Permit me to start by thanking Chatham House for
the invitation to talk about this important topic at this
crucial time. When speaking about Nigeria overseas,
I normally prefer to be my country’s public relations
and marketing officer, extolling her virtues and
hoping to attract investments and tourists. But as we
all know, Nigeria is now battling with many
challenges, and if I refer to them, I do so only to
impress on our friends in the United Kingdom that
we are quite aware of our shortcomings and are
doing our best to address them.
The 2015 general election in Nigeria is generating a
lot of interests within and outside the country. This is
understandable. Nigeria, Africa’s most populous
country and largest economy, is at a defining
moment, a moment that has great implications
beyond the democratic project and beyond the
borders of my dear country.
So let me say upfront that the global interest in
Nigeria’s landmark election is not misplaced at all
and indeed should be commended; for this is an
election that has serious import for the world. I urge
the international community to continue to focus on
Nigeria at this very critical moment. Given increasing
global linkages, it is in our collective interests that the
postponed elections should hold on the rescheduled
dates; that they should be free and fair; that their
outcomes should be respected by all parties; and that
any form of extension, under whichever guise, is
unconstitutional and will not be tolerated.
With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the dissolution
of the USSR in 1991, the collapse of communism and
the end of the Cold War, democracy became the
dominant and most preferred system of government
across the globe. That global transition has been
aptly captured as the triumph of democracy and the
‘most pre-eminent political idea of our time.’ On a
personal note, the phased end of the USSR was a
turning point for me. It convinced me that change
can be brought about without firing a single shot.
As you all know, I had been a military head of state in
Nigeria for twenty months. We intervened because
we were unhappy with the state of affairs in our
country. We wanted to arrest the drift. Driven by
patriotism, influenced by the prevalence and
popularity of such drastic measures all over Africa
and elsewhere, we fought our way to power. But the
global triumph of democracy has shown that another
and a preferable path to change is possible. It is an
important lesson I have carried with me since, and a
lesson that is not lost on the African continent.
In the last two decades, democracy has grown strong
roots in Africa. Elections, once so rare, are now so
commonplace. As at the time I was a military head of
state between 1983 and 1985, only four African
countries held regular multi-party elections. But the
number of electoral democracies in Africa, according
to Freedom House, jumped to 10 in 1992/1993 then
to 18 in 1994/1995 and to 24 in 2005/2006. According
to the New York Times, 42 of the 48 countries in Sub-
Saharan Africa conducted multi-party elections
between 1990 and 2002.
The newspaper also reported that between 2000 and
2002, ruling parties in four African countries
(Senegal, Mauritius, Ghana and Mali) peacefully
handed over power to victorious opposition parties.
In addition, the proportion of African countries
categorized as not free by Freedom House declined
from 59% in 1983 to 35% in 2003. Without doubt,
Africa has been part of the current global wave of
democratisation.
But the growth of democracy on the continent has
been uneven. According to Freedom House, the
number of electoral democracies in Africa slipped
from 24 in 2007/2008 to 19 in 2011/2012; while the
percentage of countries categorised as ‘not free’
assuming for the sake of argument that we accept
their definition of “free” increased from 35% in 2003
to 41% in 2013. Also, there have been some reversals
at different times in Burkina Faso, Central African
Republic, Cote D’Ivoire, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau,
Lesotho, Mali, Madagascar, Mauritania and Togo. We
can choose to look at the glass of democracy in
Africa as either half full or half empty.
While you can’t have representative democracy
without elections, it is equally important to look at
the quality of the elections and to remember that
mere elections do not democracy make. It is globally
agreed that democracy is not an event, but a journey.
And that the destination of that journey is democratic
consolidation – that state where democracy has
become so rooted and so routine and widely
accepted by all actors.
With this important destination in mind, it is clear
that though many African countries now hold regular
elections, very few of them have consolidated the
practice of democracy. It is important to also state at
this point that just as with elections, a consolidated
democracy cannot be an end by itself. I will argue
that it is not enough to hold a series of elections or
even to peacefully alternate power among parties.
It is much more important that the promise of
democracy goes beyond just allowing people to
freely choose their leaders. It is much more
important that democracy should deliver on the
promise of choice, of freedoms, of security of lives
and property, of transparency and accountability, of
rule of law, of good governance and of shared
prosperity. It is very important that the promise
embedded in the concept of democracy, the promise
of a better life for the generality of the people, is not
delivered in the breach.
Now, let me quickly turn to Nigeria. As you all know,
Nigeria’s fourth republic is in its 16th year and this
general election will be the fifth in a row. This is a
major sign of progress for us, given that our first
republic lasted five years and three months, the
second republic ended after four years and two
months and the third republic was a still-birth.
However, longevity is not the only reason why
everyone is so interested in this election.
The major difference this time around is that for the
very first time since transition to civil rule in 1999, the
ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is facing its
stiffest opposition so far from our party the All
Progressives Congress (APC). We once had about 50
political parties, but with no real competition. Now
Nigeria is transitioning from a dominant party
system to a competitive electoral polity, which is a
major marker on the road to democratic
consolidation. As you know, peaceful alternation of
power through competitive elections have happened
in Ghana, Senegal, Malawi and Mauritius in recent
times. The prospects of democratic consolidation in
Africa will be further brightened when that eventually
happens in Nigeria.
But there are other reasons why Nigerians and the
whole world are intensely focussed on this year’s
elections, chief of which is that the elections are
holding in the shadow of huge security, economic
and social uncertainties in Africa’s most populous
country and largest economy. On insecurity, there is
a genuine cause for worry, both within and outside
Nigeria. Apart from the civil war era, at no other time
in our history has Nigeria been this insecure.
Boko Haram has sadly put Nigeria on the terrorism
map, killing more than 13,000 of our nationals,
displacing millions internally and externally, and at a
time holding on to portions of our territory the size
of Belgium. What has been consistently lacking is the
required leadership in our battle against insurgency.
I, as a retired general and a former head of state,
have always known about our soldiers: they are
capable, well trained, patriotic, brave and always
ready to do their duty in the service of our country.
You all can bear witness to the gallant role of our
military in Burma, the Democratic Republic of Congo,
Sierra Leone, Liberia, Darfur and in many other
peacekeeping operations in several parts of the
world. But in the matter of this insurgency, our
soldiers have neither received the necessary support
nor the required incentives to tackle this problem.
The government has also failed in any effort towards
a multi-dimensional response to this problem
leading to a situation in which we have now become
dependent on our neighbours to come to our rescue.
Let me assure you that if I am elected president, the
world will have no cause to worry about Nigeria as it
has had to recently; that Nigeria will return to its
stabilising role in West Africa; and that no inch of
Nigerian territory will ever be lost to the enemy
because we will pay special attention to the welfare
of our soldiers in and out of service, we will give
them adequate and modern arms and ammunitions
to work with, we will improve intelligence gathering
and border controls to choke Boko Haram’s financial
and equipment channels, we will be tough on
terrorism and tough on its root causes by initiating a
comprehensive economic development plan
promoting infrastructural development, job creation,
agriculture and industry in the affected areas. We will
always act on time and not allow problems to
irresponsibly fester, and I,
Muhammadu Buhari, will always lead from the front
and return Nigeria to its leadership role in regional
and international efforts to combat terrorism.
On the economy, the fall in prices of oil has brought
our economic and social stress into full relief. After
the rebasing exercise in April 2014, Nigeria overtook
South Africa as Africa’s largest economy. Our GDP is
now valued at $510 billion and our economy rated
26th in the world. Also on the bright side, inflation
has been kept at single digit for a while and our
economy has grown at an average of 7% for about a
decade.
But it is more of paper growth, a growth that, on
account of mismanagement, profligacy and
corruption, has not translated to human
development or shared prosperity. A development
economist once said three questions should be asked
about a country’s development: one, what is
happening to poverty? Two, what is happening to
unemployment? And three, what is happening to
inequality?
The answers to these questions in Nigeria show that
the current administration has created two
economies in one country, a sorry tale of two
nations: one economy for a few who have so much in
their tiny island of prosperity; and the other economy
for the many who have so little in their vast ocean of
misery.
Even by official figures, 33.1% of Nigerians live in
extreme poverty. That’s at almost 60 million, almost
the population of the United Kingdom. There is also
the unemployment crisis simmering beneath the
surface, ready to explode at the slightest stress, with
officially 23.9% of our adult population and almost
60% of our youth unemployed. We also have one of
the highest rates of inequalities in the world.
With all these, it is not surprising that our
performance on most governance and development
indicators (like Mo Ibrahim Index on African
Governance and UNDP’s Human Development Index.)
are unflattering. With fall in the prices of oil, which
accounts for more than 70% of government
revenues, and lack of savings from more than a
decade of oil boom, the poor will be
disproportionately impacted.
In the face of dwindling revenues, a good place to
start the repositioning of Nigeria’s economy is to
swiftly tackle two ills that have ballooned under the
present administration: waste and corruption. And in
doing this, I will, if elected, lead the way, with the
force of personal example.
On corruption, there will be no confusion as to where
I stand. Corruption will have no place and the corrupt
will not be appointed into my administration. First
and foremost, we will plug the holes in the budgetary
process. Revenue producing entities such as NNPC
and Customs and Excise will have one set of books
only. Their revenues will be publicly disclosed and
regularly audited. The institutions of state dedicated
to fighting corruption will be given independence and
prosecutorial authority without political interference.
But I must emphasise that any war waged on
corruption should not be misconstrued as settling
old scores or a witch-hunt. I’m running for President
to lead Nigeria to prosperity and not adversity.
In reforming the economy, we will use savings that
arise from blocking these leakages and the proceeds
recovered from corruption to fund our party’s social
investments programmes in education, health, and
safety nets such as free school meals for children,
emergency public works for unemployed youth and
pensions for the elderly.
As a progressive party, we must reform our political
economy to unleash the pent-up ingenuity and
productivity of the Nigerian people thus freeing them
from the curse of poverty. We will run a private
sector-led economy but maintain an active role for
government through strong regulatory oversight and
deliberate interventions and incentives to diversify
the base of our economy, strengthen productive
sectors, improve the productive capacities of our
people and create jobs for our teeming youths.
In short, we will run a functional economy driven by
a worldview that sees growth not as an end by itself,
but as a tool to create a society that works for all, rich
and poor alike. On March 28, Nigeria has a decision
to make. To vote for the continuity of failure or to
elect progressive change. I believe the people will
choose wisely.
In sum, I think that given its strategic importance,
Nigeria can trigger a wave of democratic
consolidation in Africa. But as a starting point we
need to get this critical election right by ensuring that
they go ahead, and depriving those who want to
scuttle it the benefit of derailing our fledgling
democracy. That way, we will all see democracy and
democratic consolidation as tools for solving
pressing problems in a sustainable way, not as ends
in themselves.
Prospects for Democratic Consolidation in Africa:
Nigeria’s Transition
Permit me to close this discussion on a personal
note. I have heard and read references to me as a
former dictator in many respected British
newspapers including the well regarded Economist.
Let me say without sounding defensive that
dictatorship goes with military rule, though some
might be less dictatorial than others. I take
responsibility for whatever happened under my
watch.
I cannot change the past. But I can change the
present and the future. So before you is a former
military ruler and a converted democrat who is ready
to operate under democratic norms and is subjecting
himself to the rigours of democratic elections for the
fourth time.
You may ask: why is he doing this? This is a question I
ask myself all the time too. And here is my humble
answer: because the work of making Nigeria great is
not yet done, because I still believe that change is
possible, this time through the ballot, and most
importantly, because I still have the capacity and the
passion to dream and work for a Nigeria that will be
respected again in the comity of nations and that all
Nigerians will be proud of.
I thank you for listening.

Nice talk.is that all?

Okay. I don hear.

Now haters, am waiting for what u gonna say, sick or not. GMB till GEJ accept d fact dat stealling is corruption.....GOD BLESS NIGERIA, GOD BLESS OUR PRESIDENT TO BE (GMB) and God bless our former president to be(GEJ)

hannysur8:

I have heard and read references to me as a
former dictator in many respected British
newspapers including the well regarded Economist.
Let me say without sounding defensive that
dictatorship goes with military rule, though some
might be less dictatorial than others. I take
responsibility for whatever happened under my
watch.
I cannot change the past. But I can change the
present and the future. So before you is a former
military ruler and a converted democrat who is ready
to operate under democratic norms and is subjecting
himself to the rigours of democratic elections for the
fourth time.

"Like him or hate him, am always thrilled when I see men ready to acknowledge that they are the Masters' of their destiny, to accept responsibility when they fail or succeed. "the gods will not do for men what men ought to do for themselves"

Pls I nid an interpreter

TheRealYemi:


"Like him or hate him, am always thrilled when I see men ready to acknowledge that they are the Masters' of their destiny, to accept responsibility when they fail or succeed. "the gods will not do for men what men ought to do for themselves"

...Words writen in GOLD.

Too long, can't read a useless speech. I know someone prepared the speech for him, what do you expect from an illiterate. Meanwhile GEJ till 2019. Those that hate's Jonathan should go and die. Those APC rascal can insult me but I know send.