS in turning the tide against IPOB’s sit-at-home stranglehold on Nigeria’s Southeast, worked.

The DSS’ approach as it were, was, in every sense, holistic. While the agency sustained operations in the Southeast, the leadership pushed for the accelerated prosecution of lingering terror-related cases across the country.
It has become obvious to keen watchers that, intelligence-led security operations by the secret police, combined with adherence to the rule of law, can dismantle even the most deeply- entrenched insurgencies.

What is more, the series of arrests and prosecution of terror suspects by the DSS also sent a clear message that it won’t be business as usual. With the DSS changing the strategy of leading the charge in counter-terror intelligence across the country, a lot can be seen to have changed.

For instance, from media reports, the DSS is now speeding up the trials of suspected terror kingpins like Khalid Al-Barnawi and his lieutenants accused of the 26 August, 2011, attack on the United Nations building in Abuja. The attack claimed the lives of over 23 persons from different counties. In September 2025, a Federal High Court in Abuja granted a DSS application for an accelerated hearing on the matter.

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So is the DSS, from media reports, accelerating the trial of five men accused of carrying out the June 5, 2022 attack on St Francis Catholic Church in Owo, Ondo State, in which led to the death of over 40 worshippers.

According to media accounts, the same DSS leadership is vigorously pursuing justice for victims of the August 7, 2012, attack on Deeper Life Bible Church in Otite, near Okene, in Kogi State. About 20 persons died in the attack.

In August 2025, to the credit of the secret police, the media reported the capture of Abubakar Abba, aka Malam Mahmuda or Abu Bara’a, leader of the Mahmuda terrorist group that terrorized parts of Kwara and Niger States. The beauty in Abba’s capture is that no single shot was reportedly fired by the DSS. He is currently being prosecuted by the secret police.
Just yesterday, Monday 16th March, a DSS officer narrated before Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court, Abuja, how two Ansaru terror commanders, Mahmoud Muhammed Usman aka Abu Bara’a, and Mahmud al-Nigeri (aka Mallam Mamuda) confessed to receiving training in weapons in Libya.
Both men, who are confirmed commanders of Ansaru terrorist organization, Jama’atu Ansarul Muslimina fi-Biladis Sudan, an Al-Qaeda affiliate in Nigeria, are reportedly responsible for several high-profile attacks, including the
July 5, 2022 one on Kuje prison.

The DSS didn’t stop at nabbing radicalized terrorists. Their operatives have gone several steps further to arrest persons who, under the guise of communal clashes, unleash violence on law-abiding citizens. The trial of persons linked to the Yelwata massacre of June 2025, in Guma LGA of Benue State, readily comes to mind.

The attack, in which dozens of people were killed and 107 injured, drew worldwide condemnation. So much so that President Bola Tinubu had to pay a condolence visit to the state. There, the president demanded the arrest of the killers and attackers.

In August 2025, the DSS filed terrorism-related charges before the Federal High Court in Abuja, against nine suspects. Two suspects, Haruna Adamu and Muhammad Abdullahi of Awe Local Government Area of Nasarawa State, who are still at large, were charged with four counts of terrorism, among which is the concealment of information about the attacks, before they were staged in Abinsi and Yelwata villages between June 13th and 14th.

In total, the secret police filed six separate charges against the arrested suspects, who are now undergoing trial. They are Adamu and Abdullahi are Musa Beniyon, Bako Malowa, Ibrahim Tunga, Asara Ahnadu, Legu Musa, Adamu Yale, Boddi Ayuba, and Pyeure Damina.

The DSS also charged two other suspects, Terkende Ashuwa and Amos Alede of Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, with three counts for allegedly carrying out reprisal attack against the terror suspects involved in the Abinsi and Yelwata attacks.

The ongoing trial before Justice Emeka Nwite began with their arraignment in early September, with the defendants pleading not guilty.

On Yelwata, the DSS DG, Mr. Oluwatosin Ajayi, according to a post on the official X handle of the secret police, remarked, “The various arrests and trials of terrorism suspects showed that Nigeria’s security agencies have been diligent in dealing with the perpetrators of terror in the country. The men we are prosecuting are separate from the hundreds of suspects under the military’s protective custody, whose cases are being handled by the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation. In July last year, 125 of the terrorists were convicted.”

The post further quoted the secret police boss as saying, “We shall continue to make the suspects accountable for disrupting the peace of our country, in consonance with the rule of law.”

As I write this, I have it on good authority from my usually dependable security sources that DSS operatives have arrested a key ISIS commander. Given the new DSS strategy of using silence to achieve more, it may not be until a few more weeks before the arrest of the ISIS commander becomes public knowledge.

Given the vigour with which the DSS is arresting and prosecuting suspected terrorists and criminal elements, at the same time cutting off their supplies of arms and ammunition, my sources disclosed that the criminal elements are devising new strategies to move weapons and ammunition.

Several sources hinted that the criminals now use unsuspecting women and young girls to move arms, especially in the northern part of the country. The women and girls are reportedly offered between N20,000 and N50,000 to deliver “grains in sacks” to particular destinations. In those sacks of grains, they often conceal weapons and rounds of ammunition.

In a particular case, offered one of my sources, one middle-aged woman travelling with those deadly consignments, even “hired” a child to make her look like a nursing mother.

“Given the rising cases of arms couriers posing as grain dealers, the DSS boss, who is certain that ignorance cannot be an excuse for breaking the law, has ordered his officers to prosecute any arms courier posing as a grains merchant,” said a source, adding, “the DG believes the country can only be safe if people are held to account for their actions.”

According to one source, the DSS now believes the only way solve the problem of insecurity is by strictly enforcing the law.

The courage, determination, zeal, and precision-intelligence deployed by the DSS and other sister security agencies is, no doubt, paying off. So has collaborating and sharing intelligence. These efforts have greatly decimated the ability of terrorists to transport arms and ammunition. These actions reassure citizens that, no matter the challenges, the state is working round the clock. Not only to make them feel safe, but to, indeed, keep them safe.

As our security agencies work tirelessly to keep us safe, all that is required of us as citizens is to support them with all we can, particularly, with vital information. Together we shall overcome.

Achi, a senior journalist who has edited several national newspapers, lives in Abuja

A credible source has confirmed that operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) on Dec 27, arrested the leader of the gang and another, who kidnapped and murdered a prominent professor of neurology, Ekanem Philip Ephraim in 2023

The gang leader, Patrick Essien Etim aka Pato, 23, and his accomplice, Bassey Antiha Asuquo, 40, were apprehended at a medical facility in Cross River State while planning to kidnap another medical bigwig.

According to the source, the DSS had been tracking the kidnap ring since Ephraim's killing in July 2023, when gunmen posing as patients abducted her.

The duo has confessed to the crime, admitting that they killed the professor after collecting multiple ransom payments from her family.

'It has been two years of torment for her loved ones, not knowing what happened to the Professer. I believe that, with this arrest, her family and loved ones will be able to finally have some peace and the much needed closure that they deserve, the source said.

The suspects also owned up to kidnapping other victims and vandalizing electricity cables, with one Isaac Ekpeyong who was also arrested by the operatives, according to the sources.

Recall that Professor Ekanem was abducted on 13th July, 2023 by unknown gunmen who posed as patients at her private clinic at Atimbo Road, Calabar. Her kidnap sparked statewide protests by the state chapter of the Nigeria Medical Association (NMA). The medical association had embarked on an indefinite strike, which crippled the health sector for over a week, in a bid to prevail on government to rescue the Professor.


"This huge breakthrough underscores the commitment of the DSS in reverting to covertness in its operations and restoring public safety across the country," declared the source.

Read more......
https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/just-in-dss-arrests-gang-leader,-murderers-of-prof-ekanem-philip-ephraim.html

IPI Nigeria says it is honouring Mr Ajayi to acknowledge his commendable press freedom credentials and encourage him to do even more.
Since his appointment as Director-General of the State Security Service (SSS) in late August 2024, Mr Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi has demonstrated an unmistakable commitment to press freedom and respect for journalists and media organisations.

Unlike in previous years when the SSS was notorious for serial harassment, intimidation, and arrests of journalists, the agency under Mr Ajayi’s leadership has shown remarkable restraint, professionalism, and openness to dialogue. Conflicts between the Service and the media are now resolved amicably, through engagement rather than coercion.

A few examples illustrate this transformation.

Barely hours into his tenure, one of our colleagues, Adejuwon Soyinka, was intercepted and detained in Lagos. Within hours of IPI Nigeria bringing the matter to his attention, Mr Ajayi directed the Lagos Command to release the journalist immediately.

For decades, our member Lanre Arogundade had suffered humiliating treatment at Nigeria’s borders, having been placed on the SSS watchlist since the 1980s. Despite years of advocacy, previous assurances that his name had been removed turned out to be untrue. Shortly after assuming office, Mr Ajayi received a formal complaint from IPI Nigeria and acted swiftly—permanently deleting Mr Arogundade’s name from the watchlist.

In the Order Paper case, the SSS arrested a staff member of the newspaper following an inaccurate report alleging the Service invaded the National Assembly to facilitate the removal of Senate President Godswill Akpabio. Once notified, Mr Ajayi immediately ordered that the detained journalist be granted administrative bail. Through constructive engagement, the matter was later resolved, all charges filed in court were withdrawn, and the case was closed... find detail below.....

https://www.premiumtimesng.com/features-and-interviews/840736-full-detail-why-ipi-nigeria-gave-sss-dg-oluwatosin-ajayi-commendation-award.html

The detained leader of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu, has dropped his earlier plan to call witnesses in his ongoing trial for alleged terrorism-related offences.

At the last hearing on October 24, the court had adjourned till October 27 for Kanu to begin his defence. The IPOB leader had previously written to the court expressing his intention to summon witnesses and requested more time to review his case file.

However, when the matter was called on Monday, Kanu told the court that after thoroughly reviewing the case file, he found no valid charge against him. He argued that since he believed the charges were baseless and his trial unlawful, there was no need for him to present any defence.

Justice James Omotosho directed Kanu to file a written address to formally present his position and to serve the prosecution with a copy. The judge also advised him to seek legal counsel from criminal law experts to fully understand the implications of his decision.

The case was subsequently adjourned to November 4, 5, and 6 for the adoption of final written addresses, based on Kanu’s stance that the evidence and charges so far have failed to establish any case against him—or, alternatively, for him to proceed with his defence if he chooses to do so.

By Samuel Ogbonna, Esq.

Nnamdi Kanu’s latest courtroom offensive against the Department of State Services (DSS) is built on shaky legal ground. His argument that the agency cannot try him while allegedly disobeying a Court of Appeal order for his release may sound compelling to the public, but it doesn’t hold up under Nigerian law.

Kanu leans on the famous English case Hadkinson v. Hadkinson (1952), which says a party in contempt cannot be heard until the contempt is purged. But that rule isn’t absolute, certainly not in a criminal or constitutional setting like his. Nigerian courts have consistently held that justice cannot be frozen just because one party is accused of contempt. As the Supreme Court ruled in First Bank v. TSA Industries (2010), the “Hadkinson principle” must bend where public interest or fair hearing is at stake.

In other words, that alone doesn’t stop the Attorney-General of the Federation from pursuing prosecution, as Section 174 of the Constitution gives the AGF wide powers to initiate and continue criminal cases in the name of the state. Until a higher court expressly nullifies the process, the wheels of prosecution keep turning.

Kanu’s persistent claim that the DSS is monitoring his meetings with his lawyers could be tactical, designed to pressure the court into transferring him out of DSS custody to a more lenient detention facility, such as a correctional centre, where oversight is lighter and access is broader. It’s a smart legal play, by framing his detention as hostile to fair trial, he seeks to shift the venue of his custody, not just to gain comfort, but to weaken the state’s security hold.

As for the allegation that the DSS forged his medical report, that too appears to be another calculated move in Kanu’s wider strategy, a bid to discredit both the security agency and the court whenever the proceedings don’t go his way. Forgery is a grave criminal accusation, but without evidence, it’s little more than courtroom theatre. Under the Evidence Act, such a claim must be proven beyond reasonable doubt through expert testimony or forensic proof, not emotion or conjecture. By throwing this allegation into the mix, Kanu seems intent on casting doubt on every process linked to the DSS, painting the agency as corrupt and untrustworthy, while subtly pressuring the court to bend toward his narrative. It’s a familiar tactic, turn the accuser into the accused, and the law into a public spectacle.

The bigger picture is this: the law doesn’t operate on emotions or political sentiment. Kanu’s legal strategy seems aimed more at public sympathy than courtroom success. Contempt allegations, monitored meetings, and disputed medical reports may stir outrage, but they don’t automatically stop a prosecution.

At the end of the day, the DSS and the Attorney-General still hold the constitutional mandate to pursue criminal charges, and until a superior court says otherwise, that mandate stands.

Kanu’s fight is far from over, but legally speaking, his latest arguments look more like a political statement than a winning defense.

We know all along that Nnamdi Kanu is just looking for another way to excape. Let's see if the court will make another mistake of year 2017.

Nnamdi Kanu with his one day one drama tactics. But come to think of it, the guy is gradually turning the justice to be about him not the law. But I believe for this one he is just pretending when we saw him vibrating and shouting on his lawyer. Where is that energy again?

sane people should learn how to ignore Sowore, he thrives on controversies. a man that has refused to grow and he want us to hand over this country to him, tufiakwa!! i spit

By any standard, Omoyele Sowore is a familiar name in Nigeria’s political space. He brands himself as a revolutionary, a voice of the masses, and a fearless critic of the government. But let’s be honest: there’s a big difference between activism and reckless agitation, and Sowore often crosses that line. That’s why the Department of State Services (DSS) is right to keep him in check.

We must face the truth: Nigeria is not a playground. The country is dealing with fragile security, economic pressures, and social divisions. In such a climate, words are not just words; they can be sparks. When Sowore talks about “revolution” or throws around rhetoric that sounds more like a call to insurrection than constructive criticism, he’s not just exercising free speech—he’s toying with national stability.

The DSS has a mandate: to protect the state from threats, both internal and external. Whether we like it or not, agitation that hints at overthrowing order qualifies as such a threat. If they fold their arms and chaos erupts, the same people who cry foul today will ask, “Where were the security agencies?” Prevention, no matter how unpopular, is better than cleaning up the mess later.

Critics will say, “But Sowore has rights.” Absolutely, and those rights should be respected. But rights are not a blank cheque to cause disorder. Every freedom comes with responsibility. If your speech can push people to violence or deepen instability, don’t expect the state to look away. Even in the most advanced democracies, when speech crosses into incitement, law enforcement steps in. Nigeria should not be different.

Let’s be clear: this is not about silencing opposition. Sowore still has platforms, still grants interviews, and still shares his views. But there is a fine line between dissent and disruption. The DSS is drawing that line, and frankly, it’s about time someone did.

The truth is simple: Nigeria needs critics, but it doesn’t need chaos. Sowore should learn that agitation without responsibility is a danger to the very people he claims to fight for. Until then, the DSS is right to treat his rhetoric with the seriousness it deserves.

copied from Dr. Olarenwaju Akintoye page

Danladi Shehu

If a man cooks for a community ,the meal would scarcely go round, However, if a community decides to cook for a man, the feast will overwhelm him - old African proverb. The foregoing may have aptly captured the likely outcome of the current standoff between the Department of State Services (DSS) and Omoyele Sowore, activist and presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC) in the 2023 general elections.

Speaking during his latest state visit to Brazil in late August, President Bola Tinubu, while wooing Brazilian investors, assured that his government had rid the foreign currency exchange market of speculators and corruption. For emphasis, the president stressed, "The Central Bank Governor is here. You do not need to know him before getting the foreign exchange that you need."

I watched the entire remarks made by President Tinubu. At no point did claim to have rid Nigeria of corruption, as that would have been preposterous. President Tinubu was specific about foreign currency operations under his watch. And he didn't mince words about that.... read more...
https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/editorial/the-dss-sowore-and-the-village-feast.html

While Sowore have continue to cry wolf where there is none with his recent tantrums directed against the very institutions that glue this nation together. concerns raised by Sowore project a picture of persecution and national disgrace, it is important to present a balanced view grounded in facts, law, and the realities of governance.

First, the Department of State Services (DSS) is mandated under Nigerian law to safeguard internal security, protect the state from subversion, and curb threats that may destabilize public peace. When an individual or group engages in sustained campaigns on social media that are perceived as inciting unrest, promoting disaffection against the state, or edging toward possible national security breaches, the DSS has both the right and responsibility to engage with social media platforms in order to prevent escalation.

What is framed as “harassment” may in fact be legitimate state action aimed at preventing disorder. Nigeria has seen, in recent years, how unregulated social media campaigns can inflame tensions and even spark violence — from electoral crises to #EndSARS protests that began peacefully but degenerated into chaos. To preempt such outcomes, agencies often act decisively.

The claim that the DSS is “hired” to stage protests or silence critics oversimplifies a far more complex dynamic. Citizens also have the right to protest in favor of government policies or against perceived misinformation. To assume every pro-government demonstration is “hired” undermines the agency of ordinary Nigerians who may genuinely disagree with activists’ rhetoric.

Equally, allegations of being branded a “terrorism financier” are not to be dismissed as persecution without due process. Courts, not public opinion, are where these matters are resolved. The judiciary, as the third arm of government, provides avenues for redress, including the restoration of passports or the striking out of unjust charges if truly baseless.

The exportation of complaints to Twitter (X) or Facebook is not a “national disgrace” but a recognition that social media platforms — global as they are — can either be partners in curbing harmful content or enablers of destabilization. Governments across the world, including in the United States and the European Union, routinely pressure tech companies to suspend accounts linked to threats, misinformation, or extremist narratives. Nigeria cannot be an exception.

It is therefore misleading to present lawful state actions as mere “criminality” or “personal vendetta.” Democracies survive when rights are balanced with responsibilities, and when freedom of expression is exercised without undermining public safety or national cohesion.

In the end, the Nigerian state is not at war with its citizens but tasked with managing a fragile federation of over 200 million people, diverse in ethnicity, religion, and political interest. Security agencies may not always be perfect, but painting them as “rogues” only fuels mistrust and weakens national institutions that every Nigerian depends upon for stability.

The real struggle is not between an individual and the state, but between chaos and order. Responsible engagement, lawful dissent, and constructive criticism remain the hallmarks of genuine democratic struggle — not rhetoric that inflames and polarizes.

By Olufemi Olaolu Kenneth