₦airaland Forum

We should dissolve CBN since it is no longer wori

In recent months, civil servants across Nigeria have raised significant concerns about unpaid wage arrears and the failure to implement a promised wage award, intended as a palliative, for the affected period. This situation has led many to question whether the Federal Government (FG) has violated labor laws by continuing to pay civil servants the old minimum wage of 30,000 Naira, which dates back to April 18, 2019, even after its statutory expiration on April 18, 2024. This expiration theoretically mandated a shift to a new minimum wage structure. According to Nigerian labor law, any outdated wage structure should be immediately updated, with workers entitled to be paid in accordance with the latest wage standard. Yet, it appears that the new minimum wage of 70,000 Naira, announced as the revised rate, was only implemented beginning in September 2024.

This discrepancy raises key questions: Should workers have been paid the new minimum wage retroactively from April 18, 2024? Was the government’s delay in implementing the updated wage rate between April and August a violation of labor laws, and, if so, what recourse do civil servants have under these circumstances?

Legally speaking, once a minimum wage rate has been revised and passed into law, it becomes binding, and all employers, including government institutions, are required to comply with it. In this case, the revised minimum wage of 70,000 Naira should have been applied as of the expiration of the previous minimum wage on April 18, 2024. This means that workers’ salaries from April onward should have reflected this increase. According to labor regulations, any delayed or partial implementation of such a wage increment could be construed as a violation of both the workers' rights and the provisions of the law mandating fair and updated compensation.

The failure to implement the new minimum wage from April through August 2024 has not only deprived workers of their rightful earnings but also, arguably, infringed upon the principles of labor fairness. Furthermore, labor experts suggest that such delays might constitute a breach of contract on the government's part, as the employment terms had effectively been altered by the legally mandated minimum wage increase. If so, employees would be justified in seeking redress through legal or labor dispute channels.

In cases where workers continue to be paid according to an expired wage structure despite a legal mandate for a higher rate, they may have grounds to pursue back pay for the period in question. Under labor law, affected employees could argue for retroactive payment of wage differentials from the month the new wage should have been implemented. This back pay could legally cover the period from April to August, when they were paid under the old wage regime despite being entitled to the new minimum wage.

In conclusion, it is essential for civil servants, labor unions, and legal experts to review the government’s actions regarding this delayed wage implementation. If a legal breach is determined, civil servants might be able to claim compensation for the wage gap resulting from the government’s failure to apply the new wage on schedule. Such a claim would not only be a matter of financial justice but also of holding institutions accountable to the labor standards and laws meant to protect employees’ rights.

CrazyMan and 1forall Fp pls

In recent months, civil servants across Nigeria have raised significant concerns about unpaid wage arrears and the failure to implement a promised wage award, intended as a palliative, for the affected period. This situation has led many to question whether the Federal Government (FG) has violated labor laws by continuing to pay civil servants the old minimum wage of 30,000 Naira, which dates back to April 18, 2019, even after its statutory expiration on April 18, 2024. This expiration theoretically mandated a shift to a new minimum wage structure. According to Nigerian labor law, any outdated wage structure should be immediately updated, with workers entitled to be paid in accordance with the latest wage standard. Yet, it appears that the new minimum wage of 70,000 Naira, announced as the revised rate, was only implemented beginning in September 2024.

This discrepancy raises key questions: Should workers have been paid the new minimum wage retroactively from April 18, 2024? Was the government’s delay in implementing the updated wage rate between April and August a violation of labor laws, and, if so, what recourse do civil servants have under these circumstances?

Legally speaking, once a minimum wage rate has been revised and passed into law, it becomes binding, and all employers, including government institutions, are required to comply with it. In this case, the revised minimum wage of 70,000 Naira should have been applied as of the expiration of the previous minimum wage on April 18, 2024. This means that workers’ salaries from April onward should have reflected this increase. According to labor regulations, any delayed or partial implementation of such a wage increment could be construed as a violation of both the workers' rights and the provisions of the law mandating fair and updated compensation.

The failure to implement the new minimum wage from April through August 2024 has not only deprived workers of their rightful earnings but also, arguably, infringed upon the principles of labor fairness. Furthermore, labor experts suggest that such delays might constitute a breach of contract on the government's part, as the employment terms had effectively been altered by the legally mandated minimum wage increase. If so, employees would be justified in seeking redress through legal or labor dispute channels.

In cases where workers continue to be paid according to an expired wage structure despite a legal mandate for a higher rate, they may have grounds to pursue back pay for the period in question. Under labor law, affected employees could argue for retroactive payment of wage differentials from the month the new wage should have been implemented. This back pay could legally cover the period from April to August, when they were paid under the old wage regime despite being entitled to the new minimum wage.

In conclusion, it is essential for civil servants, labor unions, and legal experts to review the government’s actions regarding this delayed wage implementation. If a legal breach is determined, civil servants might be able to claim compensation for the wage gap resulting from the government’s failure to apply the new wage on schedule. Such a claim would not only be a matter of financial justice but also of holding institutions accountable to the labor standards and laws meant to protect employees’ rights.

Foreign government:What does it mean to be an asset?
When someone is an *asset* to a foreign government, it means they covertly provide information, services, or assistance that supports the goals of that government, typically without an official position or visible connection. Unlike diplomats or formal allies, assets operate under the radar, often outside their home country, and may not even be citizens of the foreign government they assist.

### Characteristics of an Asset for a Foreign Government
1. **Access and Influence**: They may have positions in industries, government agencies, or other environments that give them access to sensitive information or influential connections.
2. **Covert Loyalty or Collaboration**: Assets are often recruited because they share an ideological alignment, are incentivized financially, or have been coerced or blackmailed.
3. **Operational Guidance**: The foreign government may give them specific tasks, like gathering intelligence, influencing local policies, or even sabotaging competing interests.

### Examples of Foreign Government Assets
- **Corporate Insiders**: Individuals with access to proprietary or technological information that could benefit the foreign government.
- **Political Influencers**: Assets with influence over local politics, public opinion, or policy-making who can help shape policies favorable to the foreign government.
- **Community Leaders or Public Figures**: People who might sway communities or sectors of the population subtly toward interests that align with those of the foreign government.

Being an asset for a foreign government is a high-risk role that typically demands secrecy and careful handling. If exposed, assets risk legal consequences, damaged reputations, and strained relationships with their own country.

FBI,CIA:What does it mean to be an asset?

In the context of the FBI, CIA, and other intelligence agencies, an *asset* refers to an individual who provides valuable information, intelligence, or assistance to the agency, often in a covert manner. Assets can be insiders within foreign governments, corporations, or criminal organizations, or they can be regular individuals with access to valuable knowledge or networks. Unlike agency employees or officers, assets are not typically on the agency’s payroll or official roster but are "recruited" to provide critical information or carry out specific tasks.

### Key Traits and Roles of Assets
1. **Access**: Assets are valuable because they have access to restricted information, locations, or individuals that would otherwise be out of reach.
2. **Motivation**: An asset may be motivated by ideology, money, revenge, or other personal reasons. Intelligence agencies assess and sometimes exploit these motivations to secure cooperation.
3. **Training and Guidance**: Assets may receive training, direction, or support from agency operatives on how to gather information, maintain secrecy, and communicate effectively.

### Different Types of Assets
- **Confidential Informants (CIs)**: Often assist law enforcement (like the FBI) in investigations, typically in exchange for reduced sentences or other benefits.
- **Intelligence Assets**: For agencies like the CIA, these individuals work in intelligence-gathering operations, sometimes in hostile or foreign environments.

Being an asset often requires risk, secrecy, and loyalty to the agency they support.

The situation with the arrears of the wage award to Nigerian civil servants, which was supposed to act as a palliative to cushion the effects of the fuel subsidy removal from March to July, is indeed concerning. The primary purpose of a palliative is to serve as a quick, immediate relief, akin to a first-aid treatment. However, the failure of the government to disburse these funds on time is akin to offering first-aid to a patient only after they've already been discharged from the hospital. This delay makes the concept of a "palliative" lose its meaning, as it was meant to be a timely intervention in response to a pressing issue, not something that would be postponed or drawn out in arrears. This approach by the federal government (FG) seems to lack sensitivity and understanding of the urgency required in addressing the economic hardships faced by civil servants.

It is almost absurd and quite frustrating for civil servants that what was meant to serve as an immediate financial buffer is now being withheld in arrears. When individuals are struggling with rising living costs due to the removal of the fuel subsidy, the FG’s delay in releasing the palliative funds puts additional strain on already vulnerable families. It undermines the purpose of the wage award and seems counterproductive, as the funds are now being held back long after they were most needed.

Adding to the disappointment is the perceived inaction or lack of pressure from our various unions, including the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), which is supposed to be the custodian of workers' welfare. It is imperative for the unions to wake up to this reality and put forth a strong, united stance to compel the FG to disburse the arrears without further delay. Workers should not have to plead repeatedly for what was already promised to them, nor should they be left waiting indefinitely for funds meant to ease their economic burdens. As things currently stand, there is growing frustration and eroded trust in the NLC, as many believe the organization is not doing enough to protect the welfare of civil servants. The unions need to prioritize this issue to restore faith and confidence among their members, showing that they are fully committed to advocating for the workers they represent.

A more effective approach would be for the FG to provide the minimum wage (NMW) arrears for the last seven months instead of continuing with wage award arrears. Civil servants don’t want any more delays on a palliative that was meant to provide immediate relief; they want something more sustainable and substantial. Seven months of NMW arrears would offer a far more tangible solution, serving as a full treatment rather than a mere "first-aid" response. A buffer such as a palliative cannot logically be held in arrears, as it loses its essence if it is not disbursed promptly. Workers do not want additional “wage award arrears” that will fail to bring any real change in the cost of living that they face today.

In conclusion, the FG must recognize the flaws in delaying this vital support and should prioritize the release of these funds to civil servants. The unions, on their part, need to push for accountability and pressure the FG to fulfill its promises. The approach to treating this as a mere afterthought rather than a real, immediate support system needs to change. If these payments are not provided in a timely manner, they lose the value and impact they were intended to have. Civil servants across the country deserve better, and they deserve to receive these funds without delay.

I have a question: has the new national minimum wage of 70,000 naira, announced by the federal government, actually been implemented? My understanding is that an additional 40,000 naira was recently added across all salary scales, but this increase was heavily taxed—at a rate of 25% or even more (at least for Federal Teaching Institution (FTI) workers) in the October salary. If this additional amount is considered part of the new wage adjustment, when will the federal government fully implement the new minimum wage scale for its workers?

I recall that on September 23rd, the National Income, Salary, and Wages Commission released a template that outlined the updated salary structure for all workers. However, based on my recent salary, it appears that the amount paid did not align with the figures in that template. If anyone received a salary reflecting the updated wage table, please let me know—I may have missed something.

Furthermore, if the above information is correct, what is the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) doing about this discrepancy? There has been a concerning silence from the NLC on this matter, leaving many federal employees in the dark about what they should expect regarding their salaries. If anyone has accurate and updated information, please share it. Many of us are concerned and would appreciate clarification on whether the government plans to fully implement the new minimum wage and when we can expect this adjustment to be reflected in our monthly pay.
Here's an expanded and corrected version of your statement:

In addition, where are the wage award arrears owed for five months, from March to July 2024, as well as the two months of minimum wage arrears? What about the arrears for 2023? Federal Teaching Institution (FTI) workers were supposed to receive a 25% or 35% salary increase for the entire year of 2023, yet it appears only January and February 2024 arrears have been paid. What happened to the remaining arrears that we are entitled to?

Many FTI employees are becoming increasingly concerned about these unresolved payments. These arrears represent a significant portion of our earnings, which we rely on to meet our daily financial needs. The lack of clarity on when the government will address this shortfall has left us with growing frustration. We also lack any consistent communication from the relevant authorities on when or if these arrears will be paid. This silence has created uncertainty among FTI staff, who feel as though their efforts and dedication are not being acknowledged through fair compensation.

If the government has a timeline for settling these arrears, it should be communicated clearly to provide some reassurance to its workers. What’s even more troubling is the absence of a firm response or proactive stance from the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) regarding these issues. The NLC should be advocating on our behalf to ensure that workers are treated fairly, especially when it comes to promised payments and wage adjustments. It’s time for transparency and accountability on these matters. Those of us affected deserve a clear explanation and a timeline for when we can expect the arrears owed to us.

I have a question: has the new national minimum wage of 70,000 naira, announced by the federal government, actually been implemented? My understanding is that an additional 40,000 naira was recently added across all salary scales, but this increase was heavily taxed—at a rate of 25% or even more (at least for Federal Teaching Institution (FTI) workers) in the October salary. If this additional amount is considered part of the new wage adjustment, when will the federal government fully implement the new minimum wage scale for its workers?

I recall that on September 23rd, the National Income, Salary, and Wages Commission released a template that outlined the updated salary structure for all workers. However, based on my recent salary, it appears that the amount paid did not align with the figures in that template. If anyone received a salary reflecting the updated wage table, please let me know—I may have missed something.

Furthermore, if the above information is correct, what is the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) doing about this discrepancy? There has been a concerning silence from the NLC on this matter, leaving many federal employees in the dark about what they should expect regarding their salaries. If anyone has accurate and updated information, please share it. Many of us are concerned and would appreciate clarification on whether the government plans to fully implement the new minimum wage and when we can expect this adjustment to be reflected in our monthly pay.
Here's an expanded and corrected version of your statement:

In addition, where are the wage award arrears owed for five months, from March to July 2024, as well as the two months of minimum wage arrears? What about the arrears for 2023? Federal Teaching Institution (FTI) workers were supposed to receive a 25% or 35% salary increase for the entire year of 2023, yet it appears only January and February 2024 arrears have been paid. What happened to the remaining arrears that we are entitled to?

Many FTI employees are becoming increasingly concerned about these unresolved payments. These arrears represent a significant portion of our earnings, which we rely on to meet our daily financial needs. The lack of clarity on when the government will address this shortfall has left us with growing frustration. We also lack any consistent communication from the relevant authorities on when or if these arrears will be paid. This silence has created uncertainty among FTI staff, who feel as though their efforts and dedication are not being acknowledged through fair compensation.

If the government has a timeline for settling these arrears, it should be communicated clearly to provide some reassurance to its workers. What’s even more troubling is the absence of a firm response or proactive stance from the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) regarding these issues. The NLC should be advocating on our behalf to ensure that workers are treated fairly, especially when it comes to promised payments and wage adjustments. It’s time for transparency and accountability on these matters. Those of us affected deserve a clear explanation and a timeline for when we can expect the arrears owed to us.

The assertion that a country can dominate another without direct warfare is not only historically accurate but also relevant in today’s geopolitical landscape. There are indeed two primary strategies to achieve this—using proxies or placing a compliant leader in power. The latter is seen as particularly powerful since it enables the dominant nation to influence a foreign state from within, aligning it with its own strategic objectives.

If we consider the recent political landscape, some suggest that Russia may be pursuing this approach through former President Donald Trump. Trump’s presidency from 2017 to 2021 showcased policies that, either intentionally or not, were seen by some as favorable to Russian interests. Trump’s approach to NATO, the critical alliance that serves as a deterrent to Russian expansion, was notably more skeptical than that of his predecessors. He openly questioned NATO's relevance, putting pressure on allies to pay their “fair share,” which, although fiscally prudent, strained relations with European allies and potentially weakened the alliance's cohesion. From Russia’s perspective, any weakening of NATO would be advantageous, given that the alliance has long been seen as a counter to Russian influence in Eastern Europe.

Another key point is Trump's stance on sanctions. His administration was often reluctant to impose new sanctions on Russia, despite congressional pressure and growing evidence of Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. election. Many analysts argue that this approach reflects an alignment, whether strategic or incidental, with Russian interests, allowing them economic and geopolitical breathing room.

In the realm of foreign policy, Trump also initiated a surprising realignment. Under his administration, U.S. foreign policy took a more isolationist tone, pulling away from traditional alliances and commitments. This shift toward "America First" politics has indirectly allowed Russia to expand its influence globally. From Syria to Venezuela, where Russia has substantial investments, a less engaged U.S. presence gave Moscow greater freedom to assert its interests.

When considering the influence on U.S. politics, it’s crucial to examine the potential for long-term impacts on American governance. If a leader aligned with Russian interests were to return to power, the U.S. could see significant policy shifts that benefit Russia—weakening international coalitions, reducing pressure on Russia in the global arena, and disrupting the current balance of power. By fostering divisions domestically and cultivating influence over key decision-makers, Russia could effectively neutralize one of its greatest geopolitical adversaries without direct conflict.

In conclusion, whether intentional or not, the influence Russia may wield through supportive leaders like Trump underscores the potency of political influence as a modern form of warfare. Instead of military confrontation, the strategy involves ideological and policy shifts that align the U.S. more closely with Russian interests—subverting American power from within and creating a geopolitical landscape increasingly favorable to Moscow.

franchasng:
I won't waste your time, I am going to give you a short list of why Kamala Harris Lost to Donald Trump.

1.) Americans are not ready to allow a woman lead them as President. In as much as they champion gender equality, they understand the dangers of electing a woman, a black or mixed raced as the POTUS. The current generation of Americans now are not ready for that risk.

2.) Americans don't joke with Israel's security. Whoever told Kamala Harris to criticize Israel, publicly condemning Israel defense of her homeland from Moslem terrorists attacks was wrong. She should have kept her mouth shut.

3.) In as much as Americans support freedom, equality and liberalism, the way Kamala Harris supports LGBT, Abortion, genderless madness and other anti Christian wokeism practices became worrisome to so many real Americans not the fake Americans wannabes.

4.) Most Americans are tired of Ukraine Russian war and they believe Trump can put an end to the war and save the world from a possible 3rd world war or nuclear battle. The Americans of today love fun and enjoyment more than anything and not ready to go to any war like Americans of the 1940s to 1990s

5.) Islamic Terrorists Madness in MiddleEast and the rising popularity of Iran. Americans believe only Trump can put a stop to Iran's madness in the MiddleEast.

6.) Migrant Influx. Many White Americans are tired of migrants trooping into their country. They believe if this is not checked, America will lose its glory in no distant time so they want a President that can be bold enough to stop or slow down migration to a great extent.

And Kamala Harris has been in support of allowing migrants in while Trump is against undocumented migrants coming into the US, especially those from Moslem countries, Africa, Haiti, Colombia and Mexico.

These are the main reasons Kamala Harris Lost.

this violate almost all rules on nairaland and yet it on front page.

Sending away your 3 wives is a false teaching as well as the new faith you embrace.

Israel is overrated. Without Western support, they won’t last a week in the rand of Iran and Hezbollah

Israel is overrated. Without Western support, they won’t last a week in the rand of Iran and Hezbollah

total of 339 students of the Covenant University, Ota, Ogun State, on Friday bagged First-Class degrees at its 19th convocation.

The Registrar, Mrs Regina Tobi-David, disclosed this during the convocation ceremony and conferment of First and Higher Degrees, and presentation of prizes in Ota.

This year’s convocation, themed “Release of Eagles for 2024,” celebrated the graduation of 1,607 students, including 1,456 undergraduates and 151 postgraduates
A surprising 24% made first class

A car ownership and maintenance is a doorway to poverty, it is time to park it.
My thoughts.
How much do you spend on your car monthly?

Good post

Universities rankings 2024

Tinubu and Wike grandmaster

Good morning nairalander,what is the average children schools fees in Kano, Lagos and Abuja,

Fuckkk dumb iron

.......

The issue of extra academic allowances (EAA) for academic staff in Nigerian universities has long been a contentious one, especially when compared to the hazard allowance granted to technical staff and the responsibility allowance given to administrative staff. The disparity in treatment between academic staff and other university personnel raises fundamental questions about fairness, equity, and the prioritization of academic welfare by the Federal Government (FG).

### Why Won’t the FG Incorporate EAA into Salaries for Academic Staff?

The Federal Government’s (FG) decision to exclude Extra Academic Allowance (EAA) from the salaries of academic staff, while incorporating hazard and responsibility allowances for technical and administrative staff, respectively, is a complex issue. The academic community, represented by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), has long advocated for better welfare packages. EAA is crucial for recognizing the extra efforts made by lecturers, such as supervising postgraduate students, handling increased teaching workloads, and conducting academic research.

However, there appears to be a disconnect between the FG and the academic community on how best to approach and implement EAA. While technical staff, for example, receive hazard allowances due to the nature of their work in laboratories and workshops, academic staff have their own unique challenges. Extra academic responsibilities, such as marking scripts, mentoring students, and administrative work related to academic planning, are just as taxing and require adequate compensation.

By not incorporating EAA into the salaries of academic staff, the FG is overlooking the additional burdens that come with academic duties. The assumption that academics are simply paid for classroom teaching is a gross oversimplification of the academic profession. Teaching is just one aspect; supervision, project oversight, and academic advisement are substantial additional duties that require compensation. This failure to recognize the importance of EAA signals a broader neglect of the welfare of academic staff, which inevitably affects the quality of education in Nigerian universities.

### How Were the Hazard Allowances for Technical Staff Arrived At?

A critical issue that has sparked concern within the academic community is the method by which hazard allowances for technical staff were calculated. Senior technical staff receive 360,000 naira annually, while their junior counterparts receive 180,000 naira. These figures seem to have been decided without clear criteria, at least none that have been made public. One would expect that the calculation of hazard allowances should be based on several factors, including the level of exposure to risks, the frequency of hazardous tasks, and the nature of the environment in which the staff work.

Technical staff working in laboratories are undoubtedly exposed to various hazards such as chemical spills, electrical accidents, and biological hazards. However, the FG’s flat-rate allowance of 360k and 180k for senior and junior staff, respectively, does not seem to account for the varying levels of exposure. The exposure of laboratory staff to hazards may differ significantly based on the type of laboratory, the frequency of their activities, and the nature of the materials or equipment they handle. Yet, they are compensated uniformly, which raises the question: Is this flat-rate calculation arbitrary?

Moreover, how often are these technical staff exposed to hazards? Some may work in hazardous environments daily, while others may encounter such risks only occasionally. It is difficult to justify a flat-rate system when the level of exposure varies. Ideally, hazard allowances should be determined based on actual risk assessments. These assessments would take into consideration the specific tasks performed, the frequency of exposure, and the potential severity of the risks. A more nuanced approach to calculating hazard allowances would not only ensure fairness but also incentivize safer working practices.

### The Flat-Rate Issue: Is it Arbitrary?

The hazard allowance system as it stands, with flat rates across the board, appears arbitrary. Staff working in similar environments but performing different duties with varying levels of risk are treated equally in terms of compensation. This raises concerns about the equity of the system. Why are senior technical staff given 360k, while junior staff receive half that amount, irrespective of the actual hazards they face?

The method of determining these allowances should be more transparent. Rather than applying a blanket approach, the FG should have conducted risk assessments and designed a tiered system of compensation that reflects the actual working conditions of different categories of staff. By failing to do so, the government has created a system that seems arbitrary and disconnected from the realities of the university environment.

### Extra Academic Allowance (EAA) for Academics: The Case for a Customized Approach

Unlike technical and administrative staff, the work of academic staff is primarily intellectual, with responsibilities that extend far beyond the lecture hall. Academics frequently engage in postgraduate supervision, research, committee memberships, and project supervision—all of which demand time, energy, and resources. Why, then, is there no equivalent allowance such as EAA to recognize these extra burdens?

One way to address this issue is through the development of a template by the National Universities Commission (NUC) to ensure that EAA is uniformly incorporated into academic salaries across Nigerian universities. Currently, there is no standard formula for calculating EAA, and academic staff are often left to perform additional tasks without any formal compensation. This neglect devalues the profession and creates a demoralizing environment for lecturers.

The NUC could easily sample five to ten universities to develop a robust template that accounts for the unique academic responsibilities in each institution. This template could then be adapted based on individual university records, ensuring that EAA reflects the actual workload of academic staff. At the very least, the NUC should build a framework that allows universities to calculate EAA based on specific criteria such as the number of postgraduate students supervised, the number of courses taught, and the level of involvement in academic research.

### FG’s Role in Addressing Academic Welfare

It is clear that the FG can and should do more to address the welfare of academic staff. By failing to recognize the importance of EAA, the government is undermining the quality of education in Nigerian universities. Academics cannot continue to bear the brunt of poor compensation for extra work. The disruption of academic activities due to strikes and protests will persist unless the government takes proactive steps to address this issue.

Extra academic work, including supervision of postgraduate students, project oversight, and additional teaching workloads, cannot be done for free. These tasks are demanding, and it is unreasonable to expect academics to perform them without compensation. The practice of ignoring EAA is not only detrimental to the welfare of academic staff but also erodes the overall quality of university education.

### Conclusion

For a more effective, qualitative, and efficient university education system, the issue of Extra Academic Allowances must be addressed. The FG can no longer afford to neglect the welfare of academic staff. By incorporating EAA into the salary structure and creating a system that recognizes the extra work done by academics, the government can ensure a more motivated and productive academic workforce. Enough of the neglect—academics deserve better compensation for their contributions to the development of higher education in Nigeria.

A job that was once highly respected
but is now a complete joke
🤣🤨

Governor fintiri is a compassionate governor catering for the well-being of his workers, infact he took almost everyone by surprise to implement the new wage before the federal government.
He is a pdp governor and by far, will all we can see, pdp leaders of the past are more sensitive to civil servants welfare than the APC,

Was it only in Jigawa State that exorbitant fees were charged for the nomination forms for chairmanship and councilorship? It is said that in some other states, they charged as much as 10 million naira (N10m) for chairmanship positions. Among these states, it is reported that Adamawa, Kebbi, Katsina, and Zamfara were included. In Yobe State, however, chairmanship candidates paid 300,000 naira (N300k) in the recent elections, while their deputies paid 250,000 naira (N250k), and councilors paid 200,000 naira (N200k).

Any state that does not offer the forms for free should not set prices higher than those in Yobe State. If democracy is truly what is being practiced, then any state that hasn't held elections yet should reduce the cost of the forms or eliminate them entirely. If they refuse to do so, I advise opposition parties to take legal action, arguing that this injustice prevents them from participating in the elections and violates the rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Moreover, any party that imposes exorbitant fees on its members is oppressive and should not be voted for. "
................ Bulama Bukarti

INEC: next should be only national INEC can conduct LG polls

This project is more than 50% of the 2024 budget, what is your taught?

https://www.tiktok.com/video/7400735005892300037/

Mr. Governor, almajiri are most hit in this hard, mind you they beg for everything from food to footwears from the starving and poverty ridden households, a almajiri can go from 10 to 20 houses ,of he is lucky he may get leftover foods unlike before, so they have every reason to protest