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Former Vice President Atiku’s lobbyist, Karl Von Batten, has deleted his social media post in which he announced that United States President Donald Trump appointed him as a commissioner to a White House presidential commission. Checks on the verified X account of his firm, Von Batten-Montague-York, L.C., where the post was published, show that the post is no longer available. Von Batten’s firm had earlier announced that President Trump appointed its managing partner as a commissioner, but Sunday Dare, one of President Tinubu’s media aides, downplayed the announcement, saying that the appointment was to the Commission on Presidential Scholars, an education panel administered by the United States Department of Education. Dare said the commission has no responsibility for American foreign policy, national security, diplomacy, or relations with Nigeria. https://dailypost.ng/2026/09/05/atikus-lobbyist-deletes-trump-appointment-post-after-tinubu-aides-comment/#mtoefy7rije3k146dx |
The Presidency’s latest statement on the Tinubu Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) case is a classic exercise in answering questions nobody asked while avoiding the questions Nigerians are actually asking. Nobody says the FOIA litigation is itself a criminal trial. The issue is what the FBI and DEA records contain and why the Presidency is so invested in preventing their full disclosure. The Presidency admits that the FBI and DEA have produced 399 pages of records, with portions redacted. It also confirms that President Tinubu has personally intervened in the case and, through his lawyers, invoked privacy protections to resist disclosure. Those are facts—not speculation. The Presidency repeatedly cites the 2003 US Consulate letter saying an FBI check found no arrest records, wants or warrants at that time. Moreover, the authenticity of that letter has been queried. But a 2003 records check cannot logically become a blanket certificate covering every investigation, record or proceeding that may have existed before or after that date. Nor does a FOIA exemption mean that the underlying allegations are false. FOIA exemptions determine whether particular government information can legally be disclosed. They are not judicial findings that President Tinubu was never investigated or that every allegation concerning him is baseless. Indeed, the FBI has now submitted material to the judge for private review, while the dispute over further disclosure remains unresolved. And why is the Presidency spending so much energy attacking Aaron Greenspan, Atiku Abubakar and Karl Von Batten? The identity or political affiliation of the person seeking disclosure does not determine what is inside an FBI or DEA file. The documents—not the messenger—are the issue. Nigerians are entitled to transparency concerning matters that have generated serious questions about the person occupying the highest office in the land. The Presidency cannot simultaneously say, “there is nothing to see,” while asking that records concerning the matter remain protected from public scrutiny. Let us therefore stop the political distractions. And, above all, let Nigerians see whatever the court determines can lawfully be made public. This is not about Atiku. It is not about Von Batten. It is not about Aaron Greenspan. It is about transparency, accountability and the right of Nigerians to know. @KVONBATTEN @batten_von @TheJusticeDept #Tinubu #FOIA #Transparency #Nigeria https://x.com/omonlakiki/status/2095788044766916893 |
It is just bad, Presidency issuing this, Nlfpmod! |
Nigeria’s 4.43 percent economic growth in the second quarter of 2026 (Q2’26) is masking a deepening industrial crisis, with manufacturing and the broader industrial sector losing ground as services increasingly dominate economic activity, the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria, MAN, has warned. This came as the senator representing Ogun East, Otunba Gbenga Daniel, said the true measure of Nigeria’s economic progress should be the lived experiences of citizens rather than growth in Gross Domestic Product, GDP, alone, saying that Nigeria cannot have a strong economy without security. Reacting to the National Bureau of Statistics, NBS, Q2 2026 GDP, report, yesterday, MAN Director-General, Segun Ajayi-Kadir, said the 4.43 per cent year-on-year real GDP growth recorded in the quarter, up from 3.89 per cent in Q1 2026 and 4.23 percent in Q2 2025, masks deep-seated weaknesses in the real economy. He noted that services accounted for 56.62 per cent of GDP in Q2, while the broader industrial sector contributed only 17.23 per cent and suffered a dramatic slowdown in growth. “The growth trajectory remains disproportionately service-driven (56.62 per cent of GDP), while the broader industrial sector (17.23 per cent of GDP) is visibly suffocating under severe structural headwinds,” Ajayi-Kadir said. He described the near-halving of industrial growth as particularly alarming, noting that it fell from 7.46 pe rcent in Q2 2025 to 3.96 per cent in Q2 2026. According to him, the sharp deterioration was driven largely by the electricity, gas, steam and air-conditioning supply segment, which contracted by 10.63 per cent during the quarter. MAN also noted that manufacturing’s share of real GDP plunged from 9.57 per cent in Q1 2026 to 7.72 per cent in Q2, while real manufacturing growth eased marginally from 3.29 per cent to 3.24 per cent. Ajayi-Kadir attributed the weakening performance to the combination of high production costs, exchange-rate pressures, prohibitive interest rates and soaring electricity tariffs confronting manufacturers. He warned that continued dependence on services and extraction would leave Nigeria vulnerable to external shocks while doing little to expand productive capacity. “Ultimately, headline GDP growth driven by non-tradable service activities will fail to strengthen foreign exchange reserves, reduce structural inflation, or create sustainable mass industrial jobs. A nation that trades and consumes what it does not produce builds prosperity on quicksand.” MAN said the trend portends employment fragility, an inflationary spiral, greater FX vulnerability, and erosion of industrial capacity and technological capability. To reverse the slide, MAN called for urgent intervention in power, industrial finance, FX allocation and local procurement. It recommended direct power purchase agreements for industrial clusters, matching grants for manufacturers investing in solar and battery systems, credit guarantees to force down lending rates, and a dedicated FX clearance window for raw materials and capital machinery, amongst others. MAN also demanded stronger enforcement of local procurement, incentives for vehicle assembly, tax relief for domestic supply chains and legally binding implementation of the Nigeria Industrial Policy. Ajayi-Kadir said Nigeria must urgently move from consumption-led growth to production-led growth, warning that without a stronger manufacturing base, impressive GDP numbers would remain largely disconnected from improvements in living standards and economic prosperity. Nigerians’ experience, not GDP, measures economy -Daniel On his part, Daniel spoke, separately, yesterday at the 7th Annual Lecture of Freedom Online in Lagos, and argued that economic growth and security are inseparable. His comments came days after the NBS reported that Nigeria’s GDP grew by 4.43 per cent year-on-year in the second quarter of 2026, up from 4.23 per cent recorded in the corresponding period of 2025. According to the senator, although the latest GDP figures and improvements in agriculture and services are encouraging, they did not fully reflect the economic realities confronting Nigerians. “Nigeria cannot have a strong economy without security, and it cannot have lasting security without a strong economy, which effectively means that both of them are inseparable,” he said. Daniel said the real test of economic progress is whether Nigerians could secure decent jobs, access their farms safely, operate businesses profitably and attract investment. He asked: “In our country today, can a young person find decent work? Can a farmer safely reach the farm? Can a manufacturer produce competitively? “Can a small business survive the cost of power and transport? Can investors commit their resources with confidence?” The former Ogun State governor described security as an essential component of economic infrastructure, rather than an issue exclusively for the military, police and other security agencies. He said insecurity has direct economic consequences, noting that farmers who could not safely access their land will be unable to produce enough food, while insecurity along major roads will increase the cost of transporting goods. Daniel further argued that excessive expenditure on security measures could undermine business competitiveness, while insecurity in communities could discourage both domestic and foreign investment. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2026/09/gdp-growth-data-masking-deep-industrial-security-crises-man/ |
Manchester City vs Coventry 05-09-2026 15:00. |
Nothing can stop Tinubu-Shettima 8 years - Nollywood Actor, Saidi Balogun Video Credit : News Century // IG
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Presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Atiku Abubakar, has challenged President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to explain records surrounding a $460,000 forfeiture in the United States instead of attacking the lobbyist he hired to represent his interests in Washington. Atiku’s position was contained in a statement issued on Wednesday by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, in response to comments by Sunday Dare, Special Adviser to the President on Media and Public Communications. Dare had criticised Atiku for engaging the US lobbying firm Von Batten-Montague-York and cautioned against claims that the firm’s managing partner, Karl Von Batten, had access to US President Donald Trump or his administration or could influence ongoing court proceedings. But Shaibu said the Presidency was avoiding the substantive issues raised by American judicial records by focusing on the background and activities of Atiku’s lobbyist. Atiku hired the lobbying firm in March for $1.2 million to protect and strengthen his reputational standing in the United States. According to a document filed with the US Department of Justice under the Foreign Agents Registration Act, one of the objectives of the engagement was to counterbalance the Nigerian government’s lobbying narratives in the US. He stressed that civil forfeiture was not a criminal conviction but argued that the existence of the court record could not be dismissed through political attacks. He alleged that the administration had entered into an arrangement with DCI Group worth $750,000 monthly, amounting to $4.5 million for the first six months, with provisions that could take the engagement to $9 million. He said both Tinubu and Atiku were entitled to engage lobbyists and questioned why Atiku’s engagement was being portrayed as desperation. Shaibu said the debate should instead focus on the hardship facing Nigerians, including rising food and transportation costs, electricity bills, insecurity and declining purchasing power. He challenged Tinubu to account for his administration’s alleged multimillion-dollar lobbying arrangement before criticising Atiku’s $1.2 million engagement. “President Tinubu, before counting Atiku’s $1.2 million, account for your own $9 million arrangement. And before attacking the messenger, answer the $460,000 question,” Shaibu said. https://x.com/vanguardngrnews/status/2095487070747681013 |
Rich Dad Poor Dad’ Self-help Author Robert Kiyosaki Is $1.2 Billion In Debt Rich Dad Poor Dad” author Robert Kiyosaki — the self-help guru who has made a fortune preaching the secrets of financial success — has amassed a staggering $1.2 billion in debt tied to his sprawling real-estate investments, according to a report.source
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LAGOS — A Federal High Court sitting in Lagos has restrained the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, NMDPRA, a federal agency charged with the responsibility to regulate, monitor, supervise technical and commercial operations in the country’s midstream and downstream petroleum value chain, and others, from shutting down Dangote Petroleum Refinery, under the guise of performing oversight functions. Trial judge, Justice Akintayo Aluko, made the order, yesterday, while granting a motion ex-parte in suit marked FHC/L/CS/1174/26, filed and moved by lawyers to Dangote Petroleum Refinery, led by Olawale Akoni, SAN. Dangote Petroleum Refinery, through its lawyers, had asked the court for “an order restraining the defendant, whether by itself, officers, servants, agents, partners, representatives, privies, or any person acting under its authority or direction, from enforcing, implementing, giving full effect to, or taking any steps or further steps pursuant to the directive contained in its letter dated August 24, 2026, by which it purported to suspend all loading and truck-out of products from the plaintiff’s refinery pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice, which has been filed contemporaneously with the present application.” The firm also prayed for an order of interim injunction restraining the defendant and all of its servants, privies, or agents from entering upon, sealing, shutting down, restricting access to, obstructing, suspending, disrupting, inspecting, supervising, sanctioning, or otherwise interfering with the 1st applicant’s refinery, petrochemical, terminal, storage, blending, loading, truck-out, and related facilities and operations situated in the Lekki Free Zone, in purported exercise of the directive contained in the defendant’s letter August 24, 2026, pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice that has been filed contemporaneously with the present application. Justice Aluko after considering the application, counsel’s submissions and all the processes filed, said: “I have carefully read the application, which is predicated on a 42-paragraph affidavit, together with Exhibits A1 to A6 attached thereto. I have also considered the submissions of counsel in support of the application, including the defendant’s letter dated August 24, 2026. “I have also seen the letter issued by the Attorney-General of the Federation, dated March 2, 2026, which clearly stated that the defendant is not entitled to exercise regulatory powers or oversight functions over operations within the free zones. I have equally considered the defendant’s letter dated August 24, 2026, by which it purported to exercise such powers. “The important question, therefore, is whether the defendant can or should be allowed to exercise such regulatory authority pending the determination of the substantive issues before the court. “Every court has the inherent power and duty to preserve the res and prevent a situation where the subject matter of litigation would be destroyed or altered before the substantive application is determined. “The law is settled on the conditions which an applicant must satisfy to be entitled to an order of interim injunction. Those conditions have been considered and stated in this ruling, and I find that they have been satisfied in the present case. “The plaintiff has also undertaken to indemnify the defendant in damages should it subsequently be found that this order ought not to have been granted. Related News G-100: Opposition parties offer 4-yr single term to stop Tinubu Discover more Monitoring Federal Directives News news Video: Kidnappers threatened to kill us after one month — Rescued NYSC member US Supreme Court allows Trump ballroom project to proceed “Accordingly, I find merit in the application, and the same is hereby granted in terms of the reliefs sought. The plaintiff shall file a formal undertaking as to damages. This order, together with the notice of the court, shall be served on the defendant.” Justice Aluko, thereafter, adjourned the matter to September 9, 2026, for the hearing of the motion on notice. Vanguard News https://www.vanguardngr.com/2026/09/oversight-dangote-refinery-secures-courts-orders-against-nmdpra/#google_vignette |
The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited has increased the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit, popularly known as petrol, from N1,270 to N1,345 per litre in parts of Abuja. A market survey by PUNCH Online on Monday showed that NNPCL filling stations along the Kurudu-Jikwoyi Expressway and other parts of the Federal Capital Territory had adjusted their pump prices to N1,345 per litre. The latest adjustment represents a N75 increase in the retail price of petrol by the state-owned oil company. Checks by our correspondent also showed that some independent marketers had adjusted their prices, although the new rates varied across locations. At Optima Filling Station in Idu, petrol was being sold for N1,345 per litre. A fuel attendant, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the product was sold at N1,260 per litre last week. However, Ay Shafa Filling Station was dispensing petrol at N1,320 per litre, the same price observed at Eterna Filling Station in Kubwa and some other outlets across the capital. The latest increase comes shortly after Dangote Petroleum Refinery raised its gantry price of petrol by N65, from N1,200 to N1,265 per litre. The adjustment by the refinery is expected to put further pressure on retail prices as marketers contend with rising landing and depot costs. The development also comes amid concerns over the rising volume of imported petrol into the country despite the increasing domestic refining capacity. Data from the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority showed that petrol imports rose to 43.3 per cent in July. The surge in imports has heightened concerns within the domestic refining industry, with the Dangote refinery previously warning that it could restrict petrol sales to importers and marketers if the trend continued. The refinery has maintained that the growth in petrol imports could undermine investments in local refining and make it difficult for domestic producers to compete effectively. Recall that NNPCL increased its petrol price by N20 per litre earlier in August, raising the price from N1,250 to N1,270 per litre at several of its retail outlets in Abuja. With the latest N75 increase, motorists in parts of the Federal Capital Territory are now paying as much as N1,345 per litre for petrol at NNPCL outlets, while prices at other filling stations range between N1,320 and N1,345. The development is expected to further increase transportation costs and add pressure to households and businesses already grappling with high operating expenses. https://punchng.com/nnpcl-hikes-petrol-price-to-n1345-in-fct/ |
A five-month-old and two-month-old refuse heaps along Ejigbo-Idimu road (left) and on Oshodi road...recently Months after heaps of refuse began resurfacing across Lagos despite repeated government interventions, DAYO OYEWO examines the hidden challenges driving the crisis — from failing dumpsites and deteriorating infrastructure to operational bottlenecks confronting Private Sector Participation operators For months, heaps of refuse have remained on Lagos streets, medians and drainage channels, turning once-familiar neighbourhoods into sprawling unofficial dumpsites. But behind the stench and mounting piles lies a deeper problem: a waste management system struggling under the weight of overloaded dumpsites, deteriorating infrastructure, stranded trucks and mounting operational pressures. As Private Sector Participation operators spend hours and, in some cases, days waiting to discharge waste, the delays ripple through the city, leaving fewer trucks available to collect refuse from already overwhelmed communities. So This Happened (EP 254) Reviews Tinubu's Order To Civil Servants... The PUNCH traces the journey of Lagos’ waste from neighbourhoods to disposal sites and uncovers the infrastructure failures, operational bottlenecks, alleged queue manipulation and policy gaps keeping the city buried under refuse. Along the Ejigbo-Idimu Road, black nylon bags filled with household waste have swallowed sections of the road median. Flies swarm around decomposing food while pedestrians cover their noses as they pass. A few hundred metres away, near Idimu Bus Stop, another heap has grown on the median, with fresh waste dumped daily on piles that have remained for weeks. “The refuse you are looking at has been here for four months. Some of it has decomposed completely, dried under the sun and become wet again whenever it rains. Once the rain falls, the smell becomes unbearable. We have never experienced anything this bad,” said a resident, Kunle Osoba. What is happening along Ejigbo-Idimu Road is not isolated. From Agege to Ikotun, Jakande Estate, Surulere, Iyana Ipaja, Oshodi, Abule Egba, Mushin, Isolo and Ajao Estate, refuse has become a permanent feature of the landscape. Overflowing communal bins have turned into makeshift dumpsites, while medians, drainage channels and road shoulders have become unofficial refuse collection points. For residents, the problem has persisted for months. “The smell is terrible, especially whenever it rains. The stench enters our houses. Sometimes we cannot even leave our windows open. Flies have taken over everywhere. We have reported the issue several times, but nothing has changed,” said Kunle Ayeni, a resident of Igando. Along Isheri-Jakande Road, Deola Davies said residents had gradually accepted the situation as normal. “This issue has become part of everyday life. People dump refuse on the median because there is nowhere else to take it. The PSP operators are overwhelmed, and the government does not seem to understand what residents are passing through,” she said. The crisis is also hurting businesses. At Oshodi Road, a roadside trader, Biola, said customers were increasingly avoiding her shop because of the offensive smell. “It is already affecting my business. We are paying our money regularly, but the evacuation of refuse is not as regular as it used to be,” she lamented. Inside Olusosun dumpsite While residents have directed much of their frustration at the Lagos Waste Management Authority, findings by The PUNCH indicate that the refuse littering the streets is a symptom of a deeper operational crisis, with a major bottleneck at the Olusosun dumpsite in Ojota, the state’s busiest disposal facility. Commissioned in 1992, Olusosun receives waste from hundreds of Private Sector Participation operators. Under normal circumstances, a compactor collects waste from neighbourhoods, discharges it at the dumpsite and returns within hours for another trip. Operators, however, told our correspondent that the process now takes days. A visit to the facility revealed long queues of refuse compactors stretching from the entrance. Drivers waited in their vehicles or sought shelter under makeshift sheds, uncertain when they would be able to discharge their loads. The road into the facility was also in poor condition, with muddy and stagnant pools of water from recent rainfall. Several trucks struggled through the mud, while others were immobilised by mechanical faults. One operator, who identified himself as Abdullahi, said the situation became almost unbearable during rainfall. “If you came here while it was raining, you would not even attempt to enter. The water becomes so deep that movement has to stop completely. This road has been bad for a very long time. Rain only makes everything worse,” he said. Another operator, Diran, said one of his company’s compactors spent an entire week inside the facility. “My truck entered on Wednesday and came out the following Wednesday. My boss eventually told us to stop coming here because it had become a waste of time. Imagine one truck being tied down for one week. During that period, several communities that the truck was supposed to serve were left without waste collection,” he said. Another driver, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said operators received little assistance when their trucks became stuck. “If your truck gets stuck, nobody rescues you. You are left on your own to find a way out. Sometimes trucks even overturn because the roads are so bad. Before you know it, you’ve lost an entire day without discharging your waste,” he said. For operator Dehinde Alimi, the problem is not a shortage of trucks but the time lost accessing and exiting the dumpsites. “There are enough trucks in Lagos to evacuate waste. The real problem is that they spend too much time waiting to discharge refuse because of the terrible conditions inside the dumpsites,” he said. He added that poor internal roads had reduced the number of trips trucks could make daily, while rising repair costs, diesel prices and maintenance expenses were putting additional pressure on operators. But the access roads are not the only challenge. Operators also identified shortages and frequent breakdowns of heavy-duty equipment as a major constraint at Olusosun. Caterpillar machines are used to push, spread and compact waste, creating space for incoming trucks to discharge their loads. During the visit, about three caterpillars were observed working, while another had been moved to the main road for repairs. Operators said the available equipment was insufficient for the volume of waste arriving at the facility. One operator, who requested anonymity, said additional functional machines were needed to prevent operations from grinding to a halt whenever one broke down. “Sometimes the machine stops working completely because of a fault. Once that happens, operations almost come to a standstill. No truck can discharge until the machine is repaired or another one is brought in, and that can take several hours or even longer,” he said. Another operator said the ageing equipment had made frequent breakdowns almost inevitable. “When the caterpillar is not working, refuse cannot be pushed back to create space. That means trucks cannot offload, so they remain in the queue. As more trucks arrive, the queue keeps getting longer, and operators lose valuable working hours,” he said. The prolonged delays at the dumpsite mean compactors make fewer trips each day, leaving waste uncollected in neighbourhoods across Lagos. What residents see as refuse piling up on their streets, therefore, may be only the visible end of a much larger problem: a waste evacuation system struggling under deteriorating infrastructure, inadequate equipment and mounting operational pressures. Alleged illegal payments Beyond poor roads and inadequate equipment, some operators alleged that the congestion at the dumpsite had created opportunities for officials to exploit the situation. According to PSP operators who spoke to our correspondent, the queue system at Olusosun had been compromised by alleged illegal payments and preferential treatment. They claimed that while the dumping process generally followed procedure during the day when senior officials were present, the situation changed at night, with some trucks allegedly bypassing long queues through unofficial arrangements. One operator, who requested anonymity for fear of victimisation, alleged that drivers sometimes paid to jump ahead of trucks that had waited for hours or even days. “In the daytime, everything follows procedure because the senior officials are around. But at night, some people find their way in. If you know the right people, you can move ahead. If not, you remain in the queue,” he said. The operator alleged that drivers paid about N15,000 to bypass the queue and that the transactions were conducted discreetly to prevent fleet owners and managers from finding out. “Each truck pays about N15,000 to beat the queue and dump. Before you pay, you have to convince them that the money is coming from your own earnings and not from your manager because they don’t want the managers to know,” he alleged. He added that some managers were, however, aware of the practice and occasionally supported drivers with additional money. The alleged payments, operators claimed, did not end once trucks entered the dumpsite. Another operator alleged that drivers sometimes had to pay caterpillar operators to have their refuse pushed and their trucks attended to promptly. “The same thing applies to the tractor or caterpillar operators. After struggling to get into the dumpsite, you still have to settle the machine operator. You must have about N2,000, otherwise you may remain there for a long time before your refuse is pushed and you can leave,” he alleged. Failed alternative dumpsites With congestion at Olusosun worsening, many PSP operators have diverted trucks to disposal facilities in Ikorodu, Epe, Badagry and Sagamu in neighbouring Ogun State. However, the alternative sites have provided limited relief, with operators citing longer distances, restricted operating hours and poor road access. A PSP manager, Odetola, said the longer journeys had significantly increased operating and maintenance costs. “Unlike the Olusosun dumpsite, some of the alternative disposal facilities do not operate round the clock. If you get there past 7 pm, you cannot dispose of your waste. So we have to wait till the following day. This causes a reduction in the number of evacuation trips our trucks can make daily,” he said. He said increased truck traffic had also worsened access roads to some of the alternative facilities. “When you have more trucks using a particular route without maintenance, it will become almost impassable in a matter of time, and that is what we are facing. That is why we keep returning to Olusosun to queue,” he added. The situation became more complicated after operators redirected to Sagamu were stopped from dumping waste there following resistance from residents and local authorities. https://punchng.com/lagos-waste-crisis-the-broken-system-behind-the-heaps/ |
How will common man cope,Nlfpmod! |
This is very very serious! |
The price of premium Motor Spirit (PMS), also known as petrol, appears headed for N1,500 per litre after it jumped from N1,205 to N1,310 yesterday.https://www.vanguardngr.com/2026/08/petrol-price-heads-to-n1500-per-litre-as-crude-prices-drop/
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Is fuel not supposed to be coming with lower crude,,Nlfpmod! |
Nlfpmod! |
Despite a five per cent drop in crude oil prices to $87.31 per barrel from $92, the domestic price of Premium Motor Spirit, PMS, also known as petrol, rose by nine per cent to N1,310 per litre from N1,205 per litre yesterday. Checks by Vanguard showed that MRS, a major downstream player, increased its retail price to N1,310 per litre from N1,205 per litre in Lagos and its environs. The checks further showed that other marketers raised their retail prices to between N1,315 and above N1,400per litre, from less than N1,270 per litre. The development comes as Nigeria’s domestic petrol depot prices continue to move differently from international crude oil benchmarks, highlighting the growing influence of local supply, refining, logistics and market conditions on downstream fuel prices. According to OilPrice.com, Brent crude stood at $88.10 per barrel, down 0.47 per cent, while West Texas Intermediate, WTI, fell 0.16 per cent to $83.40 per barrel. However, petrol prices at major Nigerian depots remained elevated, reaching as high as N1,217 per litre in the regions monitored on Friday, August 28, 2026. The Daily Depot Price Intelligence Report showed that Warri recorded the highest PMS price at N1,217 per litre, followed by Port Harcourt at N1,214, Calabar at N1,204 and Lagos at N1,202 per litre. The lowest reported PMS price was N1,203 per litre, recorded at Mainland and Soroman depots in Calabar. In Warri, Liquid Bulk sold petrol at N1,215 per litre, Masters at N1,210, Matrix at N1,217, Sigmund at N1,215 and T.S.L at N1,215 per litre. In Lagos, Aiteo and Dangote depots were both listed at N1,200 per litre. Atiku’s Desperation and Tinubu’s Panic, by Emmanuel Aziken Fuel hike: Labour, CSOs accuse FG, operators of gang-up, exploitation The figures indicate that domestic petrol prices are no longer moving in lockstep with international crude oil prices, with other cost factors increasingly determining the price of products delivered to Nigerian depots and ultimately to filling stations. Although crude oil is a major input in the production of refined petroleum products, changes in crude prices do not translate immediately or proportionately into pump prices. Other factors include refining margins, product availability, import parity, exchange rates, freight and marine logistics, storage and depot charges, financing costs, taxes and competition among suppliers. The development also comes as Nigeria’s domestic refining industry continues to expand, with locally refined products increasingly competing with imported petroleum products. At the international level, the market remained mixed. While Brent and WTI declined, Murban crude rose 4.04 per cent to $95.75 per barrel, the OPEC Basket increased 1.06 per cent to $87.31, while the Indian Basket rose 1.53 per cent to $89.52. The divergence between crude and domestic petrol prices could have significant implications for filling stations, motorists and the wider Nigerian economy. Where depot prices remain elevated despite softer international crude benchmarks, marketers may face pressure to maintain or increase pump prices to protect margins, particularly where transportation, financing and other operating costs remain high. This could translate into higher fuel costs for motorists, with knock-on effects on transportation, logistics, food distribution and inflation. Conversely, stronger competition among domestic refiners and product suppliers could limit the extent to which higher depot prices are passed on to consumers if alternative sources of supply become available. The latest development therefore suggests that Nigeria’s petrol market is increasingly being shaped by domestic supply, refining capacity, logistics and market structure rather than crude oil prices alone. As a result, monitoring the relationship between depot and pump prices, as well as regional price differences, is becoming increasingly important in assessing the direction of petrol prices and their wider impact on inflation, transportation costs and the Nigerian economy. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2026/08/petrol-price-rises-9-to-n1310-litre-despite-falling-crude-oil-prices-report/ |
Von Batten-Montague-York, L.C. Update: This morning, President Bola Tinubu (@officialABAT) pleaded with the court not to order the @TheJusticeDept (DOJ), @FBI, and @DEAHQ to release his alleged heroin-trafficking records. President Tinubu finally admits that the dispute involves criminal records concerning him and pleads with the court to block the records from being released.Source
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1-2! |
Nigeria has the lowest life expectancy in the world. https://x.com/stats_feed/status/2093371250269675853 |
Crystal Palace vs Manchester City 28-08-2026 8:00 pm |
According to his resignation letter, a copy of which was shared with SaharaReporters by sources, Omon resigned with effect from August 27, 2026. The Media Coordinator at the Nigerian High Commission in Accra, Ghana, Destiny Austine Omon, has resigned from his position, citing pressure to remain silent on issues raised by Nigerians, restrictions on reportage and irregular payment of his stipend, sources have told SaharaReporters. Multiple sources familiar with the development said Omon alleged pressure over questions raised by Nigerians concerning a reported ₦2 billion budget allocation. According to his resignation letter, a copy of which was shared with SaharaReporters by sources, Omon resigned with effect from August 27, 2026. He also cited restrictions on reporting issues affecting Nigerians in Ghana, as well as the low and irregular payment of his stipend, as reasons for his decision to leave the position. In the letter, dated August 27 and addressed to the High Commissioner of Nigeria in Accra, Omon said his decision to resign was not an easy one, noting that he had regarded representing Nigerians in Ghana and communicating issues affecting them as an important responsibility. However, he said he had reached a point where he could no longer continue in the role “under the present circumstances.” Omon wrote, "In particular, I have become increasingly concerned about pressure to remain silent on questions and concerns raised by Nigerians regarding the reported 2 billion budget allocation and related issues of transparency and accountability." The Media Coordinator in the letter seen by SaharaReporters also alleged that restrictions had been placed on reportage concerning the situations and challenges confronting Nigerians living in Ghana. "I am also concerned about the level of control and restrictions placed on reportage concerning the situations and challenges confronting Nigerians in Ghana," he stated. According to him, the restrictions were inconsistent with his understanding of the responsibilities of a media coordinator, stressing that legitimate concerns affecting Nigerians should be communicated responsibly and without interference. "As a media coordinator, I believe that credible communication should allow legitimate concerns affecting Nigerians to be reported responsibly, accurately and without undue interference," Omon said. He further cited financial difficulties, saying, “Furthermore, the low and irregular payment of my stipend, including delays in receiving payments due to me, has made it increasingly difficult for me to continue carrying out my responsibilities effectively.” Despite his decision to resign, Omon said he remained grateful for the opportunity to serve and for the experience he gained while occupying the position. "I remain grateful for the opportunity to serve and for the experience gained during my time in the role. I have always sought to discharge my responsibilities professionally and in the best interest of Nigerians and the image of Nigeria," he wrote. "Omon's resignation should not be interpreted as a rejection of the mission or its objectives. He is committed to the Nigerian cause but, he is heavily convinced that he can no longer effectively perform his responsibilities under the circumstances outlined above," a source told SaharaReporters. In the resignation letter seen by SaharaReporters, Omon also offered to facilitate a smooth transition by handing over official materials, information and responsibilities in his possession. Resignation letter The now former Media Coordinator, while resigning, concluded by thanking the commission for the opportunity to serve and wishing the Nigerian High Commission continued success in its diplomatic responsibilities and efforts to promote the welfare and interests of Nigerians in Ghana. The resignation comes amid concerns raised in the letter over transparency surrounding the reported ₦2 billion allocation. However, the letter did not provide further details on the specific budgetary provision, its purpose or the identity of those who allegedly exerted pressure on him to remain silent. Previously, SaharaReporters reported that concerned members of the Nigerian community in Ghana had petitioned the Federal Government, National Assembly and anti-corruption agencies, demanding transparency and accountability in the management of funds allocated to the Nigerian High Commission in Accra. Discover more news website Political Human Rights & Liberties The petition, dated Tuesday, August 18, 2026, was signed on behalf of the concerned Nigerians in Ghana by Amb. Oloye Oyeyemisola Fatuyi FIIM, Baale of the Yoruba Community, Mataheko Afienya, Tema, and Chairman of the Greater Accra Yoruba Community, Ghana, alongside Nii Sakumono Okpelente 1 Noryaa Mantse of Greater Accra. The petition was addressed to the Nigerian High Commissioner in Accra, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Senate President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives. The group specifically demanded a detailed breakdown of funds allocated and released to the Nigerian High Commission in Accra under the 2025 Appropriation Act and any special intervention funds, particularly those relating to consular services and the welfare of Nigerians in Ghana. According to the petitioners, the 2025 Ministry of Foreign Affairs Appropriation Act provides for the operation of Nigeria’s foreign missions, including consular services and the welfare of Nigerians abroad. They also noted that the Federal Government had in recent times approved special intervention funds to address operational shortfalls and outstanding obligations in Nigerian missions abroad. However, the Nigerians in Ghana alleged that members of the community were repeatedly compelled to shoulder responsibilities which, ordinarily, fall within the mandate of the High Commission. They listed emergency welfare cases, repatriation support, detention matters and other consular interventions among areas where Nigerians were allegedly required to provide financial assistance, often under the explanation of “no available funds” at the mission. “This situation raises serious questions about transparency, accountability, and the effective utilization of resources appropriated for our missions,” the petitioners said. They argued that the situation placed an “unfair financial and moral burden” on Nigerians in Ghana, whom they said contributed to Nigeria through remittances and positive representation of the country abroad. https://saharareporters.com/2026/08/27/breaking-nigerian-high-commission-media-coordinator-ghana-resigns-alleges-pressure-keep |
People with no plan, running a nation! |
The Presidency has accused former Vice-President and Presidential Candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Atiku Abubakar, of playing politics with his plan to reverse the removal of fuel subsidy if elected in 2027. While saying that Atiku is also confused, the Presidency explained that his latest comments on petrol subsidy raises a fundamental question: “is he seriously proposing an economic policy, or is he simply playing politics with the temporary discomfort Nigerians face?” Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, argued that within a week, “Nigerians have heard three different explanations of what an Atiku administration would do about petrol subsidy. The confusion has now become impossible to ignore.” According to Onanuga, “First, Atiku’s spokesperson, Paul Ibe, said Atiku would restore petrol subsidy if elected president and later phase it out. Ibe described it as a temporary intervention intended to give Nigerians and businesses room to recover. “Then came a clarification from another senior aide, Phrank Shaibu, who said Ibe’s statement was an “unauthorised and misleading characterisation” of Atiku’s position. According to Shaibu, Atiku would not set a predetermined date for ending the subsidy. Instead, it would remain until domestic refining expands, supply stabilises, competition deepens, and the market can deliver affordable prices without government support. “But just hours later, Atiku himself intervened and effectively overruled that clarification. He insisted that his position “has not changed” and that he would restore what he called a “targeted subsidy” if elected president. He also said, “I will restore targeted subsidy and put purchasing power back in the hands of Nigerians.” The Presidency said the scenario is not merely a “matter of semantics. It is a serious policy contradiction and confusion.” Onanuga said if Atiku’s position has not changed, why did one of his principal aides say the subsidy would be temporary and phased out? Why did another senior aide have to publicly disown that explanation and introduce a completely different framework based on market conditions? And why did Atiku then step in to reaffirm the original position, and adding that “Nigerians deserve clarity, not policy by trial and error.” Onanuga argued that Agricultural productivity, insecurity, exchange rates, logistics, storage, flooding, input costs, money supply and supply constraints also matter, insisting that a serious economic programme must address these factors, as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been doing for the past three years, rather than reduce the entire cost-of-living crisis to petrol prices. The Presidency asked Atiku to stop shifting positions and explain precisely what he means by “targeted subsidy”: how much will it cost, who will benefit, how will beneficiaries be identified, how will it be funded, and what objective economic conditions will determine its eventual termination? “Nigerians cannot afford another opaque and potentially costly subsidy regime dressed up in new language.” Onanuga urged Atiku to be honest with Nigerians: “either he has a coherent, costed, and workable petroleum policy, or he is simply playing politics with a policy that has significantly restored fiscal health to the three tiers of government and stabilised the macroeconomic environment. “The economy is too serious for policy somersaults, incoherence, destructive populism and election gimmicks.” https://dailytrust.com/fuel-subsidy-atiku-confused-playing-politics-presidency/ |
The Presidency has said the All Progressives Congress (APC) Presidential Campaign Council list for the 2027 election will be adjusted where necessary, but denied that the list has been withdrawn or subjected to a wholesale review. Sunday Dare, Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Media and Public Communication, made this known on Wednesday during an interview on Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily. Dare was responding to reports that the APC had withdrawn the list following controversy over the inclusion and exclusion of some party leaders and other political figures. The APC had on Tuesday rejected reports that its 2027 presidential campaign council list had been withdrawn. The list, announced over the weekend, named President Tinubu as chairman of the council, with Vice-President Kashim Shettima and APC National Chairman Nentawe Yilwatda as vice chairmen. Former Zamfara State Governor and Senator, Abdul’aziz Yari, was named Director-General, while Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma was designated secretary. Asked whether the list was therefore open to review, Dare avoided the term “review”, describing the expected changes instead as adjustments. “Not a review, just adjustments where necessary,” he said. When pressed on whether his reluctance to use the word “review” meant the list was indeed being reconsidered, the presidential aide maintained that the expected changes did not amount to a comprehensive overhaul. “Review is wholesale, this is not wholesale,” Dare said. He explained that the creation of additional subcommittees would provide room for more party members and political stakeholders to participate in the campaign structure. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2026/08/presidential-campaign-council-list-to-be-adjusted-not-reviewed-presidency/#google_vignette He said the list remained valid, stressing that the party was yet to constitute all the subcommittees that would make up the campaign structure. “As it is with every other list, there’s a room for subcommittees. Those subcommittees have not been formed, and so many other names will come into that subcommittee,” Dare said. “So that list has not been withdrawn. The APC has issued a statement to that effect yesterday, that list stands. But of course, there will be adjustments. The list is not cast in stone, just like every other list.” |
The APC should listen carefully, because this debate may become larger than petrol. A government can survive an unpopular policy, even an unpopular president. What becomes dangerous is when citizens begin to believe their sacrifice produced nothing. There is an old African wisdom that the person carrying a heavy load does not complain because the load is heavy; he complains when he discovers the destination was never worth the journey. Nigeria has carried this burden for three years, and by 2027, Nigerians will ask a simple question: where did the journey take us? If the answer is more debt, higher living costs and missed opportunities, no amount of political sophistication will make that question disappear. It is against this backdrop that Atiku Abubakar’s latest intervention on fuel subsidy deserves serious attention. If elected president in 2027, the African Democratic Congress presidential candidate says his administration would restore subsidy under a different model, one that moves intervention away from imported petrol and towards domestic refining. Qualifying local refineries would receive crude at preferential prices, producing petroleum more cheaply for Nigerian consumers while strengthening domestic refining capacity. That distinction is not cosmetic. For years, Nigeria subsidised consumption while letting the productive side of the petroleum value chain wither, importing what we could have refined and rewarding import dependence over production. Atiku’s model attempts to reverse that incentive: keep the crude in Nigeria, let Nigerian refineries process it, and let more of the value chain stay within the domestic economy. That proposition becomes more significant against the transformation underway in Nigeria’s refining landscape. The Dangote Refinery has changed the scale of domestic refining, and several modular and private refineries are coming on stream; Nigeria could approach a refining capacity of around one million barrels per day by the second quarter of 2027. Yet capacity alone is not enough. A refinery without adequate crude is little more than an expensive monument to bad policy, which is why the Petroleum Industry Act’s Section 109, the Domestic Crude Supply Obligation, matters: it is meant to ensure crude produced in Nigeria is available for domestic refining. The challenge is no longer whether Nigeria can refine, but whether it will deliberately create the conditions for refineries to operate consistently and competitively. Nigerians do not have to imagine what happens when that condition is missing; they are living through it. Since early August 2026, Dangote Refinery has cut its ex-depot petrol price more than once, at one point to N1,165 per litre, yet Lagos and Abuja pumps barely moved, still selling between N1,240 and N1,299. The pain of subsidy removal arrived in 2023, immediate and universal. The benefit of domestic refining is arriving in 2026, partial, worth only tens of naira a litre against a pump price that has roughly quadrupled since. Somewhere between refinery gate and pump, the savings are getting lost, unaccounted for. This is why Atiku’s plan deserves scrutiny on its specifics rather than dismissal as “subsidy 2.0”: a hard annual fiscal ceiling through the federal budget, crude tracked from allocation to point of sale, independent audits, sanctions for refiners who withhold savings, and a sunset clause as capacity expands. That is a materially different architecture from simply reopening the import subsidy tap. The stronger economic concepts here are industrial policy, backward integration, import substitution and economies of scale. If capacity expands, crude is reliably supplied to legitimate refiners, and the cost advantage passes through to consumers, Nigeria can progressively cut its dependence on imported refined products. That alone does not guarantee cheaper petrol, since efficiency, logistics, financing and exchange rates still matter, but it creates a fundamentally different production structure. It is precisely here that the debate turns towards the Tinubu administration. The government removed the petrol subsidy in 2023, arguing the system was fiscally unsustainable. Nigerians accepted the pain: transport costs rose, food became more expensive, disposable incomes shrank. But what did Nigerians receive in return? The predictable APC defence is that the money did not disappear, pointing to increased FAAC allocations and arguing Nigerians should hold their governors accountable. On closer examination, this does not answer the central question. FAAC distributes revenue; it is not an economic development strategy. More money entering government coffers does not, by itself, tell Nigerians what productive capacity was created. That question no longer has to be rhetorical. According to the Federal Ministry of Finance’s own reform scorecard, the Federal Government received N20.4tn in incremental resources between June 2023 and December 2025, from subsidy savings, other revenue and fresh borrowing. Of that, only N424bn, 2.1 per cent, went to social welfare, and education’s share was N223bn, just 1.1 per cent. By contrast, N9.39tn went to wages and allowances and N9.37tn to servicing external debt, together over 90 per cent of the entire windfall. Borrowing, not subsidy savings, supplied the largest single share, roughly 58 per cent. Sit with that: the government removed a subsidy Nigerians felt within days, and three years later its own numbers show that for every naira of fiscal space the reform created, roughly one kobo went to education while the overwhelming majority went to salaries and debt already owed. This is not a governor’s problem. It is the Federal Government’s own scorecard describing what Abuja did with Abuja’s own money. Certainly, governors must be held accountable for the resources they control. But Abuja remains responsible for the national economic architecture, the broader environment in which investment either flourishes or collapses. FAAC can distribute money; it cannot manufacture development. A government that removes a major subsidy should show what the reform produced beyond the size of government accounts: roads built, power generated, jobs sustained. Otherwise, the argument becomes circular: subsidy removed for fiscal necessity, more resources received, Nigerians told to keep waiting. At what point does a perpetually deferred benefit become the problem itself? This becomes even more uncomfortable when borrowing enters the conversation. Nigeria did not merely remove the subsidy; it has continued borrowing heavily, and this deserves harder interrogation. Nigeria is projected to spend $11.6bn on debt servicing in 2026, more than double the $5.21bn spent in 2025. The IMF projects Nigeria will spend over half of government revenue on debt service this year, and Tinubu himself has said nearly half of 2026’s projected revenue goes toward debt. Whatever fiscal room subsidy removal was meant to create is being consumed, at an accelerating rate, by debt already owed. To be fair, not every number points one way. Nigeria’s petrol import bill fell by roughly N87.4 billion in Q1 2026 as domestic refining scaled up, and debt as a share of GDP has been reported near 32 per cent, an improvement. These are real achievements. But a shrinking debt-to-GDP ratio alongside debt servicing that consumes half of government revenue is less a contradiction than a warning: a country can look healthier on one ratio while its room to invest in its people keeps shrinking. Macro improvement and household relief are not the same thing. Debt itself is not the problem; what a government does with borrowed money is. Nigeria borrowed to finance the Kainji Dam project in the 1960s not merely to finance consumption but to expand electricity generation and build an economic base for future income. That is the logic of productive borrowing: borrow, build, increase productivity, expand the tax base, and generate the resources to service the debt. A country can borrow itself into prosperity if it borrows to build the future, or into poverty if it borrows merely to finance the present. The central question should not be “why are you borrowing,” but “what are Nigerians getting for it?” Had government transformed the fiscal opportunity of subsidy reform into productive investment, the argument for sacrifice would have had a tangible foundation. Instead, Nigerians have endured the pain while watching the debt burden grow. This is how nations slide into debt traps, not through one spectacular act of recklessness, but through the cumulative mismanagement of opportunities. Education sharpens this further. Nigeria removed the PMS subsidy, absorbed a dramatic rise in living costs and kept borrowing, while education stayed inadequately funded, and the N20.4 trillion figure above shows the unaffordability excuse is hard to sustain when the country can mobilise such sums. The real question is not whether Nigeria has resources but whether it has chosen the right priorities. Ahmadu Bello, Obafemi Awolowo and Nnamdi Azikiwe understood that roads, schools and skilled people were not competing priorities but complementary foundations of a productive economy. No refinery can transform an economy permanently without the engineers and skilled workers capable of sustaining the industries around it. https://punchng.com/the-subsidy-question-tinubu-cant-escape/ |
The All Progressives Congress (APC) has dismissed reports that it has withdrawn the list of its 2027 Presidential Campaign Council, describing the reports as rumours.https://www.vanguardngr.com/2026/08/just-in-apc-denies-withdrawal-of-2027-presidential-campaign-council-list/
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This people will still be muzzled out! |
Nlfpmod! |
Lagos Pensioners cry out, knocks Sanwoolu.
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Nigeria’s dependence on imported petrol showed further signs of rebounding in July as supplies from domestic refineries dropped sharply, forcing a bigger contribution from foreign imports despite the country’s expanding refining capacity. Latest statistics on Nigeria’s midstream and downstream petroleum operations for July 2026, published on its official X handle on Monday, showed that domestic petrol supply fell by 21 per cent within one month, while petrol imports rose by nine per cent. The development points to the continuing challenge facing Africa’s largest oil producer as it seeks to replace decades of dependence on imported petroleum products with output from local refineries. The factsheet showed that total Premium Motor Spirit, popularly called petrol, receipts declined from 50.6 million litres per day in June to 45.5 million litres per day in July, representing a 10 per cent drop. So This Happened [EP 255] reviews Davido and Chioma, Sharon Ooja star-studded weddings,... However, the composition of the supply changed significantly. Domestic refineries supplied 32.5 million litres of petrol daily in June, but this fell to 25.8 million litres per day in July. At the same time, imported petrol receipts increased from 18.1 million litres daily to 19.7 million litres daily. The report read, “Total PMS daily receipts fell by 10 per cent from 50.6 million litres per day in June to 45.5 million litres per day in July. The decline was driven by a 21 per cent drop in domestic supplies, which fell from 32.5 million litres per day to 25.8 million litres per day, even as petrol imports rose by nine per cent from 18.1 million litres per day to 19.7 million litres per day.” The figures mean that while locally refined petrol remained the larger source of supply, imports accounted for an increasing share of the market in July as domestic production weakened. The July figures extended a reversal that began in June, when petrol imports surged by 207 per cent to 18.1 million litres per day as domestic supply dropped by 22 per cent to 32.5 million litres. A month later, domestic supply fell further to 25.8 million litres daily, while imports climbed to 19.7 million litres, showing that imported petrol was gaining ground as local refinery supplies weakened. The shift came as crude oil receipts by domestic refineries declined from 632,000 barrels per day in June to 585,000 barrels per day in July, representing an eight per cent reduction. The lower crude supply coincided with the 21 per cent decline in domestic petrol receipts, underscoring the link between refinery feedstock availability and Nigeria’s efforts to reduce reliance on imported fuel. Nigeria, despite being one of Africa’s major crude oil producers, depended almost entirely on imported refined petroleum products for years due to the poor performance of its state-owned refineries. However, the emergence and expansion of private refining capacity, led by the Dangote Petroleum Refinery, as well as efforts to rehabilitate government-owned plants, have begun to alter the country’s petroleum supply structure. Data from the latest factsheet also showed that the Dangote refinery operated at an average capacity utilisation of more than 71 per cent during the period under review. The refinery recorded average petrol production of about 25.9 million litres per day, closely matching the 25.8 million litres per day recorded as total domestic PMS receipts in July. The figures highlight the growing importance of domestic refining to Nigeria’s petrol market, but also expose the vulnerability of the country’s supply system when local refinery output or crude intake declines. With domestic supply falling, foreign products moved in to fill part of the gap. The resurgence was also recorded in the diesel market. Automotive Gas Oil, popularly called diesel, receipts rose sharply from 16.2 million litres per day in June to 23.6 million litres per day in July, representing a 46 per cent increase. But unlike June, when the entire recorded diesel supply came from domestic sources, imports returned in July. Domestic diesel receipts slipped marginally from 16.2 million litres daily to 15.7 million litres daily, while imports accounted for 7.9 million litres daily. This means that foreign diesel returned to the Nigerian market in July after no imported AGO was recorded in the previous month. The pattern across petrol and diesel suggests that while domestic refining capacity has significantly increased Nigeria’s ability to meet its fuel needs locally, imports continue to serve as a balancing source whenever local supply falls short. The data also showed that Nigeria’s petrol consumption dropped significantly during the month. PMS consumption, based on volumes trucked out into the domestic market, fell from 47.4 million litres per day in June to 35.7 million litres per day in July, representing a 25 per cent decline. The reduction in consumption came despite an increase in petrol stock sufficiency from 19.7 days to 22.4 days. The higher stock cover suggests that available petrol inventories were sufficient to meet demand for a longer period, even as daily supply and consumption declined. Diesel stock sufficiency also improved from 37.1 days in June to 46.5 days in July, representing a 25 per cent increase. The country’s diesel consumption, however, fell from 16 million litres daily to 14.7 million litres daily. A different trend was recorded in the Liquefied Petroleum Gas market, where total receipts increased from 5.1 kilotonnes per day to 5.3 kilotonnes per day. Domestic LPG supply rose by 22 per cent, from 3.6 kilotonnes daily to 4.4 kilotonnes, while imports declined by 40 per cent from 1.5 kilotonnes to 0.9 kilotonnes per day. LPG consumption also increased by seven per cent to 4.4 kilotonnes per day. The figures indicate that domestic producers strengthened their position in the cooking gas market during July, unlike the petrol and diesel segments where imports gained ground following weaker local supply. Domestic gas supply also declined during the month, falling from 5.116 billion cubic feet per day to 4.723 billion cubic feet per day, an eight per cent reduction. The figures include volumes supplied to the Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas Limited. Aviation Turbine Kerosene receipts equally declined from 2.5 million litres per day to 1.9 million litres daily, while consumption dropped from 2.9 million litres to 1.7 million litres per day. https://punchng.com/petrol-imports-rise-in-july-as-domestic-refinery-supply-drops-21/ |