₦airaland Forum

Explosive Debate Erupts Over Nigeria’s Tax Reform Bills: Are Families Facing Unjust Taxation?

The controversy surrounding Nigeria’s ambitious tax reform bills reached a fever pitch this week following an emphatic denial by Taiwo Oyedele, Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms. Oyedele issued a detailed explainer, quelling rumours of the reintroduction of inheritance tax—a fiscal measure abolished in Nigeria nearly three decades ago. His clarification, however, has sparked heated debates, raising questions about the broader implications of the proposed tax reforms on family income and collective wealth.

At the heart of this issue is a provision in Section 4(3) of the Nigeria Tax Bill, which opponents claim could serve as a backdoor to reinstate inheritance tax. Oyedele categorically dismissed these allegations, describing them as a misinterpretation of the bill. “There is no such provision contained in the tax reform bills, either directly or indirectly,” he stated firmly, highlighting that inheritance tax was scrapped in 1996 when the Capital Transfer Tax Decree was repealed. But are these reassurances sufficient to address growing public skepticism?

Inheritance Tax Claims: Myth or Reality?

For many Nigerians, inheritance tax evokes deep-seated fears of government intrusion into family wealth. The mere suggestion of its revival has drawn sharp criticism from citizens and experts alike, fuelling conspiracy theories about covert government agendas to extract more revenue from citizens under the guise of reform.

Oyedele, however, sought to clarify the distinction between inheritance and the contentious provision under Section 4(3). He explained that inheritance is a one-time wealth transfer, either as a gift during a giver’s lifetime or posthumously, and not subject to recurring taxation. In contrast, the bill addresses “family income,” defined as recurrent income generated collectively by a group and therefore taxable under existing laws.

While Oyedele’s explanation is rooted in existing tax legislation, critics argue that the provision’s ambiguous language could pave the way for arbitrary interpretations. The bill’s detractors contend that without explicit safeguards, this clause could lead to undue taxation of family wealth under the guise of taxing shared income.

Decoding Section 4(3): Family Income Versus Inheritance

The contentious Section 4(3) reads:
“Income of a family recognised under any law or custom in Nigeria as family income in which the several interests of individual members of the family cannot be separately determined.”

Oyedele noted that this provision aligns with the Personal Income Tax Act (PITA) of 2004, which already imposes taxes on collective income earned by families, communities, or partnerships. He added that such clauses are standard in income tax laws globally to ensure equity and prevent exploitation of legal loopholes.

Yet, the provision’s inclusion in the tax reform bills raises several questions. Is it a mere replication of existing laws, or does it signal an expansion of government reach into traditionally untaxed areas? Moreover, why has this issue garnered heightened attention now, decades after similar clauses were embedded in PITA?

Tax experts argue that the timing of this provision’s prominence suggests an attempt to broaden the tax net amid Nigeria’s fiscal challenges. With the government under immense pressure to boost revenue and address burgeoning deficits, measures targeting untapped income streams appear inevitable. However, critics warn that such steps could disproportionately burden lower-income households and small-scale family enterprises.

A Necessary Provision or A Veil for Broader Taxation?

Oyedele defended Section 4(3) as a practical necessity to close potential loopholes. “If an individual earns income, they will be taxed accordingly. Where a group earns a taxable income, it cannot be exempted just because they operate as a group. Equity demands that such income be taxed, whether collectively or individually,” he asserted.

This argument underscores the principles of fairness and uniformity in taxation but also exposes a potential vulnerability: the risk of overreach. Critics contend that the provision’s vague phrasing could invite arbitrary assessments, especially in a country where tax administration is riddled with inefficiencies and corruption. The lack of clarity about how family income will be identified and calculated further exacerbates these concerns, leaving room for misapplication.

The discourse surrounding the tax bills thus reveals deeper anxieties about the Nigerian government’s fiscal priorities. As the nation grapples with dwindling oil revenues and growing socio-economic inequality, the push for comprehensive tax reforms is both timely and fraught with challenges.

Taiwo Oyedele’s clarification has provided a semblance of clarity but has also opened a Pandora’s box of broader issues. The debate over inheritance tax may be a red herring, but it underscores the public’s mistrust of government intentions. As the discourse unfolds, it is evident that the success of Nigeria’s tax reforms will hinge on transparent communication, robust safeguards, and inclusive dialogue with stakeholders.

CONTINUE READING: Discover the truth behind Nigeria's controversial tax reform bills as experts debunk inheritance tax myths and unravel the implications of family income taxation. Explore the heated debates, systemic flaws, and cultural dilemmas shaping the nation’s fiscal future. https://atlanticpostng.com/explosive-debate-erupts-over-nigerias-tax-reform-bills-are-families-facing-unjust-taxation/

The sudden emergence of the Lakurawa terrorist group has sent ripples of fear and anxiety through Nigeria and its neighbouring countries, Chad and Niger. This group, with roots tracing back to the conflict-laden Sahel, has established itself as a formidable security threat. Their initial infiltration into Nigeria has exploited systemic vulnerabilities such as porous borders, inadequate local enforcement, and a history of neglect in rural regions. Now, the collaborative efforts of Nigeria and its neighbours mark a turning point in addressing these threats.

The Nigerian Defence Headquarters (DHQ), in conjunction with the militaries of Chad and Niger, has embarked on a high-stakes mission to dismantle the Lakurawa group’s influence. These joint military operations are aimed at tightening border controls, securing vulnerable communities, and disrupting the group’s activities. The stakes could not be higher; failure to contain this threat risks emboldening terrorist elements across West Africa, where insurgency movements like Boko Haram and ISWAP have already devastated communities.

A History of Neglect and the Rise of Lakurawa

Lakurawa is not an entirely new phenomenon. The group’s ideological and operational framework stems from Jama’atu Muslimina, a Mali-based network notorious for its extremist doctrines. Their penetration into Nigeria, particularly through Sokoto and Kebbi States, has revealed a calculated strategy: exploiting local grievances, leveraging hunger, and filling governance gaps with their form of extremist order.

According to Dr. Murtala Rufa’i, a researcher at Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, the group had been laying the groundwork for its caliphate for over 25 years. This timeline underscores the deep-seated failure of successive governments to recognise and neutralise brewing threats. The Lakurawa group’s leader, Ahmadu Kofa, whose ancestors hailed from the old Kebbi Empire, symbolises a troubling nexus between historical ties and modern-day terrorism. His ability to command loyalty among disillusioned locals further highlights the pervasive socio-economic discontent fuelling extremism.

In 2020, a concerted effort by security forces temporarily dislodged Lakurawa. However, their resurgence in December 2023, coinciding with regional instability following a coup in Niger, underscores the transnational nature of the threat. Their operations are no longer confined to Nigeria; the group’s network stretches into Mali, Niger Republic, and other Sahelian nations, drawing strength from shared ideologies and ungoverned spaces.

Porous Borders: A Catalyst for Chaos

One of the most glaring challenges in containing the Lakurawa menace is Nigeria’s notoriously porous borders. Stretching across vast, unmonitored terrains, these borders have become highways for illicit activities, from smuggling to terrorism. Security experts in Sokoto State emphasise that regions like Illela, Gudu, Tangaza, and Gada, which share boundaries with Niger Republic, are particularly vulnerable.

“The borders are so weak that it becomes almost impossible to differentiate between local communities and foreign infiltrators,” a security analyst revealed. This porosity has allowed the Lakurawa group to move freely, establish camps, and execute their operations with minimal resistance. Moreover, their use of local languages like Hausa, Fulfulde, and Arabic has enabled them to blend seamlessly with indigenous populations, making detection even more challenging.

The Sokoto State Government has voiced its frustration over the limited capacity of federal security agencies to address these vulnerabilities. Calls for the Sokoto Community Guard Corps to play a more active role have grown louder, yet the scope of their resources and training remains insufficient for tackling such a sophisticated threat.

The Human Cost of Neglect

Communities in Sokoto and Kebbi States have borne the brunt of the Lakurawa insurgency. From cattle theft to the imposition of taxes, the group’s activities have disrupted livelihoods and deepened poverty. While their initial strategy of avoiding violence seemed to placate locals, the recent attack in Mera, which left 17 residents dead, shattered any illusions of coexistence.

The emotional toll on affected communities is immeasurable. A local leader in Tangaza described the group’s methods: “They count the number of cattle you own and calculate their tax. If you refuse, they threaten to seize everything.” This tactic not only impoverishes families but also erodes trust in the government’s ability to protect its citizens.

Compounding the problem is the group’s strategic provision of financial aid, farm inputs, and pumping machines to lure vulnerable populations. Hunger and desperation have driven some to join Lakurawa, highlighting the socio-economic dimension of the crisis.

Joint Military Operations: A Ray of Hope?

In response to the escalating threat, the Federal Government has pledged to deploy additional military personnel to the region. The DHQ’s announcement of joint patrols with Chad and Niger is a significant step, but the effectiveness of these measures remains to be seen.

Major-General Edward Buba, Director of Defence Media Operations, expressed confidence in the collaborative strategy, stating, “Joint patrols are essential in blocking the gaps that these groups exploit.” However, critics argue that without addressing the underlying socio-economic issues and strengthening border security infrastructure, such measures may only offer temporary relief.

As the military ramps up its operations, the question remains: can Nigeria and its allies finally turn the tide against Lakurawa, or will this crisis spiral into yet another protracted conflict?

Continue reading: https://atlanticpostng.com/lakurawa-insurgents-nigerias-security-crisis-and-the-path-to-stability/

NNPCL’s N8.4 Trillion Scandal Rocks Nigeria: House Probes Shocking Allegations of Oil Sector Fraud Under Tinubu’s Watch

The Shadowy Nexus of NNPCL’s Financial Black Hole and Nigeria’s Economic Quagmire

In a drama that exposes the precarious underbelly of Nigeria’s fiscal landscape, the House of Representatives has directed a full-scale investigation into the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) over an eye-popping N8.48 trillion allegedly withheld under the guise of petrol subsidies. This unfolding saga also extends to the startling revelation by the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI), which claims that the NNPCL failed to remit a staggering $2 billion (N3.6 trillion) in taxes owed to the Federal Government.

This development has once again thrust NNPCL into the eye of a storm—a storm that could shake the foundations of Nigeria’s fragile economy. As lawmakers sharpen their claws and probe deeper into what many are now describing as the greatest heist in Nigeria’s petroleum sector, the fate of the nation’s fiscal stability hangs in the balance. With the House Committees on Finance and Petroleum (Upstream and Downstream) at the helm of this investigation, the stakes have never been higher.

A Deep Dive into the N8.48 Trillion Mystery

At the heart of this unfolding drama lies the contentious N8.48 trillion subsidy claim by NNPCL—a claim that has raised more questions than answers. How could such a colossal sum vanish under the radar, hidden behind the opaque veil of "under-recovery" from petrol sales? Between 2020 and 2023, a period marred by economic turbulence and a global pandemic, Nigerians struggled under the weight of escalating fuel prices and an ailing economy. Yet, behind closed doors, NNPCL allegedly siphoned off trillions in what it called subsidy payments.

The term "under-recovery" has become a euphemism for a systemic fleecing of public funds in Nigeria. For years, NNPCL has wielded the under-recovery card as a tool to mask financial irregularities, shield corrupt practices, and divert funds meant for national development. This investigation, therefore, is not merely a probe into missing trillions—it is a referendum on the culture of impunity that has plagued Nigeria's oil industry for decades.

In a country where the majority of the population lives below the poverty line, the revelation of such financial hemorrhage is not just scandalous—it is criminal. The Nigerian people have a right to demand accountability. They have a right to know how NNPCL, a government-owned entity, could withhold such an astronomical sum without triggering alarms in the corridors of power.

The NEITI Bombshell: Unpaid Taxes and Unfulfilled Obligations

Compounding the controversy is the NEITI report, which lays bare another layer of financial malfeasance by NNPCL. According to NEITI, NNPCL owes the Federal Government a jaw-dropping $2 billion in unremitted taxes. This revelation not only underscores the company’s blatant disregard for fiscal responsibility but also highlights the weak regulatory oversight that has allowed such anomalies to fester.

Taxes are the lifeblood of any nation, and in Nigeria—a country grappling with a ballooning debt profile and a yawning budget deficit—the failure of NNPCL to remit taxes is a betrayal of national trust. It is a betrayal that has far-reaching implications for the country’s development agenda. How can a government plan for infrastructure development, social welfare, and economic diversification when its primary revenue-generating agency is bleeding it dry?

The NEITI report is a damning indictment of NNPCL's corporate governance. It raises fundamental questions about transparency, accountability, and the rule of law in Nigeria’s oil sector. More importantly, it exposes the complicity of regulatory agencies that have turned a blind eye to the company’s financial recklessness.

Legislative Fireworks: The House of Representatives Steps In

The Nigerian House of Representatives, sensing the gravity of the situation, has stepped in with a mandate to uncover the truth. In a rare display of bipartisan consensus, lawmakers have vowed to leave no stone unturned in their quest to unravel the mystery behind the missing trillions. The committees tasked with this investigation have been given the unenviable task of sifting through years of financial records, subsidy claims, and tax filings.

Presiding over the session, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu underscored the importance of the investigation, describing it as a litmus test for the integrity of Nigeria’s democratic institutions. “This is not just an investigation,” Kalu declared. “It is a fight for the soul of our nation’s economy.”

However, the road ahead is fraught with challenges. The NNPCL is a behemoth with deep political connections and a long history of evading scrutiny. For years, the company has operated as a state within a state, immune to oversight and accountability. The question on everyone’s lips is: Will this investigation break the cycle of impunity, or will it be another exercise in futility?

CONTINUE READING: https://atlanticpostng.com/nnpcls-n8-4-trillion-scandal-rocks-nigeria-house-probes-shocking-allegations-of-oil-sector-fraud-under-tinubus-watch/

The Great Port Harcourt Refinery Deception: Host Community Secretary Blows the Lid Off NNPCL’s Illusionary Resumption

The long-dormant Port Harcourt Refinery, a symbol of Nigeria’s turbulent oil and gas sector, was recently resurrected amid widespread fanfare. The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) announced with great pride the refinery’s rebirth, claiming a triumphant return to refining operations after years of inactivity. According to NNPCL’s corporate communication arm, the refinery, recently upgraded with modern equipment, resumed operations at a commendable 70% of its installed capacity.

On paper, it appeared as though the long-suffering Nigerian populace could finally breathe a sigh of relief, as this development was expected to alleviate the crippling fuel scarcity that has gripped the nation for years. With promises of 200 trucks of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) or petrol to be released daily into the market, the refinery’s reactivation was heralded as a significant milestone in Nigeria’s quest for energy self-sufficiency.

However, in what can only be described as a scandalous exposé, the Secretary of Alesa community stakeholders, Mr. Timothy Mgbere, has dismantled the carefully curated narrative being peddled by the NNPCL. Speaking during a live interview on Arise TV, Mgbere revealed the bitter truth: the much-celebrated resumption of the Port Harcourt Refinery was nothing more than a staged spectacle—a “party” designed to deceive Nigerians.

According to Mgbere, the products loaded during the grand reopening were not freshly refined outputs from a newly rejuvenated refinery but old stock that had languished in storage tanks for over three years. “What happened on Tuesday was just a mere show at the Port Harcourt depot,” Mgbere declared, his voice laced with frustration and disappointment. “The refinery, which we call Area Five—the old complex—is merely in skeletal operation.”

The Phantom of Production: NNPCL’s Dubious Claims

Contrary to the NNPCL’s assertion that the refinery is producing 1.4 million litres of PMS per day, Mgbere categorically refuted such claims. “It’s a very big… I don’t want to use the word lie, but as an agency holding the oil industry on trust for Nigerians, they shouldn’t put out information that is not true,” he said, carefully choosing his words but making his disdain unmistakably clear.

The discrepancy between NNPCL’s public statements and the reality on the ground paints a grim picture of an industry plagued by misinformation, bureaucratic pressure, and public deception. Mgbere revealed that top executives of the NNPCL, including the Group Managing Director (GMD) and the CEO of the refinery, were under immense pressure to stage the event and showcase a semblance of operational success. “The GMD and other MDs were in Port Harcourt since Monday. The MD of the Port Harcourt refinery and those heading the operations department didn’t sleep through the night of Monday to Tuesday because of this whole event,” Mgbere disclosed.

The event, touted as a celebration of Nigeria’s industrial revival, was instead a carefully orchestrated charade. The six trucks dispatched from the refinery on Tuesday were loaded not with fresh output but with outdated petroleum products from a storage facility connected to the old refinery complex.

A Staged Ceremony at a Non-Functional Refinery

Mgbere’s revelations expose a critical aspect of the refinery’s operations that NNPCL conveniently omitted from its public announcements. He explained that the loading gantry used during the ceremony was part of the new refinery complex, which is not yet operational. “The party they had on Tuesday was held at the new loading gantry directly connected to the new refinery. How does that work? It is impossible,” Mgbere emphasised, his tone a mix of incredulity and anger.

He further elaborated that the storage facility servicing the old refinery had remnants of petroleum products that had been sitting idle for years. “They went there because the storage facility for the old refinery had some stock—old stock that has been there for over three years,” Mgbere explained. In a damning indictment of NNPCL’s integrity, he asserted that the six trucks loaded were merely for show, intended to give the impression of a fully functional refinery when, in reality, only a fraction of the facility’s units are operational.

NNPCL’s False Narrative: A Disservice to Nigerians

Mgbere’s revelations are not just a critique of NNPCL’s operations but a damning indictment of the Nigerian government’s handling of the oil and gas sector. For a nation that has long suffered from fuel scarcity, poor infrastructure, and rampant corruption in its energy sector, the false narrative propagated by NNPCL is a cruel joke on the Nigerian people.

By staging a grand reopening ceremony and disseminating misleading information about the refinery’s capacity and output, NNPCL has done a great disservice to the Nigerian populace. The promise of 200 trucks of petrol being released daily into the market has raised public expectations, only to dash them against the harsh reality of a refinery that is far from being fully operational.

Mgbere’s call for transparency and honesty from NNPCL is not just a plea for truth but a demand for accountability. “Let it be on record that it was only six trucks that they used to calibrate the new loading gantry. The product was not a new refined product from the old refinery,” he said, urging Nigerians to question the narratives being fed to them by those in positions of power.

As the Nigerian public begins to process these shocking revelations, the question on everyone’s mind is clear: Why did NNPCL go to such lengths to stage this spectacle? Was it a desperate attempt to salvage its reputation, or is there a deeper, more insidious agenda at play?

The False Dawn of the Port Harcourt Refinery: Economic and Political Ramifications

The revelations surrounding the purported reopening of the Port Harcourt Refinery have sent shockwaves through Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, raising critical questions about the management of the nation’s most valuable resource. For years, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) has been tasked with steering the country’s energy policies, overseeing refinery operations, and ensuring a steady supply of petroleum products to the market. However, the controversy now engulfing the Port Harcourt Refinery exposes a deep rot within the corporation, one that threatens to erode public trust and exacerbate Nigeria’s already precarious economic situation.

Timothy Mgbere’s bombshell accusations of staged production and misinformation by NNPCL highlight a troubling trend: the use of public relations stunts to mask systemic inefficiencies and operational failures. For a nation that ranks as Africa’s largest oil producer, the inability to refine its crude domestically has long been a national embarrassment. The Port Harcourt Refinery, once a beacon of industrial might, had been dormant for years, leaving Nigeria heavily reliant on fuel imports despite sitting atop vast reserves of crude oil.

When NNPCL announced the refinery’s resumption, it was more than just a technical milestone; it was a symbol of hope for millions of Nigerians grappling with the economic burden of fuel scarcity and exorbitant prices. But the truth, as exposed by Mgbere, is a sobering reminder that Nigeria’s energy sector remains plagued by mismanagement, corruption, and a lack of transparency.

A False Economic Revival: The Cost of Deception

At the heart of this controversy lies a critical question: What are the economic implications of NNPCL’s deceit? The corporation’s claim that the refinery is operating at 70% capacity and releasing 200 trucks of petrol daily raised expectations of a significant reduction in fuel prices and a boost to the local economy. In reality, however, the meagre dispatch of six trucks on the refinery’s opening day reveals a starkly different picture.

This discrepancy has direct consequences for Nigeria’s economy. Fuel scarcity remains a persistent issue, driving up transportation costs, inflating the prices of goods and services, and straining household budgets. The promise of increased domestic refining capacity was supposed to alleviate these pressures, but with the Port Harcourt Refinery still largely non-functional, the anticipated economic relief remains a distant dream.

Moreover, the false narrative propagated by NNPCL undermines investor confidence in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector. The rehabilitation of the Port Harcourt Refinery, reportedly undertaken at a cost of over $1.5 billion, was intended to signal to both local and international investors that Nigeria was serious about revitalising its energy infrastructure. However, the exposure of NNPCL’s deceptive practices raises serious doubts about the corporation’s credibility and the viability of future investment in the sector.

The Political Fallout: A Government Under Siege

The political ramifications of the Port Harcourt Refinery scandal cannot be overstated. For the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, which has been grappling with widespread public discontent over economic hardships and governance issues, this controversy represents yet another challenge to its legitimacy.

Tinubu’s government, much like its predecessors, has faced intense criticism for its handling of the oil and gas sector. The promise to revamp Nigeria’s refineries and reduce dependence on fuel imports was a cornerstone of the administration’s economic policy. The Port Harcourt Refinery’s reopening was supposed to be a key achievement in this regard, a tangible demonstration of the government’s commitment to delivering on its promises.

However, the unfolding scandal threatens to undermine this narrative, casting doubt on the government’s ability to effectively manage the country’s energy resources. Opposition parties and civil society organisations have already begun to seize on the controversy, calling for a thorough investigation into NNPCL’s operations and the true state of the Port Harcourt Refinery.

In a scathing statement, the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) described the refinery’s reopening as “a shameless charade” and accused the government of “misleading Nigerians with false claims of progress while the reality on the ground tells a different story.” The party further called for the resignation of top NNPCL executives, including the Group Managing Director, for their role in perpetuating the deception.

CONTINUE READING: https://atlanticpostng.com/the-great-port-harcourt-refinery-deception-host-community-secretary-blows-the-lid-off-nnpcls-illusionary-resumption/

Untangling the Eastern Nigeria Liberation campaign from the “Biafra Restoration” albatross

By Tony Nnadi

During the Q&A session at a recent Virtual Town Hall, a zealous “Biafra Restoration” activist who also happened to be a University Teacher in the United States, was invited to explain to the audience, in precise terms, the exact meaning of the “Biafra Restoration” he had been campaigning about for some years.

Specifically,
(1) He was asked to explain to the audience the Exact Geographical Description of the Territory (ie Map) of the Biafra being restored.

(1) He was asked to name the Ethnic Nationalities included in the “Biafra”’Territory covered by his Map.

(3) He was asked to describe the Goal of the Campaign in clear terms without using the phrase “Biafra Restoration”

The fellow struggled for about five minutes, unable to provide concise answers any of these three Specifics.

It dawned on him that despite being a University Teacher, he could not meaningfully describe the Campaign he was waging for years, in terms of Exact Territory, People(s) covered and Goal because everything he tried to say brought out embarrassing gaps in the descriptions he was trying to advance.

By this little exercise, it dawned on him that he had all these years erroneously lumped these three items together together in the word “Biafra” thereby creating an extraordinary kind of confusion.

Then we went on to unbundle the three items and so he immediately realized:

(i)That the use of the Term “Biafra” in describing the Territory over which he seeks independence, throws up the controversy as to whether it is the Biafra Territory of May 30, 1967 or whether the Territory has shrunk to the East Central State of May 27, 1967 or expanded to include parts or the whole of Midwest Region/State of May 27, 1967.

It therefore dawned on him that a clear Territorial description of his prospective “Biafra” was necessary.

(ii) That the use of the Term “Biafrans” to describe the People Seeking the Independence also leaves everything in Controversy as to the actual People or Peoples (ie Ethnic Nationalities) seeking Independence via the “Biafra Restoration” Campaign.

It dawned on him that “Biafrans” cannot be the clear description of the People(s) involved in the search for Independence in Eastern Nigeria.

(iii) That the use of the word “Biafra” to describe the Goal of the Campaign instead of Self-Determination, for instance also throws up the same controversies as in (i)&(ii) above.

When these three items were unbundled, it became clear to the fellow that the grave error of using “Biafra” to describe the Territory, the People and the Goal was the biggest albatross to the Liberation Campaign they were trying to wage because it immediately surrounds the Liberation Campaign with such irresolvable controversies that operates like a huge albatross on the Liberation Campaign, and this is a most potent recipe for the failure of the entire Liberation Project, both for the Greater Eastern Nigeria and the entire NINAS Alliance Territories of the South and Middle-Belt... CONTINUE READING: https://atlanticpostng.com/untangling-the-eastern-nigeria-liberation-campaign-from-the-biafra-restoration-albatross/

Untangling the Eastern Nigeria Liberation campaign from the “Biafra Restoration” albatross

By Tony Nnadi

During the Q&A session at a recent Virtual Town Hall, a zealous “Biafra Restoration” activist who also happened to be a University Teacher in the United States, was invited to explain to the audience, in precise terms, the exact meaning of the “Biafra Restoration” he had been campaigning about for some years.

Specifically,
(1) He was asked to explain to the audience the Exact Geographical Description of the Territory (ie Map) of the Biafra being restored.

(1) He was asked to name the Ethnic Nationalities included in the “Biafra”’Territory covered by his Map.

(3) He was asked to describe the Goal of the Campaign in clear terms without using the phrase “Biafra Restoration”

The fellow struggled for about five minutes, unable to provide concise answers any of these three Specifics.

It dawned on him that despite being a University Teacher, he could not meaningfully describe the Campaign he was waging for years, in terms of Exact Territory, People(s) covered and Goal because everything he tried to say brought out embarrassing gaps in the descriptions he was trying to advance.

By this little exercise, it dawned on him that he had all these years erroneously lumped these three items together together in the word “Biafra” thereby creating an extraordinary kind of confusion.

Then we went on to unbundle the three items and so he immediately realized:

(i)That the use of the Term “Biafra” in describing the Territory over which he seeks independence, throws up the controversy as to whether it is the Biafra Territory of May 30, 1967 or whether the Territory has shrunk to the East Central State of May 27, 1967 or expanded to include parts or the whole of Midwest Region/State of May 27, 1967.

It therefore dawned on him that a clear Territorial description of his prospective “Biafra” was necessary.

(ii) That the use of the Term “Biafrans” to describe the People Seeking the Independence also leaves everything in Controversy as to the actual People or Peoples (ie Ethnic Nationalities) seeking Independence via the “Biafra Restoration” Campaign.

It dawned on him that “Biafrans” cannot be the clear description of the People(s) involved in the search for Independence in Eastern Nigeria.

(iii) That the use of the word “Biafra” to describe the Goal of the Campaign instead of Self-Determination, for instance also throws up the same controversies as in (i)&(ii) above.

When these three items were unbundled, it became clear to the fellow that the grave error of using “Biafra” to describe the Territory, the People and the Goal was the biggest albatross to the Liberation Campaign they were trying to wage because it immediately surrounds the Liberation Campaign with such irresolvable controversies that operates like a huge albatross on the Liberation Campaign, and this is a most potent recipe for the failure of the entire Liberation Project, both for the Greater Eastern Nigeria and the entire NINAS Alliance Territories of the South and Middle-Belt... CONTINUE READING: https://atlanticpostng.com/untangling-the-eastern-nigeria-liberation-campaign-from-the-biafra-restoration-albatross/

Extraordinary summit on Guinea coup: Nigeria, ECOWAS reach the following key decisions

Determined to ensure a prompt return of democratic rule to Guinea after the recent military coup, Nigeria has called on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to insist on a short transition programme that will usher in a new civilian government in that country.

Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, SAN, stated this yesterday while representing President Muhammadu Buhari at the Extraordinary Summit of the Authority of Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS member-states on the political situation in the Republics of Guinea and Mali, which held in Accra, Ghana.

And indeed according to the communique issued at the end of the extraordinary summit, ECOWAS leaders have resolved to freeze the financial assets of members of the military junta, place a travel ban on them, while also demanding that the junta return Guinea to constitutional rule within six months.

It would be recalled that at the last summit of ECOWAS leaders which held virtually on September 8, Nigeria, also represented by VP Osinbajo, condemned the coup de‘tat in Guinea, calling for an unconditional release of President Alpha Conde, and for stringent measures on Guinea’s military junta.

Speaking at the Accra summit, Prof. Osinbajo restated Nigeria’s position, urging for the unconditional release of President Condé and calling for more pressure to be put on the country’s military leaders to return the nation to democratic rule.

According to the Vice President, “it is also important that ECOWAS should simply insist that there should be an immediate return to civil rule.”

Calling for more stringent measures to be taken by the sub-regional body, Prof. Osinbajo said “we must make sure that sanctions by ECOWAS achieve the intended objectives.

The Vice President restated the call to engage global bodies and Africa’s development partners in taking steps to prevent such unconstitutional change of government in countries on the continent.

He said: “in this connection, I think we should engage all well-meaning stakeholders including the Africa Union, European Union, United Nations, developmental partners, and financial institutions to join in taking more stringent measures by imposing travel bans and freezing of offshore financial assets of the coupists and their collaborators to ensure that they do return the country to democracy immediately.” Continue reading: https://atlanticpostng.com/extraordinary-summit-on-guinea-coup-nigeria-ecowas-reach-the-following-key-decisions/

In the Atlantic Post Opinion Section, Christie Obiaruko Ndukwe writes: "This big developing story is coming just 24 hours after President Jonathan's media aide had dismissed the rumored defection of his boss to the APC, in preparation to fly the latter's flag in the 2023 Presidential election. Is there not a cause?"

Just like a flash of lightning and the sound of the thunder, the media space was buzzing with the news of Femi Fani-Kayode’s defection to the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, thereby ending weeks of speculations and rumors that he intends to abandon the opposition ship, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP.

The man popularly known as FFK or Mr Short fuse left doubters gasping for air as he made his way to the Government in power, thereby confirming the popular slogan used to describe people who easily switch from their position to the Government of the day-Any Government in Power, AGIP. Though, I for once, never considered this one ‘defection too many’ an impossibility, having followed political events in Nigeria and working closely with professional politicians for almost three decades now.

Yes, in my twenties, I was already aligned with the likes of Chief Joe Nwodo, Chief Arthur Nwankwo, Dr Idi Farouk, Ambassador Dele Cole, Senator Chuba Okadigbo and several others. Aside from this, my father was a strong executive member of the defunct NCNC and had very strong ties with Chief CC Onoh of NPN, yet, he stayed strong with the rival NPP. He never betrayed his convictions as a Zikist and by extension a member of NPP, which was an opposition party to his friend’s, CC Onoh. That’s the extent of what many consider integrity in politics, but all that is no longer fashionable as politicians dump friendship and brotherhood for immediate gratification. And guess what, it pays and is still paying off.

Those who engage in such double-crossing have the penchant for double-speaking as they try not hard to justify their actions without batting an eyelid. That is the Nigerian politics which has been characterized by no ideologies but personal interest!
Continue reading: https://atlanticpostng.com/opinion-fani-kayode-footsteps-of-the-forerunner/

One of the reasons why the last President lost the election was because Nigerians were not happy with the way they handled the security situation in the Northeast. While a lot of successes were recorded in the twilight of the administration, with lots of territories regained, this came a bit too late.

The then opposition latched in on this, and made it a campaign issue. In fielding a Presidential candidate, they brought out a retired General and former Head of State, who’s quite familiar with the Northeast terrain, having been a former military Governor. He promised the electorates that he’ll lead from the front. The electorates bought this, and he won the elections, and was sworn in May 29th, 2015.

Three years on, has he delivered on this key promise of tackling insecurity? It depends on your source of information. According to the Government Spokesmen, the battle has been won many times over; albeit on the pages of newspapers. On the ground, the stories before us show a scary situation. Even with blazing bombs and guns, they claim they’ve defeated the sect “technically”. Let’s look at the facts before us.

THE NORTHEAST

As stated earlier, this administration inherited a surge in operation by our men of the armed forces. The Boko Haram fighters were being pushed back into the Sambissa. While there appeared to be a relapse in the early days of this administration, probably due to gaps in personnel change, they soon regained control and sustained the momentum. From reports read, Boko Haram fighters were indeed pushed back; but only for a while… READ MORE: https://atlanticpostng.com/editorial-nigeria-and-the-growing-insecurity/

Editorial | N216bn NNPC’s extra-legislative expenditure on fuel subsidy treasonably corrupt

Nigeria’s state oil company, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) paid N216 billion ($707.4 million) in fuel subsidies in 2017 illegally, according to a Senate probe report released on Thursday.

The country’s upper legislative house confirmed in the probe report that NNPC made the payment without proper authorization and didn’t seek their approval. They therefore ordered a halt with immediate effect to further expenditure of any sort on fuel subsidies.

Fuel subsidies have been a source of huge fraud and official corruption in Nigeria for many years. Outraged by NNPC’s arbitrariness and the quantum of funds that get siphoned in the process, the Jonathan administration decided to end the bogus fuel subsidy programme in 2012.

It was however met by a vehement resistance in the form of #OccupyNigeria. The initial message of the resistance was noble. It called on government to retain but sanitize the programme; including, prosecute all those who have abused it.

Sadly, the campaign, many analysts believe was swiftly hijacked by opposition politicians and replaced by fully sponsored flamboyant rallies calling for regime change. They would later ride on the back of that to power in 2015.

Consequently, the fuel subsidy programme became retained.

However, government subsidy on fuel has become the single biggest threat to public expenditure in Africa’s largest economy, going by this new Senate probe revelation. And something has to be done about it.

Excitingly, the Buhari administration on ascension to power in 2015 promised to reform the subsidy programme and end official corruption in Nigeria. But all that seem like a mirage now, with promises gone with the winds. Continue reading:
https://atlanticpostng.com/editorial-n216bn-nnpcs-extra-legislative-expenditure-on-fuel-subsidy-treasonably-corrupt/

Perspective | The Importance of Strengthening State Economic Management Systems – by Atiku Abubakar

Being an address delivered by His Excellency, Atiku Abubakar, Vice President of Nigeria 1999-2007 at the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) on Wednesday April 25, 2018.
Protocol:
I thank the Royal Institute of International Affairs for giving me this platform to speak to such a distinguished audience. I specifically want to thank Dr. Alex Vines for inviting me to give this address.

I particularly want to thank Nigerian nationals who are present here today. Your love for Nigeria is evident in that you have left your regular pursuits to be here to interact with lovers of Nigeria on issues that, if implemented, will lead to the progress of Nigeria. Your presence inspires me.

To friends of Nigeria here present, I appreciate your friendship and it is my strong desire that our collective wish to see Nigeria fulfill her potentials are realized in the not so distant future.

I am a widely traveled man, and everywhere I visit around the world, there is agreement that Nigeria has the potential to make that leap from third world to first that Singapore, under Lee Kuan Yew, made. We have the human and material resources required to make the leap and in fact, many of our nationals have helped other nations make that transition.

And it is not that we have not made progress, after all, within a decade we were able to move from being the third largest economy in Africa to being the largest bar none.

Yet, there is still that consensus that we are not meeting up with our potential and all things considered, that verdict is true.

The question becomes why is Nigeria not living up to the promise of her potentials?

More specifically, why are we saddled with a heavy and almost unsustainable debt burden twelve years after President Olusegun Obasanjo and I provided the leadership that paid off Nigeria’s entire foreign debt of $32 billion in one fell swoop? Continue reading:
https://atlanticpostng.com/perspective-the-importance-of-strengthening-state-economic-management-systems-by-atiku-abubakar/

The House of Representatives plenary became a rowdy session this morning over calls for impeachment of President Muhammadu Buhari by a member of the Peoples Democratic Party, Kingsley Chinda.

The row was over the payment of $496 million to the United States Government by the Buhari administration for the much needed 12 Super Tucano fighter jets.

It followed the reading of President Buhari’s letter to the House of Representatives, by Speaker Yakubu Dogara.

Members of the both chambers of the National Assembly have been spoiling for a fight over the payment, which they contended was done in breach of the constitution.

The Pentagon last year August notified the U.S. Congress of the sale to Nigeria of the 12 Super Tucano A-29 planes and weapons worth $593 million, needed for the fight against the militant group, Boko Haram.

The package included thousands of bombs and rockets.

The sale was originally agreed by former President Barack Obama’s administration but was put off by the Obama administration after incidents including the Nigerian Air Force’s bombing of a refugee camp in January that killed 90 to 170 civilians.

But on 2 August, the deadlock was broken by the Pentagon’s Defense Security Cooperation Agency, when it announced that the sale would go ahead. READ MORE:
https://atlanticpostng.com/rowdy-session-in-house-of-reps-over-calls-for-buharis-impeachment/

It’s amazing how the Presidential Media handlers of the failed APC government are falling over themselves in their collective convoluted bid to manage the monumental disaster created by the unguarded, ridiculous, offensive and outright scandalous remark by Nigeria’s President, Muhammad Buhari describing us, the youth population, as being lazy.

The attempt to torpedo the embarrassment that the boomeranging remark is having on the very foundation of the government with a seemingly milder “he meant the majority, not all” excuse, is itself a very shoddy self-indicting attempt to manage the crisis that has remarkably escalated beyond control.

The Presidential media handlers ought reasonably to know that by their acknowledgment of majority, the overwhelming collective is implied; and in politics the overwhelming collective implies the overriding majority, which in fact is ALL.

Take for instance the fact that I didn’t vote Buhari for the now obvious reasons, but it is on record that Nigerians elected Buhari because the majority did.

Reports do not necessarily have to hold that majority of Nigerians elected Buhari but that Nigerians did, which includes me, because the overwhelming collective was the overriding majority over my choice.

It is therefore laughable with annoyance that Buhari’s media handlers do not appreciate the simple fact that he condemned all Nigerian Youths as being lazy, which itself is an untrue and reckless statement.

Going by the latest statistics provided by the CIA World Factbook updated on January 20, 2018, the population of Nigeria is 190,632,261 out of which the youth population is over half. But let’s accept an equal half, which is 95,316,130.5. This is the demography of those the President offended and debased on the international stage. Thankfully, this is the demography that has risen to ensure that these offensive and embarrassing presidential foreign gaffes, too many, are never repeated in our history... READ MORE:

https://atlanticpostng.com/perspective-the-presidential-gaffe-why-majority-implies-all-by-oraye-st-franklin/

Perspective | “Electoral shutdown inside 2018 is inevitable if we truly wish to end our enslavement under 1999 Constitution; Abort the 2019 Elections for your own good”

The title to this post is a quote taken from a comment in a Forum where the discussants were examining the options open to the Peoples of Nigeria, entrapped in a Union of Death and Attrition, foisted by the Caliphate-Imposed, Fraudulent Master-Servant Constitution of Nigeria, 1999.

This is a most Logical Summation of facts and and a most brilliant deployment of Logic on the subject of Fulani guile, and what the rest us, particularly in the South and Middle Belt should do, in Self-Redemption.

First is to reckon that the Caliphate-Imposed “1999 Constitution” to which the winner of any Election in 2019 will Swear Allegiance and by which he/she Will Govern, is the very instrument by which the Caliphate Legitimize the Enslavement of the rest of Nigeria.

Many here would not know that this Constitution was commissioned in 1975 by the “Butcher of Asaba” himself, Murtala Mohammed, shortly after he overthrew his comrade-in-crime, Yakubu Gowon.

Armed with a well Script developed in London and Ratified between Sokoto and Kano, the goal was to Codify and Make Permanent for the Caliphate, the gains of Victory in the War against Biafra.

With practically a blank cheque for his fees, Murtala Mohammed, engaged Chief Rotimi Williams, SAN (Timi the Law), to raise a Draft Constitution from the Clear, written Instructions Mohammed had handed him.

Chief Williams went in search of Legal Expert he could trust with such a sensitive and delicate assignment, to help him craft the Draft as that was not at all Chief Williams’ turf in all the Law he professed and practiced.

The first port of call was to Prince Tanimose Bankole-Oki, SAN his close contemporary of many years (they actually went to England same season to study Law, but Bankole-Oki, a Citizen of the then Lagos Colony, unlike Chief Williams, was by that status as also British Citizen, once in UK and so came under the obligation to be Drafted to World War II duties for which reason Chief Williams qualified two years ahead of him). READ MORE:
https://atlanticpostng.com/perspective-electoral-shutdown-inside-2018-is-inevitable-if-we-truly-wish-to-end-our-enslavement-under-1999-constitution-abort-the-2019-elections-for-your-own-good/

The invasion of the hallowed chambers of the Senate on Wednesday while the Distinguished were in session, was dramatic but not unexpected. We are lucky that the invaders were not out to physically attack the Senators, otherwise, there might have been some casualties amongst them more so when the hoodlums walked in the midst of the Senators and even came face to face with the presiding officer. Given the amount of time it took the thugs to force their way into the chambers, fighting those at the entrance, snatching the mace and making their get-away, the National Assembly (NASS)complex should have been locked down. That it was not, is symptomatic of the low level of security in the country. There were even no security cameras and video surveillance systems that captured the brigands arrival and escape from the Assembly complex. None in the streets to show their escape route.

The successful attack on the Senate, was no wake-up call; if legislators were to awaken, they would have done so over the years when state legislators were being physically attacked and even sacked by thugs. Thugs on August 1, 2017 invaded the Kogi State House of Assembly while in session, beat the legislators and locked up the complex without security forces lifting a finger not to talk about arresting even one of the over 100 hoodlums. The same legislators were physically attacked in their official quarters, beaten and forced out without the perpetuators who were identified, being brought to book. In the same state, five minority legislators were allowed to sack fifteen majority legislators without the any repercussion.

Far back November, 2006, five legislators out of the 24 in the Plateau State House of Assembly impeached then Governor Joshua Dariye, and the NASS which knew that the constitution provides for a minimum two thirds to impeach the governor, looked the other away. It did not think it was a sacrilegious offence for which it should have shut-down in protest or strived to bring perpetrators to book. That illegality like some others such as the January, 2006 impeachment of Governor Rasheed Ladoja, were fully bagged by the Federal Government. Once the NASS as an institution, condoned illegalities against legislators, invasion, and the misuse of State Assemblies to violate the constitution, they should expect that such brigandage can spread to its hallowed chambers.

So the real insecurity we face in the country is not the breach of the NASS security even if it be termed ‘treason’ the real insecurity is the almost daily massacre of Nigerians by highly mobile brigands who target our rural and semi-urban regions and food producing areas. From April 14-15, they massacred 32 Tiv villagers across the Southern Senatorial district of Nasarawa State. Despite an estimated 15,000 fleeing victims flooding the streets of the state capital, Lafia, the Police Command on the third day of the attacks still claimed ignorance. Yet the Police was expected to have prevented such massacres in the first place or be the first respondents... READ MORE:
https://atlanticpostng.com/perspective-snoring-while-the-roof-is-on-fire-by-owei-lakemfa/

Diaspora Nigerians wired $22 billion home in 2017, an African record and the fifth largest remittance by immigrants, according to the World Bank.

Egypt received $20 billion from its citizens abroad, according to figures published by the bank today.

The World Bank said payments from immigrants back to their home countries rebounded to reach a new record in 2017 but the costs of transferring funds also increased.

The stronger-than-expected recovery in remittances — payments that are key to supporting the economies of many poor countries — was driven by growth in Europe, Russia and the United States, the World Bank said in a report.

The bank estimates that officially recorded remittances to low- and middle-income countries reached $466 billion in 2017, an increase of 8.5 percent over $429 billion in 2016. They are expected to increase by about four percent this year.

Remittance inflows improved in all regions. The top remittance recipients were India with $69 billion, followed by China ($64 billion), the Philippines ($33 billion), Mexico ($31 billion),

Nigeria and Egypt followed.

The global average cost of sending $200 was 7.1 percent in the first quarter of 2018, and sub-Saharan Africa remains the most expensive place to send money to, where the average cost is 9.4 percent.

“While remittances are growing, countries, institutions, and development agencies must continue to chip away at high costs of remitting so that families receive more of the money,” said Dilip Ratha, lead author of the report.

The bank calls on countries to take steps to simplify the process to reduce the costs, including “introducing more efficient technology.”

By region, Europe and Central Asia saw the biggest growth last year, jumping 21 percent, while Sub-Saharan Africa rose 11 percent... For more, visit:
https://atlanticpostng.com/see-how-much-world-bank-said-diaspora-nigerians-sent-home-in-2017/

By Akanimo Sampson

NIGERIA is entering her election year, 2019, deeply immersed in a multi-dimensional crisis. For some well-meaning citizens and pro-people organisations, restructuring the country’s twisted federalism holds the key to resolving the problematic national question. They may be right.

But, restructuring for restructuring sake may just be a mere palliative magic bullet. The killing spree of the herdsmen wing of the Boko Haram, tends to be raising more questions than the answers coming from the corridors of power. The pattern of repressing agitating ethnic groups and religious sects in Nigeria is still raising concerns around the world. The continued reduction of the peoples of the Niger Delta to a thing, and the despoiliation of their environment is calling for an entirely new concept of power politics as 2019 approaches.

For instance, regardless of the political parties and their presidential and National Assembly electoral candidates, the question the political sovereigns of the Niger Delta should seek answer to is, why should the oil-bearing states not be shareholders in the oil companies? But for a systemic oppression is there any specific constitutional provision that bars the oil-bearing states from being shareholders with the Federal Government and the oil corporations in the petroleum industry?

While marketing his programmes as the presidential candidate of the progressive-looking All Progressives Congress (APC), Muhammadu Buhari, a military general, cajoled the electorate into believing that in Nigeria under his watch as President it will not be business as usual. He vociferously promised the citizenry Change. But three years after earthquake electoral victory, President Buhari like Olusegun Obasanjo before him, is not open to to real change. Like Obasanjo, he is even denying the Niger Delta participation in the oil business.

From the way the militocratic leaders have been running their administrations since 1999, it is perhaps now obvious that there is nothing called ‘power sharing’ because the concept of power for those who know better, is misconceived. They argued that it is misconceived because the ingredients of power cannot be disaggregated and are not disaggregatable.

Arguably, the three elements of power in Nigeria since the abortion of military dictatorship are not the traditional three arms of government: the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary. Based on what we saw during the Obasanjo administration with him as Petroleum Resources Minister, a tradition Buhari is keeping, the three arms of government are subordinate to the relationship between these three variables: Who Controls Oil, Who Controls the Armed Security Forces and Who Controls the Centre? Knowing these is critical to understanding of the post-military era new politics.

Arising from this seeming reality, political leaders of the oil-bearing states should press to elevate the ownership of oil to one of the three domains of power, just as the leadership of the Armed Forces and the leadership of the Presidency. For those who are debating the issue of who would be President in 2019 and after in the tradition of power sharing or shift, it appears there is need to change the debate by introducing new concepts into their discourse.

Major Oil Governors like Udom Emmanuel of Akwa Ibom State, Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa, Ifeanyi Okowa of Delta, and Nyesom Wike of Rivers should at this point appreciate that the Politics of Oil is equally as volatile as the politics of the armed security forces and the politics of power sharing/shift. By now it shouls be obvious that there is nothing to share under Nigerian politics. Power analysts and politicians tend to unduly focus attention on the sharing of the power in the Presidency. Sadly, the constitution under the Presidential System does not provide a room for a shared power in the Executive. The constitution clearly says that ‘the Executive Power shall be vested in the President’. It makes no provision for sharing with any other bodies or organs in the Executive arm... Continue reading:
https://atlanticpostng.com/restructuring-nigeria-2019-oil-politics-and-need-for-new-concepts-of-power/

By Akanimo Sampson

THERE are growing concerns at the moment within the Legislative arm of the Nigerian government over continued constitutional breaches by President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration that came into power in May 2015, promising to depart from such vices.

The House of Representatives is presently not comfortable with some of the alleged constitutional breaches.

Before now, Chief Mike Ahamba, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, had said that the deployment of troops in ‘peace time’ by President Buhari and former president, Olusegun Obasanjo were in breach of the 1999 Constitution.

Senator Anietie Okon had expressed worries that the basic points that sustain Nigeria as one unified nation are being in danger by Buhari’s approach to ruling, saying even in the attempt to people his administration, what we have had is a clear breach of the Constitution.

“The very foundations of this country are very clear. The foundations demand a recognition of the differences that have ensured the emergence of a country and it is unacceptable where you fail to recognize the federal character of our make up as a country. This is not only condemnable but poses real danger for the future of this country. In a nutshell, President Buhari is operating in breach of the constitution, he is in breach of the Nigerian Constitution by the way and manner he is approaching governance and that is an impeachable offense.”

Similarly, the International Society for Civil Liberties and the Rule of Law equally denounced President Buhari, alleging 60 constitutional sins and breaches which they divided into Electoral Sins & Breaches, Political Sins & Breaches, Judicial Sins & Interferences, Economic Policy Sins & Blunders and Security & Safety Policy Sins & Blunders.

According to the group, these sins and breaches are all contrary to or in gross breaches of the relevant provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 and its subsidiary laws of the federation including relevant international rights treaties entered into by Nigeria through the instruments of ratification or domestication.

They referred to them as constitutional sins because they violate the spirit of the Constitution and constitutional breaches because they violate the letters of the Constitution.

For the Speaker of the House of Representatives Yakubu Dogara, while the legislative arm of government recognise the need to tackle the problem of corruption with renewed vigour in our society, as we fully subscribe to the dictates of the Constitution which enjoins the State to ‘abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power’ Section 15(5), ‘’we must, however, be conscious of doing things and implementing our laws in such ways and manner that will portray us as a democratic society conscious of the Rule of Law and Fundamental human rights... Continue reading:
https://atlanticpostng.com/nigeria-fresh-concerns-in-parliament-over-constitutional-breaches-by-buhari/

The Nigerian President, General Muhammadu Buhari while speaking at the Commonwealth Business Forum in London disparagingly stated that Nigerian youths were uneducated, lazy and wanting everything given to them for free. This statement caused an outrage among Nigerians back home and in diaspora, majority of whom are highly educated but suffocated by a retrogressive system that rewards mediocrity and denigrates merit and excellence.

Below are some of their highly cerebral responses in the social media.

Gregory Onokwai, a Chemical Engineer and Sales Executive responded aptly on his Facebook wall thus:

“Even the laziest Nigerian youth would have increased 150 cows to 151 at 2015 and 152 by 2019.”

Continue reading: https://atlanticpostng.com/see-reactions-of-nigerians-to-buharis-disparaging-statement-against-nigerian-youths/

The Nigerian President, General Muhammadu Buhari while speaking in a forum in London disparagingly stated that Nigerian youths were uneducated, lazy and wanting everything given to them for free. This statement caused an outrage among Nigerians back home and in diaspora, majority of whom are highly educated but suffocated by a retrogressive system that rewards mediocrity and denigrates merit and excellence.

Below are some of their highly cerebral responses in the social media.

Former President of Ijaw Youth Council, Worldwide, Miabiye Kuromiema, in his Facebook post, questioned the educational history and literacy of the Nigerian President. Continue reading:

https://atlanticpostng.com/see-reactions-of-nigerians-to-buharis-disparaging-statement-against-nigerian-youths/

Miguel Diaz-Canel was elected to succeed Raul Castro as Cuba’s new president at a plenary session of the National Assembly on Thursday.

The 57-year-old is a member of the Politburo of the ruling Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) and held the chair of the first secretary of the PCC in the provinces of Villa Clara and Holguin.

Raul Castro, the 86-year-old current president of the country, announced last year that he will step down in 2018 due to health issues. For the first time, the island country has a non “Castro” member as the president in nearly 60 years.

The elections system and its generational change

Cuba holds its election in every five years. The process starts with election of municipal representatives and ends with the election of the president.

In November last year, residents cast their ballots, choosing representatives in municipal assemblies and on March 11, a new parliament – the National Assembly of People’s Power with 605 parliamentary seats – has been elected through votes of eight million Cubans. Continue reading:
https://atlanticpostng.com/miguel-diaz-canel-succeeds-raul-castro-as-cubas-new-president/

Just yesterday, my appointment as the Director, Strategic Communications of President Muhammadu Buhari Campaign Organisation was made public. In that capacity, I would be the Official Spokesperson of the President’s campaigns for the 2019 Presidential Election.

Let me put it on record that I was indeed consulted before the announcement. Upon the offer, I wholeheartedly and proudly accepted the challenge to do this for the good of my country and for posterity. For in President Buhari I have found an approximation of the lofty values I cherish and have fought for all my life.

I know millions of Nigerians have never seen me in the mould of partisan politics. This is because for the past two and half decades, I have been under intense public scrutiny while engaging successive governments (military and civilian) in the most critical way possible. The public has also watched me grow steadily all the way from that young, restless lawyer to the exalted position of a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). In the process of my restless and relentless engagements of the authorities, I have been hounded, arrested, detained, paraded like a criminal, charged and discharged from courts severally, but remain unbowed. Hence, some of us have been branded as “radicals” and seen as completely apolitical.

However, the ultimate aim of every struggle is not really to enthrone a perfect, flawless system. Only the starry-eyed, younger ones think such is possible. That is Utopia. Rather, the ultimate aim of the struggle is to enthrone a government (yes, even with the normal human flaws) that is focused, determined and fiercely opposed to the unscrupulous wheeler-dealers in the society, committed to protecting the interests of the down-trodden, the weak and vulnerable. Continue reading:
https://atlanticpostng.com/perspective-why-i-speak-for-buhari-by-festus-keyamo/

The aim here is to summarise my current position on the question of geopolitical restructuring of Nigeria. I say “current” because as far as I can remember, I started thinking seriously – and then debating and writing – about restructuring from 1986 as a member of the Political Bureau. Today, 32 years later, I am still thinking and writing on the subject. The present piece is implicitly a draft memo on this important political subject to the Nigerian Left. And, for the avoidance of doubt, the category “Nigerian Left” means the aggregate of socialism and popular democracy in Nigeria today.

What I consider my current aggregate position on restructuring of Nigeria is constituted by several propositions articulated and refined over a fairly long period of time. For the purpose of this piece the propositions can be grouped under the following five broad headings: The impossibility of purely ethnic separation; Redeployment and redistribution of national resources; Levels of exercise of power and responsibility; Principles of triple balancing; and Popular- democratic restructuring at a glance. The propositions are not of the same status. Some of them are issues which the Nigerian Left should struggle to have inserted in the Constitution of Nigeria and others are those that the Left should insert in its programmes, manifestoes and occasional platforms. I shall now take the groups of propositions one after the other.

A little over 20 years ago, on December 3, 1997, when General Sani Abacha was still in power, I attended and contributed to a seminar organised in Calabar by the Cross River State Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ). The seminar was one of NUJ’s contributions to Abacha’s transition programme after the collapse of Babangida’s experiment. I was asked to speak on the theme “The ethnicity syndrome: How it affects the development of Cross River State.” In the preamble to my contribution I said: “If a 100kg bag of beans and a 100kg bag of rice are mixed, it will be possible, with patience and perseverance, for a school boy or school girl to separate the grains.” I then went on to say that it would be easier for that unfortunate young person to perform the feat than for any political authority or forces to separate Nigeria into pure ethnic components!

Two years later, on November 4, 1999, my piece, Impossibility of (pure) ethnic separation appeared in my column in The Guardian. The article was essentially a review of the late Chief Anthony Enahoro’s proposition on restructuring the federation. But simultaneously the article appeared as a re-statement of my December 3, 1997 proposition. I shall in future return to Chief Enahoro and, in doing so, touch on the coincidence of my position and his on some aspects of geopolitical restructuring. This coincidence led to a series of private meetings between the late nationalist, democrat and federalist and myself in Lagos and Benin between 1992 and 2002.

Read more...
https://atlanticpostng.com/restructuring-propositions-summarised-by-edwin-madunagu/

I’m not sure it’s possible to justify my liaisons with married men, but what I learned from having them warrants discussion. Not between the wives and me, though I would be interested to hear their side. No, this discussion should happen between wives and husbands, annually, the way we inspect the tire tread on the family car to avoid accidents.

A few years ago, while living in London, I dated married men for companionship while I processed the grief of being newly divorced. I hadn’t sought out married men specifically. When I created a profile on Tinder and OkCupid, saying I was looking for no-strings-attached encounters, plenty of single men messaged me and I got together with several of them. But many married men messaged me too.

After being married for 23 years, I wanted sex but not a relationship. This is dicey because you can’t always control emotional attachments when body chemicals mix, but with the married men I guessed that the fact that they had wives, children and mortgages would keep them from going overboard with their affections. And I was right. They didn’t get overly attached, and neither did I. We were safe bets for each other.

I was careful about the men I met. I wanted to make sure they had no interest in leaving their wives or otherwise threatening all they had built together. In a couple of cases, the men I met were married to women who had become disabled and could no longer be sexual, but the husbands remained devoted to them.

All told I communicated with maybe a dozen men during that time in my life, and had sex with fewer than half. Others I texted or talked with, which sometimes felt nearly as intimate.

Before I met each man I would ask: “Why are you doing this?” I wanted assurance that all he desired was sex.

Read more:
https://atlanticpostng.com/what-sleeping-with-married-men-taught-me-about-infidelity-by-karin-jones/

Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Ezenwo Wike has raised the alarm over a plot by the Federal Government and her agents to frame him up by planting illegal items on him in any of his trips outside the shores of Nigeria, and have him quizzed and embarrassed by foreign security agencies.
Continue reading: https://atlanticpostng.com/wike-raises-the-alarm-fg-plans-to-frame-me-give-me-the-alamieseigha-treatment/

Issuing multiple lists of supposed looters of Nigeria’s treasury is the new political game in town. Nigerians now wake up one morning to be confronted with a list of supposed “looters”, crafted by the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), only to be confronted the next morning with another list of supposed “looters”, authored by the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The entire nation is consequently thrust into a “You be thief! I no be thief! You be robber! I no be robber!” macabre dance. Hopefully, due royalties would accrue to the estate of the late Afro Beat legend, Fela Anikulapo Kuti, the originator of the accompanying song. And all of these indignities in the 21st century, when the leadership of even midget countries like North Korea is striving to match the political sophistication of global powers; yet, a continental power, and one of the world’s most populous nations, could field a leadership class that gleefully indulges in guttersnipe attitudes, as a variant of electioneering campaign? Nigerians should be very, very concerned.

Read more: https://atlanticpostng.com/perspective-you-be-thief-i-no-be-thief/

The National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Mr Uche Secondus, has dragged the Minister of Information and Culture, Mr Lai Mohammed, to court for defamation of character.

A media aide to the PDP National Chairman, Ike Abonyi, revealed this in a statement on Friday.

Mr Mohammed had mentioned Mr Secondus in the list of those who allegedly looted the nation’s treasury, alleging that the PDP National Chairman collected received N200million from the former National Security Adviser (NSA).

In his reaction, Secondus had through his lawyer, Mr Emeka Etiaba, denied collecting any money from the former NSA.

He had consequently asked the minister to immediately retract his name on the list and demanded a public apology and payment of N1.5b damages within 48 hours.

Read more:
https://atlanticpostng.com/breaking-alleged-looters-list-secondus-sues-lai-mohammed-demands-n1-5bn-damages/

Senator Shehu Sani (APC, Kaduna Central) has come down heavily on President Muhammadu Buhari’s approval of $1billion for the Nigerian military.

The vocal senator questioned the strategic security logic of the decision.

The implication of this is that the opposition to President Buhari’s purported unilateral approval of a whooping $1billion military fund has assumed a bi-partisan dimension and it may after all have become unpopular.

Read more: https://atlanticpostng.com/apc-senator-comes-down-heavily-on-buharis-1billion-military-fund/