₦airaland Forum

Emirate Airlines.
Sofitel Hotel
The Wheat Bakers.
Sheraton Hotels

is this not the same Ahmad Salkida, an expert in Boko Haram ideology that has proffer solution to Boko Haram.

The force is definitely not with MTN. Despite the fact they are still struggling to pay a negotiated fine of $3.9 billion slammed on them by the Nigerian Communication Commission (NCC) for failing to disconnect subscribers with unregistered SIM cards.

The Cameroonian governemnt fined MTN $160 million yesterday in a move that might demoralize them. The fine, which was incurred for failure to pay taxes on games and gambling services, was equally extended to other telecommunications firm, including Orange and other companies. This came off the heels of an investigation into the sector, leading to a total fine of $283 million, that included Camtel and Viettel which were also in violation of the regulations.

In the report written by CONAC , the Cameroonian anti corruption commission, MTN and Orange were also accused of not paying taxes on their money transfer system, known as Mobile Money.
The Nigerian Communication Commission (NCC) had in October 2015, issued a landmark fine of ₦1.04 trillion against MTN Nigeria, but MTN in counter moves initiated legal proceedings against the NCC.
With the fines hitting from back to back, these are definitely not good times for the giant telecommunications provider.


https://techpoint.ng/2016/01/21/mtn-cameroon-fine/

and

..

Jwonder:
I want to buy from Aliexpress, this is my first time, I need a good shipping company that can help me buy and deliver it to me here in Lagos.

Please buy from a local cobler and patronise Naija Product..#WORK4NAIRANOTAGAINSTIT#

Mod...This article is not only for businness but rather it majorly for policy maker, why move it from politic forum to businness forum?

Do we agree with Rick Rowden Position?

[b]Summary Of his Article..

1) Africa’s growth would not be real, lasting, or beneficial for its people until it was based on industrialization rather than exporting raw commodities.

2) Bulk of Africa export commodities are raw material rather than finish good, thus signifying that we are unable to translate the farm labour to industrial workforce.

3) Oil and commodity prices are plunging, China’s purchases(which form the bulk of Africa purchases) are slowing, and GDP growth rates across the continent are in steep decline.

4) Africa has had difficulty industrializing because its leaders drank the Kool-Aid of free markets and free trade proffered by the World Bank, the IMF, and the best university economics departments over the last 30 years.

5) In Africa, industrial policies often failed because they were focused inward on small domestic markets. Companies were often given support based on corruption or nepotism, rather than their efficiency.

6) If industrial policy is making a comeback, its not likely to be so easy for those in Africa. Many African countries have foolishly signed on to World Trade Organization rules that have clearly restricted their “policy space” for using such policies.

7) Finally, African leaders who are serious about pursuing industrialization will have to back-track, renegotiate, and re-design their previous international trade commitments, and refuse to sign new ones that put them at a disadvantage.[/b]

CC: Lalasticala, Jarus, TonyeBarcarnista.

By Rick Rowden.

Africa’s plight is reflected by developments in its two leading economies, Nigeria and South Africa, which together account for 55 percent of the 48 sub-Saharan African nations’ GDP, and which have both been particularly hard hit by falling mineral and oil prices.


In recent years, economists and popular publications alike have argued that Africa was on the threshold of an economic boom. Pointing to a decade of high growth and increased foreign investment, this argument held that the continent was finally on track to leave its long years of poverty and under-development behind. Some even said that Africa could become the next global economic powerhouse, following in the footsteps of East Asia.

This view never went entirely unchallenged, of course. In 2013 I argued that Africa’s growth would not be real, lasting, or beneficial for its people until it was based on industrialization rather than exporting raw commodities. Rather than focusing on the hype of mobile phones and African billionaires, I urged advocates of the “Africa Rising” argument to look at some basic development indicators: Was manufacturing increasing as a percentage of GDP? Were the goods African countries exported becoming more valuable — finished products rather than raw materials? In 2011, a U.N. report looked into these very questions, and found that most African countries are either stagnating or moving backwards when it comes to industrialization, quite unlike the East Asian experience.

Today, I’m sorry to say, it looks like the skeptics were right.Today, I’m sorry to say, it looks like the skeptics were right. Oil and commodity prices are plunging, China’s purchases are slowing, and GDP growth rates across the continent are in steep decline. Reflecting these trends, the IMF has cut its 2015 projection for growth in sub-Saharan Africa from 4.5 to 3.75 percent, concluding that the decade-long commodity cycle that had raised African export revenues “seems to have come to an end.” With a population boom on the horizon, experts now worry about how the continent will produce enough jobs for its people.

Africa’s plight is reflected by developments in its two leading economies, Nigeria and South Africa, which together account for 55 percent of the 48 sub-Saharan African nations’ GDP, and which have both been particularly hard hit by falling mineral and oil prices. Nigeria’s growth rate has slumped to 2.4 percent in the second quarter, the slowest pace in at least five years, while South Africa’s economy contracted by an annualized 1.3 percent as power shortages curbed output. The fall in commodities prices has hit other oil producers, too, such as Angola and Ghana, while Zambia, the continent’s second-biggest copper producer, has suffered as copper prices have plunged to a six-year low.

Without the commodities boom, the actual failure of Africa’s development has now been laid bare. In November, the Economist finally came around, noting with sudden distress that “many African countries are de-industrializing while they are still poor, raising the worrying prospect that they will miss out on the chance to grow rich by shifting workers from farms to higher-paying factory jobs.” But like most free market champions, it got it wrong when analyzing why Africa has not been industrializing, citing the conventional lack of the “basics” — infrastructure, skills and institutions.

In fact, Africa has had difficulty industrializing because its leaders drank the Kool-Aid of free markets and free trade proffered by the World Bank, the IMF, and the best university economics departments over the last 30 years. Of particular harm has been the insistence that African countries forswear the use of industrial policies such as temporary trade protection, subsidized credit, preferential taxes, and publically supported R&. As a result, African countries have abandoned these key tools, which they could have used to build up their domestic manufacturing sectors.

Free market advocates told African countries that such “state intervention” in the economy usually does more harm than good, because governments shouldn’t be in the business of trying to “pick winners,” and that this is best left to the market. Africans were told to simply privatize, liberalize, deregulate, and get the so-called economic fundamentals right.Africans were told to simply privatize, liberalize, deregulate, and get the so-called economic fundamentals right. The free market would take care of the rest.

But this advice neglects the actual history of how rich countries themselves have effectively used industrial policies for 400 years, beginning with the U.K. and Europe and ending with the “four tigers” of East Asia and China. This inconvenient history contradicted free market maxims and so has been largely stripped from the economics curriculum in most universities. By now, two or three generations of students have unlearned it.

To be fair, critics of industrial policies were correct to cite some historical cases where the policies had badly misfired in developing countries, particularly in Africa and Latin America in the 1960s and 70s. But these critics were often selective in their criticisms, ignoring successful cases and neglecting to explain why they worked so well in the United States, Europe and East Asia while failing so badly in Africa and elsewhere. In Africa and Latin America, industrial policies often failed because they were focused inward on small domestic markets. Companies were often given support based on corruption or nepotism, rather than their efficiency. On the other hand, the successful East Asian countries focused on international markets, and they instilled discipline in companies by cutting off support to those which failed to improve. But this says more about how to do industrial policy — not whether it should be done.

But a strange thing happened in the wake of the 2008 financial crash and global economic slowdown: industrial policies have made somewhat of a comeback. Harvard’s Dani Rodrik said, “industrial policy is back.” In 2010 even the Economist could not ignore “the global revival of industrial policy.” Both the U.S. and the EU have adopted new industrial policies in recent years, and even in Canada industrial policy “need not be taboo,” according to a public policy think tank. The London School of Economics’ Robert Wade noted that, by the way, industrial policy never really went away in the rich countries, even if the U.S. refuses to acknowledge its own federal programs such as the Defense Advanced Research Project Agency (DARPA), the National Institutes of Health (NIH), or the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), as “industrial policy.”

Africans, too, have taken notice. Recent annual meetings of African finance and development ministers, the African Union, and the U.N. Economic Commission on Africa have been raising the issue in a high-profile way. The ECA has begun promoting what it calls “smart protectionism,” suggesting that trade policy in Africa should be “highly selective,” with special treatment for certain sectors to advance national development goals.

But if industrial policy is making a comeback, its not likely to be so easy for those in Africa.But if industrial policy is making a comeback, its not likely to be so easy for those in Africa. Many African countries have foolishly signed on to World Trade Organization rules that have clearly restricted their “policy space” for using such policies. And while WTO rules still afford them some limited provisions, this is not the case under a raft of other newer and further-reaching regional free trade agreements and bilateral investment treaties promoted by rich countries over the last 15 years. And even more are on the way: Some of the biggest deals on the immediate horizon are the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the Trade in International Services Agreement (TiSA), and the EU’s free trade deals with several African regions, known as Economic Partnership Agreements.

So, even as we are seeing a renewed appreciation of industrial policy, trade negotiators from the rich countries are twisting arms, cajoling developing countries into signing new treaties and agreements that will restrict their use of industrial policies. Many developing country leaders either buckle under such pressure or willingly sign on in the hope that they can export more of their primary commodities into rich country markets in the short-term, even if this means foregoing long-term industrialization.

Given this situation, the logical conclusion is still seldom spoken in polite company: African leaders who are serious about pursuing industrialization will have to back-track, renegotiate, and re-design their previous international trade commitments, and refuse to sign new ones that put them at a disadvantage. Offending more powerful trading partners and big foreign investors would likely invite serious short-term consequences, including lawsuits, threats to cut off foreign aid and trade preferences, and possibly lower foreign investment. But the longer-term consequences of not doing so may be far worse.

In Johannesburg, I recently asked the Chairperson of the African Union, Nkosazana Clarice Dlamini-Zuma, how Africa could expect to industrialize if it signs on to the European Union’s Economic Partnership Agreements. Her reply: “We’re going to have to renegotiate some of them.”



http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/12/31/africas-boom-is-over/

Good development.....I hope it full production from A-Z and not repackaging.

joystickextend1:
ehya sorry about that bro..post more pix of it

thanx bro..

Mod Front page please

MANGAM:
I feel ur pain. A picture of the said car will go a long in helping out

Thanks bro, we are still trying to see if we get a pix of the car.

The Vehicle with the below details was stolen in Kano city last night 31/12/2015 at about 20hr GMT. should you have any information about the vehicle, Kindly contact the nearest Police station or call 07060402445.

Make: Honda Civic 98

Reg number: BG 001 AA (LAGOS REG)

VIN: 2HGEJ6676TH5211395

COLOUR: Silver colour.

Mod. Please assist to Front page.

RIP to the dead

please add me 07060402445

Intrested

This shouldn't be a problem. Several times I have been paid wrong salary either by the bank or my employer. All they do is reverse and post the correct salary.

No big deal at all.

FG Pegs oil benchmark at $38 per barrel, 2.2m barrels per day for 2016

The Federal Government on Monday pegged the benchmark oil price for the 2016 budget at $38 per barrel with an estimated daily output of 2.2 million barrels, in a new three-year expenditure framework- the first in President Buhari’s administration, and subject to National Assembly approval.

Buhari’s government plans to spend some N6 trillion to boost ailing Economy in 2016 and at most of that - at least 70 percent or N4.2 Trillion would go to recurrent Expenditure while Remaining 1.8 Trillion would go to Capital Expenditure.

http://businessdayonline.com/2015/12/fg-pegs-oil-benchmark-at-38-per-barrel-2-2m-barrels-per-day-for-2016/

He is a mad Man

Location Please?

CC: lalasticala

Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Ezenwo Wike has banned all forms of street protests in the state, condemning the street protests by the Indigenous People of Biafra which have crippled commercial activities in the state.



The governor declared : “let no one be in doubt of the resolve of the Rivers State Government and the security agencies to maintain law and order at all cost within the State and preserve the unity of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”









In a state-wide broadcast on Tuesday night, Governor Wike decried the movement of protesters from neighbouring States into Rivers State, noting that they have inflicted injuries on other citizens going about their lawful businesses.



He said: “Majority of these individuals have come from neighbouring States and in the course of these protests, disrupted social and economic activities, damaged properties, assaulted and inflicted injuries on other citizens going about their lawful endeavours.”





“While individuals and groups are free to exercise their freedom of expression, they must do so peacefully and strictly within the bounds of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. No individual or group has the right, whatsoever, to disturb public peace and order, threaten the safety of the public and create fear and an atmosphere of insecurity in the State or any part thereof.”





“The right of any group of persons to agitate for their perceived rights cannot be allowed to infringed on the rights of other Nigerians, especially the people of Rivers State to remain an integral component of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”



Banning all forms of street protests, Governor Wike : “Consequently, after due consultations with the members of the State Security Council, and in exercise of my constitutional responsibility to preserve the safety, security and corporate integrity of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, it is hereby ordered that all forms of street protests, demonstrations, rallies or unlawful gatherings associated with the agitations for the secession of any group from the Federal Republic of Nigeria are banned in Rivers State.





” Any person or group who violates this ban or acts in any manner prejudicial to the interest of peace and security would be arrested and prosecuted. ”



The governor commended security agencies for their mature handling of the the protests so far, urging them to continue to work in the right direction.





Simeon Nwakaudu,

Special Assistant to the Rivers State Governor, Electronic Media.

http://scannewsnigeria.com/featured-post/governor-wike-bans-street-protests-declares-is-an-integral-part-of-nigeria/

https://www.facebook.com/378378918890631/videos/vb.378378918890631/959490977446086/?type=2&theater

President Buhari during the Concil of State Meet Called IBB "Ibro" and Abdulsalami "Akramakallahu."

https://www.facebook.com/aminugamawa/videos/905207839563550/?fref=nf

http://www.oak.tv/wow-i-just-saw-president-buhari-laugh-now/

It actually wrong of Mikel to have done that on the pitch during the game. You may decline such offer outside the pitch but not during the Game.

hmm

ECOTERRORS:
that is how you need to see Prophet Mohammed death certificate before we ll belive if that peadophile reaLly existed

You must be on high weed..

hmm

HOW MANY WIFE DO U HAVE 1
DO U WANT MORE NO

WHOcarex:
Op is it mark zuckerberg? Abeg tell PMB make he tell mark zuckerberg make he unblock TonyeBarcanista Facebook account.

cc:https://www.facebook.com/zuck?fref=ts

Nigerian Business leader coasting from height to height...

Cc: Lalasticala