ASUU STRIKE: One solution, numerous socio-economic cum political multiplier advantageous effects for the Nigerian state at large.
By Kay Aderibigbe
kayaderibigbe@aol.com
One unique characterization of higher educational system, more like a cultural identity, in Nigeria, since the beginning of the Second Republic, is strike action. Incessant strike action by teachers of our public higher institutions is a resultant effect of irresponsible and primordial mentalities of those at the helms of our political affairs.
Considering the meaning of ASUU, via its ordinary nomenclature might make it symbolizes a trade association that is vested with the task of propagating solely the interests of its professional members. But a delve into the historical appraisal of ASUU’s struggle, travails and eventual wins, would lend more credence to the fact that, the organization has in its DNA, more intrinsic elements of those pro-people bodies like: CDHR, CLO, NADECO and NLC, all put together. Since its formation in 1978, ASUU has stood up against any type of regime in defense of the people, society and education, as an inalienable right of an average person.
This piece could slightly be a long read. Kindly pardon the niceties that pervaded my harangue. I also plead for forgiveness in advance because I could sound offensive, confrontational or quite irritating to some people in some quarters. I chose the path of speaking the truth to power because, my generation, just like the ones ahead of us, is gradually becoming an archetype of the dismal failure expressive of the Nigerian state. I really don’t want to be identified as one of them, hence, my resolve to write again.
The last ASUU strike
The last ASUU strike lasted 252 days before it was eventually called off on Oct 14, 2022. Prior to the Court of Appeal’s ruling which upheld the decision of NICN – National Industrial Court of Nigeria, on the suspension of ASUU strike, there have been series of futile meetings/negotiations between ASUU and the ministry of education; the minister of education, Adamu Adamu; and the minister of labour and employment, Chris Ngige, who later borrowed a cue from Order 3, rule 6 of the TDA – Trade Dispute Act, cap T8. LFN 2004; to bundle ASUU into the Web of Industrial Court. The court has at its disposal, the instrument of Section 18(1) E of the TDA, to subdue every strike action. That is, . . . “employees cannot be on strike when their matter is before the Industrial Court”.
One then begins to wonder how a group of administrative inept who pervaded Buhari’s regime could cunningly dig up legal weapons against an association that has been beaten, defrauded and gang-raped time and time again, on the basis that it (ASUU) was trying to defend ‘education’ – the only value that is left of the carcass of the Nigerian state.
As it stand now, “there is no single agreement, written or verbal, between ASUU and the government before the last strike was called off” . . . (Prof. Emmanuel Osodeke, Monday 22 nd of Aug, 2022). Invariably, it was an act of display of good faith and sympathy for the teeming students of public universities that propelled ASUU to have acted honourably.
On Oct 5, 2022, the Federal Government had went ahead to announce the birth of two new academic unions – NAMDA (National Association of Medical and Dental Academics), and CONUA (Congress Of Nigerian University Academics). Edmund Burke, in 1756, said “only those who don’t know history are doomed to repeat it”. This type of shenanigans of infiltrating and dividing ASUU has been done in the past by Babangida and Abacha, yet, it failed woefully.
A historiography of ASUU’s struggle
Apart from the resistance by ASUU on the erosion of the disciplinary powers of the school governing councils, early days of ASUU’s emergence was quite less-tumultuous. For the sake students of politics, history enthusiasts and the new reactionary set of youths that are craving political change in the recent times, I think it is imperative that we throw more light on why ASUU usually embark on strike action in order to drive home their demands.
A better way to accurately capture the beginning of the serial impasse between ASUU and the federal government could be traced to 1981, when ASUU tabled before the Shagari’s government, what they called “the five disturbing issues”: (i) university funding, (ii) proper salary, (iii) autonomy, (iv) academic freedom and (v) the issue of brain drain. Mr. Shehu Shagari, the then president, responded by taking away the accreditation of university courses from seasoned professionals and gave the role to NUC – Nigerian University Commission. Another veritable issue was the ASUU’s national conference of 1984, and subsequently, its paper titled “How to Save Nigeria”. The same Muhammadu Buhari was the Head of federal military government in 1984, when an unreasonable and economically retarding policy was in place, then, called “austerity measure”.
A gradual disengagement of the state from certain essential services was the dynamo that triggered ASUU to write out solutions to the government-invented problems which later caused chaos in all aspects of national lives for Nigerians. Buhari was dethroned by Babangida, through a palace coup on Aug 27, 1985, and the new regime inherited an economic upheaval which made the government to opt for privatization policy.
ASUU kicked against privatization and instead, propagated solutions on economic planning, development, industrialization, agriculture, debt servicing, labour laws and taxation. Against ASUU’s erudition and the hue and cries of the general public concerning the IMF loan, Babangida, went ahead to impose SAP – Structural Adjustment Programme, on Nigerians in 1986. The policy brought an unprecedented hardship on the general populace. The negative economic effects became obviously telling on the government as well, because, the Elongated University Salary Scale (EUSS) of ASUU could not be implemented. As a result of SAP, intellectuals started jetting out of the country (brain drain). Many people lost their jobs. Naira was agonizingly devalued. Inflation rose astronomically and life became unbearable for the majority, most especially, salary earners.
ASUU went on strike in protest against the policy and the military government banned ASUU as an association on Aug 7, 1988. The then education minister Prof. Jubril Aminu, following the instructions of his pay masters, ordered the arrest of Dr. Attahiru Jega, and Dr. Festus Iyayi, both of them being the then present and past presidents of ASUU. In fact, their international passports were taken from them while they remained in detention. The strike broke down due to military highhandedness, but ASUU members continued to meet under the aegis of ULA (University Lecturers Association), in order to speak out on the dangers of Nigeria’s downward economic trend.
By 1990 ASUU got back its status as a legally recognized association. The lecturers requested audience with the government. The first negotiation under Senas Ukpanah, broke down on the 30th of May 1991. The second negotiation was unilaterally dictated by the military government. The same government failed to honour its own words. ASUU replied with a strike action. Consequently ASUU was banned for the second time by IBB on Aug 23, 1992.
Every concerned Nigerian was on ASUU’s side once again because the arbitrary method of the military schemers was quite glaring. Public shame prompted IBB to pocket his pride and eventually sought negotiation with the same ASUU that had been outlawed. That very point/meeting was the genesis of ASUU’s monumental request, from the government, of a time-tabled, revitalization/developmental fund. In those days, though, lecturers suffered a great deal, but education as a project won the battle. The power of collective bargaining spoke volume. Most importantly, the entire civilian populace became socially cognizant of the fact that, democracy is still achievable despite the indomitable posture of the military institution then.
The Sept 3rd, 1992 Agreement was not honoured by the Abacha’s government when he came to power, partly because ASUU identified with majority of Nigerians who asked for the de-annulment of June 12, 1993 presidential election. Even, when ASUU’s request was streamlined to merely professional issues, Abacha still refused to reckon. Salaries were stopped. Vice Chancellors were financially induced to set up classes just in order to paint a wrong picture of ASUU. The six months strike was unilaterally ended by ASUU in response to the yearnings of the public.
Abacha’s education minister, Dr. Ibrahim .T. Linan, stirred up another negotiation table under Prof. Umaru Shahu, taking into account, the ‘peculiarities for setting up negotiation’, propounded through Sam Cookey’s commission. The federal military government handcuffed ASUU with the introduction of fees in our public schools, but ASUU rejected the idea. What later followed was a grand victimization of ASUU’s national executive committee members all over the country.
Almost all the ASUU leaders were removed from their positions by the NUC without trial. They all remained out of the system until, chief Olaiya Oni, the education minister under Gen. Abdulsalam, facilitated their reinstatement; along with those that were dismissed in 1996, through the application of Decree 17, of 1984. The minister was able to do this by obeying an Enugu High Court order that had been pronounced on the matter years before.
Gen. Abdulsalam did not tinker with ASUU nor fiddle with any of the pre-existing agreements. It would have been quite desultory if he did. This is because of the planned transient nature of his regime.
Obasanjo came to power in May 1999, as a civilian government with high hope on peoples’ minds that our education would be saved from the miasma of political despair. Chief P.C Asiodu enthusiastically chaired a committee that was set up by the government in order to deliberate on those issues listed in ASUU’s previous agreement. Dr. Assisi Asobie, ASUU’s president, laid bare everything at the meeting on Oct 26th, 1999. The government team went incommunicado, and did not return to the negotiation table until Aug 28th, 2000, when Baba Ayo Adebanjo, was commissioned by the government to finalize with ASUU on those issues that ought to have been settled.