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Wed, 13 May 2026 The negative reception of cattle herding in Nigeria needs to be addressed using real-world evidence. Herding is a traditional African Fulani culture, and it should be appreciated, not frowned upon, as recognised by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). Herding is the practice of moving livestock over long distances to new grazing locations by Fulani herders. The cattle are meant to feed on scrub and grasses in land unsuitable for farming. The journey can span several weeks or even months, covering significant distances. This practice is not unique to one country alone; it is global. Even though we can all agree that herding has evolved and should comply with the law. We also note that the practice is blamed for the never-ending farmer-herder conflict in Nigeria. Whether it is the underlying cause or not the issue can only be debated with empirical evidence. This conflict arises from competition for scarce land and water, which is intensified by climate change and agricultural expansion. Ethnic and religious differences, economic pressures, insecurity, and political factors compound this tension between Fulani herders and farmers. The conflict has led to violence, causing significant loss and displacement, and requires solutions that integrate resource management, community reconciliation, and equitable policies. Nonetheless, it does not warrant educators, policymakers, and political leaders from misleading the public by saying that herding is outdated. It is not. We can agree that it has evolved, but it is still in practice around the world. UNESCO has since inscribed seasonal transhumance, as practised in Africa, America, Australia, Asia and even in European countries, as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. With transhumance, herders follow a seasonal migration pattern, typically moving to the cool highlands in the summer and the warmer lowlands in the winter. Similar to our Fulani nomads, these herders move between two locations, where they have permanent settlements. In Europe, the herding network in southern Italy covers about 3,000 kilometres. The network of shepherd’s tracks links wide areas in the southern part of Italy. The beautiful urban settings and building plans of some cities, like the city of Sepino, are attributed to the shepherd’s tracks. This is due to the coexistence of environmental, natural, historical and monumental values. The same phenomenon can also be traced in Spain, France, Switzerland, Germany and other countries. In France, annual festivals are held in three locations. In Castellane, the Transhumance Festival will take place in early June (12–14 June 2026). It features herd passages and local culture. In Fontvieille, a festival and documentary were held between 16 and 18 April 2026 to showcase a 200-km sheep drive from Provence to the Alps. In L’Espérou, a major transhumance festival takes place on June 14, 2026 to celebrate the arrival of herds at Aigoual. In Ireland, the Burren Winterage Weekend takes place 22–24 October 2026, marking the traditional movement of cattle to “winterage” pastures. In the Balkans, a Regional Gathering of Pastoralists across six countries is currently taking place from April 19 to May 31, 2026 to strengthen pastoralist resilience. There are online images of these herders being celebrated whenever they pass through towns and villages with their animals in droves. But due to misinformation, many Nigerians will find it hard to believe that the seasonal livestock movement is celebrated and preserved for its cultural and environmental significance in Europe. These practices go against what is happening in Nigeria, especially in places like the FCT, Plateau, Nasarawa and Benue States. The Minister, Nyesom Wike, recently stated that allowing cows on the streets of the FCT creates a negative image, arguing that grass planted for beautification is not for grazing. But the evidence above shows the world has a different view. In Africa, the stories of the Maasai, Samburu, and Turkana can offer valuable lessons for Nigeria on how to maintain its herding culture. Herding in Kenya is not just an economic activity but a cultural identity, with communities practising nomadic or semi-nomadic livestock rearing adapted to the challenges of arid and semi-arid regions. The key to their approach is integrating traditional knowledge with modern, sustainable practices to address challenges such as climate change, land degradation, and resource competition. In Nigeria, herders follow seasonal patterns, moving northwards during the rainy season and southwards during the dry season. In March 2026, data indicated high activity, with Katsina as a top destination, potentially receiving 28 per cent of observed transhumance flows. Monitoring data recorded significant animal inflows in late March and April 2026. About 2,710 animals moved between 30 March and 5 April; 2,123 animals between 13 and 19 April. Similarly, data is collected to provide early warnings and minimise conflicts, particularly in the Northwest region of Nigeria. During these movements, families often move ahead early to assess security, then reunite with herders and livestock at predetermined rest points. This approach ensures the safety and well-being of both herders and their herds. In December 2025, 480 herders were identified in Katsina and 110 in Zamfara, with animal counts of 13,953 and 2,038, respectively. To be specific, 78 per cent of herders were Nigerian, and 22 per cent were Nigerien. This runs counter to the narrative that herders are not Nigerians. Yes, people blame farmer-herder clashes on herding alone, ignoring community conflict resolution, land-use management, and climate strategies such as water harvesting and drought-resistant systems. We must acknowledge the roles played by the continuous expansion of urban areas and technological advancement in the country. These factors have led many people to cast traditional herding practices as outdated, putting them at odds with contemporary development goals. The view is shaped by the never-ending conflicts between farmers and herders, which frame herding as the contributing factor to instability and insecurity. But as highlighted, this perspective is not solely a Nigerian phenomenon. The whole point here is that we must never succumb to the myopic idea of erasing our culture when we can use global best practices to resolve ongoing conflicts. We must continue to appreciate our heritage, regardless of how we are mocked. |
https://dailytrust.com/the-breakaway-and-the-agenda/ *The Breakaway and The Agenda* _*By Dr Nasir Aminu*_ _I do not know how to tell these political gladiators that repeating a losing strategy will not yield a different result. Precisely, a divided opposition means the ruling party will be re-elected._ I am writing this in light of Peter Obi and Kwankwaso's breakaway from the ADC mega-coalition. Likewise, Bala Mohammed's decision to join the APM from the PDP has diluted the momentum of the mega-opposition coalition intended to unseat the ruling party. Therefore, it would be categorically illogical to blame the ruling party or Tinubu for that decision. Tinubu and his ruling party can be blamed for a million crimes against the ADC and other opposition parties. The ruling party is trying very hard to destabilise the coalition through the courts and by using law enforcement to intimidate disgruntled politicians. But the responsibility for Obi and Kwankwaso leaving the ADC lies solely with them. They have all provided us with their explanations, and it is for the people to judge. It would not be wrong to think that their personal ambition is more important than the collective resolution to unseat the ruling party. If this is actually the case, they are making it easy for Tinubu to win. From Tinubu’s utterances, one can deduce that he does not want to be associated with the core North when it comes to his re-election. His claim that his enemies are creating insecurity to get rid of him is clearly directed at a specific region of the country. The agenda is to pit the country against the North in order to win votes for him. And it is not surprising to hear it from the horse’s mouth. Those observing grassroots politics in the North can attest that the core North has since been removed from Tinubu’s plan to win the 2027 election. This is a deliberate attempt to alienate the machinery that worked for him in the previous elections. But the feeling is mutual. Northern voters have equally distanced themselves from the ruling party, despite efforts by elected legislators and governors to rebuild trust in it. Northern politicians pushing to be involved in Tinubu’s re-election campaign are unwelcome because they come from a region that opposes the president. One could say they are only trying to save themselves by riding the bandwagon, since they are too deeply involved with the ruling party. Political observers may think this is the right moment for the opposition to build on the momentum across the country, starting in the North, the region with the largest number of voters and the highest voter turnout. But instead of seizing the opportunity, the political gladiators are breaking up the coalition they spent more than 18 months building. One wonders whether they know what they are doing. This also casts doubt on their ability to govern the country. After all, if they cannot reach an agreement with their colleagues, how can they effectively govern a country broken by corruption, intolerance, and mistrust? The alleged story of the opposition being hunted by the ruling party is well documented. The court cases are seriously affecting any potential coalition, alliances or consensus within the parties. The NDC, which Kwankwaso chose as the alternative to the ADC, has not gained any momentum in the North. One key problem with the NDC is a lack of communication with the northern stakeholders. 2027 will not be won on social media. And people are seriously seeking an alternative to this ruling party, including Kwankwaso himself. However, Kwankwaso spoke only with his Kano caucus before breaking away from the ADC. No other caucus in the northern states was consulted to move. It is looking more like a hasty decision for reasons that are unexplained. This is not how to form political movements unless the agenda is to spring a much bigger surprise on voters. It would not be wrong to say that jumping to the NDC is not the best decision, especially if the objective is to unseat the ruling party. The NDC also has court cases. Whatever the reason for the breakaway, it is not sitting well with northern politicians and voters. And one wonders when the decision was made, given that just a few days ago, in Ibadan, the coalition agreed on a single presidential candidate to challenge Tinubu. So, are they now reneging on the gentleman’s agreement? Regardless, we must tell voters the truth: this dream will not be realised. It can also be suggested that one of the opposition is working to help Tinubu either by accident or by design. Tinubu has already listed his enemies and where they come from. As stated earlier, the core North is not part of Tinubu’s plan. Again, this is one niche area the opposition should pay attention to. The opposition needs to pay attention to what the voters want. The average voter may be desperate to change this ruling party. They want anything but APC. But the breakaway politicians must not mistake this desperation for stupidity. They can smell gibberish from where they stand. And if they are ever going to vote for change, they will not vote for a party that will pave the way for Tinubu to continue. Those who want continuity would rather vote for the incumbent than risk confusion. I must reiterate that the opposition political gladiators need to work with northern voters as kingmakers, not as power grabbers. This is the time to use the voters to show the North has the capacity to make the necessary difference demanded from the electorate. |
What Northern voters should do By Nasir Aminu Wed, 29 Apr 2026 4:56:18 WAT Northern voters are disappointed with the Tinubu administration; this is beyond dispute. But the 2027 elections are around the corner, so a pragmatic strategy is needed. It is argued that the North has ruled for 11 years since 1999. By 2027, the South would have ruled for 17 years. If allowed to continue until 2031, the South would have ruled for 21 years, 10 years longer than the North has done. This is true before considering how this administration is short-changing the region in every area—from employment to security to deprivation of public amenities to resource allocation. But we all know that making impulsive decisions has consequences, whether in politics or in our daily lives. Therefore, the northern political bloc needs to reflect carefully before devising an optimal strategy to unseat this administration. We must not forget that since 2023, the Tinubu campaign team has been campaigning against certain Northern leadership and blaming them for the country’s woes. They have also spent considerable time conditioning Southerners to accept that the South must spend its eight years in power as Buhari did. There is no legal backing for this, but the public has bought this propaganda. The team has also leveraged divisive claims of “Christian-genocide in the North” together with ethnic favouritism to polarise voters. This has won sympathy for the ruling party, which is also enjoying defections from elected legislators and governors. As it stands, the ruling party has 32 governors out of 36 governors. Bauchi is the only state in the north led by an opposition governor. Even the FCT is also led by a minister committed to working for Tinubu. One can rightly argue that northern voters are disillusioned with the ruling party. However, with 18 governors aligned with the ruling party, there is a good chance that Tinubu can win the symbolic 25 per cent even in a free and fair election. The result could stem from National Assembly members canvassing for votes, inducements, and other strategies. Either way, this will leave Tinubu to worry about securing massive votes from the South. To make this strategy ineffective, the North must adopt a different approach. The notion that northern voters can only be galvanised by a Northerner if Tinubu is to be voted out has to change, as it may be suboptimal in today’s context. For many reasons, the region needs to be seen as a kingmaker, not as a power-grabber. It is common knowledge that the northern voting bloc has been polarised since the last general elections. To be precise, the voting pattern in the Middle Belt differed from that of the core North in the last elections. Despite worsening socioeconomic conditions, political choices have kept the region divided. Of the 19 northern states, four—Benue, Kogi, Kwara, and Plateau—remain closely aligned with the ruling party. These Middle-Belt states either have Yoruba-speaking voters or a Christian majority. For obvious reasons, the ruling party has succeeded in uniting voters from these states through a force of negative cohesion towards the predominantly Hausa-Fulani core North. And if these choose to vote differently, it means the northern voting bloc will be truly weakened. This is why a collective decision is needed to ensure the voice remains relevant when it counts. Progress has already been made over the weekend in Ibadan, as the coalition of opposition parties has agreed to adopt a single unified candidate against the ruling party. A northern candidate would have been an obvious choice. However, this was tested in 2003, 2011, and 2023. The outcome was disappointing, as the presidency was lost even though many legislators and a few governors were elected. Besides, if one cannot learn from history, one is doomed to repeat it. Given that the North can guarantee at least 60 per cent for an alternative to Tinubu, it would be logical for the coalition of opposition parties to convene to consider a candidate from the South. A choice like this will allow the candidate to divide Tinubu’s votes in the South while taking a chunk of the votes in the North. This strategy is the most pragmatic way to unseat the ruling party, but the solution is not as straightforward as it seems. Voters must be convinced that another candidate will not behave like Tinubu and his allies. Among the Southern candidates, there are only three frontrunners—Goodluck, Amaechi and Obi. Two of the three have been tested, with one having tried his luck in the last election. Of these three, the North will have to consider who will agree to serve one term in office to complete the eight years as required by the ruling party. We all know there is no constitutional basis for this, but it seems to be the best option for unseating the ruling party. There should also be agreements on certain appointments to avoid a Yoruba-centric financial system or the concentration of investments in a single key city, as is being done in Lagos. There should be specific deadlines for investments, such as rail lines from South to North, oil exploration, AKK pipelines, river dredging, and the completion of major highways in the region. Above all, the North has to demonstrate that it has the necessary tools to bring about change in the country whenever a leader deviates from an agreement. It does not mean they will snatch the power for themselves, but they have the capacity to make the necessary difference demanded from the electorate. But, before this happens, the North must work to ensure only one political party is adopted. As it stands, the formidable ADC is facing leadership challenges. If this is sorted, then fine. Otherwise, an alternative must be found quickly, given INEC’s deadlines, which are believed to favour only the ruling party. |
Teewhy2:@Teewhy2 Nice to know i do complete buildings with the EPS and can go to any region in collaboration for the unique chances to make a mark in this country because i now know that with EPS you can build saving 60% on labor, 40% on material and 80% on time, i know that is where the future of affordable housing is. so feel free to hit me up any time |
this was when the casting of the roof slab was being done
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as you can see in the building in keffi no columns and the building is caring the polystyrene slabbed as roof
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another project 2 semi detached bungalows in keffi nasarawa state
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working with EPS for affordable housing since i left school
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