Nigeria: Youth Earnestly Ask for Abacha (YEAA)


Publisher Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada
Author Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board, Canada
Publication Date 1 November 1998
Citation / Document Symbol NGA30593.E
Cite as Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Nigeria: Youth Earnestly Ask for Abacha (YEAA), 1 November 1998, NGA30593.E, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6ac1e34.html [accessed 13 October 2014]
Disclaimer This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States.







The earliest reference found by the Research Directorate to a group called Youth Earnestly Ask for Abacha (YEAA) is dated 12 June 1997 and refers to them as holding a pro-Abacha rally in Lagos on that day (IPS). In describing YEAA, the Birmingham Post explained that the group held seminars and rallies "to extol the benefits of 'Abachism'" (22 Apr. 1998). Likewise, Europa said that the "newly-established" YEAA was one of a number of organizations that held rallies in support of Abacha's election as President (1998, 2557).

Africa Research Bulletin referred to YEAA as the most "fanatical" group in its support of Abacha as a candidate for President (20 Mar. 1998, 13002). According to Daniel Kanu, YEAA's leader, "the destiny of this nation and the transition to democracy under the present dispensation can only achieve its viable potentials if handled by prudent, purposeful, and transparent leadership of General Abacha" (ibid.). The Post Express reported Johnbull Adebanjo, YEAA's South-west Zone Coordinator, as saying that YEAA's desire to have Abacha continue as president "was informed by the need to have a stable and virile Nigeria" (17 May 1998). Adebanjo said that other parties were not capable of presenting "the right leaders whose characters would appeal to the generality of Nigerians as that of Abacha's" (ibid.). YEAA "patron", Emeka Mbudem, affirmed that the organization's members were impressed "by the way Abacha wielded power in previous regimes without being selfish" and went on to characterize the United Action for Democracy (UAD) as violent and anti-democratic (ibid.). Africa Research Bulletin reported that YEAA had distributed free exMqrcise books to schools, that it had plans to distribute subsidized imported "Abacha Rice" and that it had bought two new buses, equipped with speakers and modern communications equipment (20 Mar. 1998 13002).

Some sources identify the organizers of the "Two Million Youth March" held in Abuja from 3-5 March 1998, as the National Council of Youth Associations of Nigeria (Naycan) (Voice of Nigeria 4 Mar. 1998), or The National Committee of Youth Associations (NCYA) (West Africa 2-15 Mar. 1998), or YEAA (CRP 1998; Keesing's Mar. 1998). Both Europa and the CRP stated that this rally prompted pro-democracy groups to organize counter demonstrations (1998, 2557; 1998). Keesing's stated that several hundred thousand people were reported to have attended the rally (Mar. 1998). Subsequently, Radio Nigeria Network reported just after the Two Million Youth March that "YEAA 98" would begin to use prayers, both Muslim and Christian, as part of its campaign to convince Abacha to stand for election (17 Mar. 1998).

Several sources allege that the government funded YEAA (AFP 29 Aug. 1998; The Journal 1 May 1998; CRP 1998). Following Abacha's death, the Nigerian Medical Association asked General Abubakar to order the arrest of YEAA's executive members because "they should be made to account for the taxpayers money dolled out to them in the last two years" (Post Express 3 July 1998). However, in describing the two million man march as "a colossal success" YEAA's National Chairman, Daniel Kanu claimed that the costs of the rally, estimated at 400-500 million naira, were paid for by "patriotic individuals" (NTA TV 5 Mar. 1998; Voice of Nigeria 3 Mar. 1998). The Voice of Nigeria also reported the organizers' denials of having received government funding and their assertions that they received money from corporate and individual donations (ibid.).

The Research Directorate found three other reports of individuals representing YEAA. Radio Nigeria identified an Adegbe Onu Adegbe as acting national chairman, just after the Two Million Youth March (17 Mar. 1998). Reuters referred to an Emmanuel Okereke as a spokesman at the time of the march (3 Mar. 1998). On 7 September 1998 The News reported the death of Alhaji Jubril Obokhale and identified him as YEAA's Edo coordinator.

AFP reported on 29 August 1998 that Abacha's death "abruptly terminated the YEAA campaign." AFP also reported on the emergence of Agenda '99 as a group formed to set up a new political party and said that the group, according to its leader Daniel Kanu of YEAA, was in favour of "'a massive overhaul of the economy,' a boost to education spending and the creation of a 'new empire for the Nigerian military' who, he said, should benefit from an 'ample percentage' of the country's budget" (30 July 1998). The News referred to Agenda '99 as "YEAA's response to the sudden death of the tin-god himself, General Sani Abacha" and referred to Daniel Kanu as "the universal coordinator" of this new group (7 Sept. 1998). On 10 September 1998 Radio Nigeria reported that Agenda '99 had sought registration as a new political party under the name of Masses Democratic Party, while the Panafrican News Agency reported on the same day that Daniel Kanu was leading a party known as the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM). P.M. News made reference to still another name for the new party led by Kanu: the Massive Democratic Party (MDP) (21 Sept. 1998). Kanu stated the party was searching for a presidential candidate and said that while he himself had the qualities, his age made him decide not to seek the position (ibid.). He indicated that the new party wanted a candidate from the south, since a northener had ruled for a number of years (ibid.).

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

References

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series [Oxford]. 20 March 1998. Vol. 35, No. 2. "Nigeria: Will He, Won't He?"

Agence France Presse (AFP). 29 August 1998. "Pro-Abacha Group Seeks Registration as Political Party." (NEXIS)

_____. 30 July 1998. "Abacha Supporter Announces New Party." (NEXIS)

Birmingham Post. 22 April 1998. Ian Stewart. "Strongman Abacha to Make Nation March in Line; Nigeria" (NEXIS)

Constitutional Rights Project (CRP). 1998. Annual Report on Human Rights Practices in Nigeria. Lagos: Constitutional Rights Project.

The Europa World Year Book 1998. 1998. 39th ed. Vol. 1. London: Europa Publications.

Inter Press Service (IPS). 12 June 1997. Remi Oyo. "Nigeria: Region Remains Quiet on Anniversary of 1993 Election." (NEXIS)

The Journal [n.p.]. 1 May 1998. "Nigeria Boss Remakes His Leadership." (The Ethnic NewsWatch/NEXIS)

Keesing's Record of World Events [Cambridge]. March 1998. "Nigeria: Rallies For and Against Abacha's Candidacy."

The News [Lagos]. 7 September 1998. Sunny Ojeiduma. "Nigeria: Across Nigeria: Benin/Illustrious in Bed." (Africa NewsNEXIS)

NTA TV [Lagos]. 5 March 1998. "Official Denies Government Funded Pro-Abacha Youth Rally." (BBC Summary 9 Mar. 1998/NEXIS)

Panafrican News Agency (PANA). 10 September 1998. Paul Ejime. "Nigeria; 25 Associations Beat Registration Deadline." (Africa News/NEXIS)

P.M. News [Lagos]. 21 September 1998. "Nigeria; YEEA in Search of a New Abacha." (Africa News/NEXIS)

Post Express [Lagos]. 3 July 1998. "Medical Association Wants YEAA Probed." [Internet] [Accessed 20 Nov. 1998]

_____. 17 May 1998. Igbonekwu Ogazimorah. "YEAA Condemns CNC's Cold Feet Over Abacha's Adoption." [Internet] [Accessed 20 Nov. 1998]

Radio Nigeria [Lagos]. 10 September 1998. "Twenty-five Political Groups Return Registration Forms." (BBC Summary 12 Sept. 1998/NEXIS)

_____. 17 March 1998. "Nigeria: Youth Body to Resort to Prayers to Persuade Abacha." (FBIS-AFR-98-076 17 Mar. 1998/WNC).

Reuters. 3 March 1998. "Rival Rallies in Nigeria Support, Oppose Abacha." [Internet] [Accessed 24 Nov. 1998]

Voice of Nigeria. 4 March 1998. "Nigeria: Pro-Abacha Rally Enters Second Day 4 March." (FBIS-AFR-98-063 4 Mar. 1998/WNC).

_____. 3 March 1998. "Nigeria: Radio Reports Pro-Abacha Rally Opens in Abuja." (FBIS-AFR-98-062 3 Mar. 1998/WNC).

West Africa [London]. 2-15 March 1998. "Africa This Week: Nigeria: Abacha '98 Rallies."

Copyright notice: This document is published with the permission of the copyright holder and producer Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB). The original version of this document may be found on the offical website of the IRB at http://www.irb-cisr.gc.ca/en/. Documents earlier than 2003 may be found only on Refworld.

Abacha, for ever, and ever

Nigeria’s promised election will be merely a referendum on General Abacha

Apr 23rd 1998 | From the print edition

TO OUTSIDERS it was bizarre; to Nigerians it was business as usual. On April 20th the Grassroots Democratic Movement (GDM) endorsed General Sani Abacha as its presidential candidate for the “election” on August 1st. This made a clean sweep for the general of all five of the permitted political parties, turning the election into a referendum. The development was not unexpected—a campaign known as Youths Earnestly Ask for Abacha was recently given several million dollars' worth of state money to hold a rally—but it makes a mockery of the general's 1994 pledge to return the country to democratic rule “in which we [the armed forces] are not participants”.

The decision illustrates three truths about Nigeria. First, that the Nigerian political class is for sale. Of the five parties, only the GDM was thought to have a modicum of independence from the government. But when the time came to choose a candidate, some 1,000 party members were persuaded by bribes or threats to push aside their own man, Mohammed Dikko Yusufu, a respected former police chief, in favour of Mr Abacha, who is not a member of their party and has not even declared himself ready to stand for election.

Second, it shows that the general and his cronies care as much for the views of America, Europe or the Commonwealth as they do for a gathering of village chiefs. Since Mr Abacha took over in 1993, Britain and America have tried reproving words and mild sanctions to push him towards democracy. But western governments are ambivalent, and split among themselves. The general called their bluff. He knew they were not prepared to boycott oil, the only sanction that would have a direct effect on his power. With about $10 billion in oil revenues last year, Nigeria does not need outside help. So Mr Abacha feels free to ignore interfering foreigners' warnings.
Third, avoiding an election demonstrates the ruler's weakness, not his strength. Had he won, even in a restricted election against Mr Yusufu, it would have given him legitimacy in Nigeria and credibility in the world. But he knows he is unpopular and he is evidently frightened that Mr Yusufu might win. This is not a respected autocrat but a king scrabbling to stay on top of an exceedingly unstable castle. Will he fall or will he be pushed?
While the outside world dithers—nothing decisive or effective can be expected from it—Nigerians are suffering as never before from power failures, ruined schools, drugless hospitals, petrol queues, bad roads and general economic mess. Exasperation at bad government could drive crowds on to the streets. It could even, despite signs to the contrary, unite the quarrelsome strands of opposition into a single cause: the removal of General Abacha. The south-west is already largely opposed to him; now the north, which originally supported him, is also showing signs of disaffection. At the end of March, 18 northern politicians published a letter urging the general not to stand for election.
Change of power in Nigeria usually comes about through a coup, bloodless or otherwise (the sentences on those who plotted the last, unsuccessful, coup are expected next week). And a ruler's unpopularity has always played a part in his downfall. General Abacha has purged the army more thoroughly than any of his predecessors, but loyalty in Nigeria is not a stable commodity, to be counted on for ever.

Yet a coup that put another military leader in power would not solve the country's problems. Nor are these just a matter of restoring democracy. After 15 years of rotten military rule, Nigeria has to be rebuilt.

"Who the Cap Fits" all Over Again.


In the last days of the draconian Abacha regime, there was a sham of an advertorial ran by all the major television stations (NTA and private) and Newspapers captioned: “Who the Cap Fits.” In the montage, there was a military cap morphing into an embroidered traditional northern Nigerian cap (fula) or a southern Nigerian cap (fila abeti aja) to the tagline - "Who the Cap Fits." It was all a tasteless attempt by the Abacha regime to sell the Abacha candidacy to the Nigerian populace, never minding that 99.99% of Nigerians were disgusted by the ploy and the rogue general.

The Abacha regime was so out of touch with the populace that the general requested that all religious leaders and followers across the land gathered in Abuja to pray for the Nigerian nation and the general himself. Well, God it seemed answered the prayers of this multitude of Nigerians. On June 8, 1998, the best thing that could have happened to Nigeria under the circumstances did. The 54 year-old tyrant suffered a heart attack and died. His machinations to transform from a military dictator to a civilian dictator never came to fruition.