₦airaland Forum

Leadership, Perception, and Public Trust

By Engr. Bello Gwarzo Abdullahi, FNSE
bgabdullahi@gmail.com
3 May 2026

Public perception is the lifeblood of political legitimacy. In every society, leaders are constantly judged by the people they serve. Over time, that judgment is shaped by the social, cultural, and religious values of the communities from which they emerge. Citizens do not assess public officials by speeches and promises alone. They look at conduct, priorities, and the visible impact of leadership on everyday life. It is through that lens that the rumoured defection of Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso should be viewed.

Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso has been one of the most politically fortunate figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. From his early days in the House of Representatives, where he rose to become Deputy Speaker, his career has followed a remarkable path: two-term governor, Minister of Defence, and member of the Constituent Assembly. Yet his movement across political parties—SDP, DPN, PDP, APC, back to PDP, NNPP, ADC, and now reportedly the NDC—raises legitimate questions.

At some point, frequent political migration begins to look less like strategy and more like restlessness. This latest reported move feels to many Nigerians like a bridge too far. The concern is not simply about changing parties; politics allows for realignment. The deeper concern is the impression that such shifts may be driven more by personal ambition than by a clear commitment to the wishes and aspirations of the electorate. When political movement becomes habitual, it can weaken the very trust on which leadership depends.

Public trust is built when leadership reflects the expectations and hopes of the people. Closing the gap between leaders and citizens requires more than occupying office. It demands purposeful stewardship. Public perception cannot be repaired by optics alone. It improves when political action speaks directly to the values and urgent needs of society.

Every community is guided by moral and cultural expectations. A leader who neither understands nor respects those expectations risks becoming disconnected from the people. Politicians must not become strangers to their constituencies. They should remain rooted in the traditions, languages, and customs of the communities that gave them their mandate. Respect for cultural institutions and religious sensitivities often provides the moral authority to lead.

Political office should never be reduced to a ladder for status or personal advancement. At its best, it is a platform for sacrifice and measurable improvement in the lives of citizens. When public office is treated as a sacred trust rather than a private entitlement, confidence naturally deepens. The electorate should never be taken for granted.

In the end, perception reflects lived reality. If people live without security, healthcare, education, or decent housing, no amount of messaging can cover the gap. These are not acts of political charity; they are basic obligations of governance. A leader who protects the dignity of the people builds a reputation that survives long after leaving office.

Economic hardship quickly erodes confidence. Practical measures that improve livelihoods strengthen stability. Sustainable prosperity must matter more than token gestures or temporary handouts. Leadership should not be measured by the number of dependents it creates, but by the number of citizens it empowers to stand on their own. When leaders invest in young people, support artisans, and create space for productive enterprise, they move beyond politics into statesmanship.

Legitimacy also rests on fairness. Inclusiveness, justice, and respect for dissenting voices are essential. When people see fairness in leadership, they are more willing to believe in shared progress.

In our society, religion and private conduct still weigh heavily in public judgment. Leaders are expected to embody justice, honesty, humility, and compassion. When politicians are seen as people of integrity, trust becomes deeper and more lasting.

Political wellbeing is sustained only when citizens believe their voices count. Engagement must be constant, not seasonal. Public perception is shaped less by speeches than by consistency, humility, and results. People judge leadership by performance, not publicity.

The enduring rule of public service remains simple: the perception of a leader is the shadow cast by his actions. If the shadow is to change, the substance must change first.

Now I know Tinubu's Policies Aren't the Problem

By Farooq Kperogi

As I pointed out in my Saturday Tribune column, a common refrain among online devotees of Nigerian opposition figures is that they would rather endure Tinubu until 2031 than support any opposition politician other than their preferred candidate, even as they denounce Tinubu’s policies day and night.

That is both mystifying and clarifying. It suggests that, for many of them, the quarrel is not really with Tinubu’s governance, ideology or policies. It is with the fact that their favorite politician is not the one presiding over them.

They would tolerate, rationalize, perhaps even loudly defend the very policies they now condemn if those policies came wrapped in the colors of their own candidate.

If you are prepared to live through four more years of what you claim to find intolerable simply because you cannot bear the thought of another opposition figure succeeding Tinubu, then Tinubu’s policies are not your problem. Tinubu himself is.

More precisely, your problem is Tinubu's occupancy of a seat you believe belongs to someone you admire, worship or share the same identity with.

And that is fine. I only appreciate the clarity. Opposition infighting has stripped many people’s politics of its costume and shown that what often disguises as principle is merely identitarian investment.

Since many, perhaps most, people don't really have a problem with Tinubu's policies and can tolerate them for four more years as a price to deny the ascendancy of people they don't like, I think it's more psychically liberating to make peace with his second term.

Yanzu na fahimci cewa manufofin Tinubu ba su ne matsalar ba

Na Farooq Kperogi

Kamar yadda na bayyana a cikin rubutuna na Saturday Tribune, ana yawan jin wasu magoya bayan ‘yan adawa a intanet suna cewa sun fi son su jure wa Bola Ahmed Tinubu har zuwa 2031 maimakon su goyi bayan wani ɗan adawa daban wanda ba shi ne wanda suka fi so ba, duk da cewa suna sukar manufofinsa dare da rana.

Wannan abu yana da ban mamaki, amma kuma yana bayyana gaskiya. Yana nuna cewa ga yawancin su, matsalar ba wai shugabancin Tinubu ba ne ko manufofinsa ko akidarsa. Matsalar ita ce ba wanda suke so ne ke mulki ba.

Za su iya jurewa, su kare, ko ma su bayyana goyon baya ga manufofin da suke suka yanzu, idan dai waɗannan manufofin sun fito ne daga hannun wanda suke so.

Idan ka shirya ka jure wasu shekaru huɗu na abin da kake cewa ba za ka iya jurewa ba, kawai don ba ka son wani ɗan adawa ya gaji Tinubu, to matsalarka ba manufofin Tinubu ba ne. Tinubu kansa ne matsalar.

A takaice, matsalarka ita ce Tinubu yana kan kujerar da kake ganin ya kamata wani da kake so ko ka yi imani da shi ya zauna a kai.

Kuma hakan ba laifi ba ne. Amma hakan yana nuna mana gaskiya. Rikicin cikin gida na ‘yan adawa ya cire rigar siyasa ya nuna cewa abin da ake kira ka’ida a wasu lokuta kawai sha’awa ce ta kabilanci ko son zuciya.

Tun da yawancin mutane—ko ma mafi yawa—ba su da matsala da manufofin Tinubu sosai, kuma suna iya jure su na wasu shekaru huɗu domin hana wasu da ba sa so hawa mulki, to yana da kyau mutum ya samu kwanciyar hankali ta hanyar amincewa da yiwuwar wa’adin mulki na biyu na Tinubu.

Abdulazeez Abubakar Kaka is a Kaduna-based entrepreneur, youth advocate, and politician known for grassroots empowerment work in Kaduna North.

Who he is:
- Full name: Hon. Abdulazeez Abubakar Kaka
- Political roles: Chairman of the APC Youth Stakeholders Forum and Chairman of the APC Stakeholders Forum in Kaduna State
- Background: An entrepreneur and businessman who chose self-reliance over white-collar jobs after his education, then built a model around training people in practical skills

What he’s known for:

1. Kowa Namu Ne Foundation– “Everyone Is Ours”
He founded this organization to drive empowerment across Kaduna State. The foundation focuses on: skills + start-up capital = dignity. Projects include:
- Training over 3,000 people in tailoring, bead-making, cosmetology, makeup artistry, frames production, and beddings manufacturing
- Empowering over 5,000 beneficiaries with grants and equipment
- ICT and digital marketing training for youth
- Financial support to 1,500+ women in Kaduna North to boost small businesses
- N50m cash grant + food aid to 1,000 indigents in Kaduna North
- Free medical outreach for 300+ residents covering malaria, hypertension, diabetes, mass deworming for kids
- Solar streetlights, school bags/books to 2,000+ students, JAMB/SSCE sponsorships

2. Political activities
He’s currently vying for the House of Representatives seat for Kaduna North Federal Constituency under APC for the 2027 election. He started consultations in March 2026 and was formally presented by ward executives as their preferred candidate. He says his agenda is inclusive leadership, grassroots engagement, youth empowerment, and sustainable development.

3. Public positions
He’s been vocal in support of President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda and Governor Uba Sani’s SUSTAIN blueprint. He also publicly defended Seyi Tinubu against allegations about disrupting a NANS inauguration, calling the claims “unfounded and dangerous”.

People in Kaduna North often describe him as a “grassroots politician” whose name resonates for empowerment work, not just politics.

2027: Don’t Pull Down the Roof

By Senator Kashim Shettima, GCON

The political season is upon us again, and with it comes the familiar fever of democracy. Across our wards and local governments, across party offices and private homes, consultations have begun. Aspirants are making calls, elders are receiving visits, supporters are counting delegates, and the marketplace of ambition is alive once more.

This is proof that our democracy still breathes. It is evidence that power in our republic is still something to be negotiated, contested, persuaded, and earned. But every season of politics also comes with its temptations. It comes with the temptation to mistake disagreement for betrayal, competition for enmity, preference for exclusion, and media interpretation for truth.

This is why, at this delicate hour, we must speak to ourselves with candour, but also with restraint. We must remind ourselves that a political party is not a battlefield. It is a family. And even in the most spirited family, the roof must never be pulled down because one room appears warmer than another.

We are members of one political household. We may have different aspirations, different loyalists, different zones of influence, different calculations, and different preferred outcomes. That is normal. Democracy was never designed to abolish ambition. It was designed to civilise it. It was designed to teach us that we can compete without destroying one another, disagree without demonising one another, and lose without setting fire to the very platform that gave us a voice.

We must therefore refuse the temptation to be manipulated by the media, by mischief-makers, by vested interests, or by those who profit from division. There will always be those who whisper that one leader has been slighted, that one bloc has been excluded, or that one interest has been buried. These are familiar tricks in the theatre of politics. They are meant to provoke suspicion, inflame supporters, and turn comrades into adversaries before the real contest even begins.

But leadership demands that we rise above provocation. Leadership demands that we ask: who benefits when brothers fight? Who gains when a party weakens itself before facing the opposition? Who profits when those who should be building bridges begin to dig trenches?

The truth is simple. The real challenge before us does not end with the primaries. In fact, it begins after the primaries. The primaries will produce candidates, but the general election will test the strength of our unity. A fractured party may produce a candidate, but only a united party can produce victory. A ticket may be won in a hall, but an election is won in the streets, in the villages, in the markets, in the polling units, and in the hearts of the people.

This is why every party chieftain, every aspirant, every stakeholder, every delegate, and every supporter matters. Each of us is a raindrop, and each raindrop matters in the making of a flood. No raindrop is too small to be ignored. No stakeholder is too insignificant to be respected. No supporter is too ordinary to be heard. The strength of a party is not only in its most visible leaders; it is in the quiet loyalty of the people who stand by it when the applause has faded.

For this reason, moderation must be our watchword. Moderation is not weakness. It is wisdom in public conduct. It is the discipline to speak without poisoning the well. It is the maturity to pursue an interest without injuring the family. It is the grace to understand that today’s disappointment may become tomorrow’s opportunity, and that the bridge we burn in anger may be the road we need in another season.

We cannot all win at the same time. This is the first hard lesson of politics. For every ticket, only one candidate will emerge. Many will consult. Many will spend. Many will hope. Many will be encouraged by supporters, friends, and elders. But at the end of the process, only one name will be submitted. That outcome, however painful to others, is not always an injustice. It is often the unavoidable arithmetic of democracy.

The true test of a politician is not how loudly he campaigns when the wind is behind him. The true test is how he behaves when the wind turns against him. Anyone can celebrate victory. It takes character to manage disappointment. It takes statesmanship to congratulate a rival. It takes patriotism to remain loyal to the house even when the room assigned to you is not the one you desired.

We must also be honest with ourselves. Endorsements are not strange to politics. Preferences are not crimes. Leaders, elders, and stakeholders will naturally have opinions about those they believe can consolidate achievements, protect party interests, and advance the public good. But preference must never become provocation. Influence must never become intimidation. Persuasion must never become exclusion. The credibility of our process is the foundation of our legitimacy.

Party leaders must therefore act with fairness. Aspirants must be treated with dignity. Delegates must be allowed to act without fear. Processes must be transparent enough to command respect, even from those who lose. Where there are grievances, they must be addressed with patience and justice. Where there are rumours, they must be answered with clarity. Where there are wounds, they must be healed before they become infections.

But aspirants and their supporters also owe the party a duty of restraint. No ambition is worth the destruction of the platform that nurtured it. No grievance is worth the collapse of the house we all helped to build. No ticket is worth turning comrades into enemies. No loss is final enough to justify permanent bitterness.

Politics is a long road. Those who understand this do not burn their vehicles because of one rough turn. They do not abandon the journey because one gate did not open. Our history is filled with men and women who lost today and won tomorrow, who were overlooked in one season and became indispensable in another, who endured the pain of temporary defeat and later found the door of destiny opened wider than they imagined.

That is the beauty of patience. That is the wisdom of loyalty. That is the reward of staying useful.

We must also remember that the people are watching us. Nigerians are not merely listening to our speeches; they are studying our temperament. They are watching how we manage disagreement. They are watching whether we place service above ego. They are watching whether we can subordinate personal ambition to collective survival. A leader who cannot manage disappointment cannot be trusted to manage power. A politician who destroys his party because he lost a ticket may destroy a state because he lost an argument.

Our great party must not become a victim of its own strength. We are a large family, and large families must learn the art of accommodation. We are a party of many tendencies, many histories, many interests, and many sacrifices. That diversity is not a curse. It is our capital. But it must be managed with humility, fairness, and discipline.

We must not allow outsiders to narrate us into conflict. We must not allow headlines to dictate our emotions. We must not allow commentators, who will not stand with us in the rain, to push us into quarrels that will weaken us in the sun. The media has its place, and public scrutiny is part of democracy. But we must have the wisdom to separate honest analysis from engineered mischief.

At this moment, what our party needs is not noise but steadiness. Not suspicion but conversation. Not bitterness but maturity. Not factional triumphalism but collective responsibility. Every leader must lower the temperature. Every aspirant must discipline his camp. Every supporter must remember that today’s opponent in a primary may be tomorrow’s ally in a general election.

We have a larger duty to our nation. Politics is not an end in itself. It is a vehicle for service. It is the means through which we deliver security, education, jobs, infrastructure, prosperity, justice, and dignity to our people. If we reduce politics to personal entitlement, we betray the people whose mandate we seek. If we turn primaries into wars of ego, we abandon the very citizens who expect governance from us.

His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, has shown, through a long political journey, that democracy thrives on accommodation, persuasion, resilience, and coalition-building. That example must guide us. The strength of a party is not in the absence of disagreements, but in its capacity to resolve them without losing its soul.

So, I appeal to our leaders: let us be fair. I appeal to our aspirants: let us be patient. I appeal to our supporters: let us be disciplined. I appeal to our party faithful: let us be united. The roof over this house shelters all of us. If we pull it down in anger, nobody will be spared by the storm.

Contest, but do not destroy. Disagree, but do not defame. Aspire, but do not divide. Lose, if it happens, with dignity. Win, if it happens, with humility. And after the primaries, let us close ranks, because the real battle will not be among ourselves. The real task will be to go before Nigerians with one voice, one purpose, and one renewed covenant of service.

Each of us is a raindrop. Alone, we may appear small. Together, we can become the flood that carries our party to victory and our country towards greater hope.

Let us therefore protect the house. Let us preserve the family. Let us choose moderation over mischief, unity over suspicion, and service over ego.

We will all have our season, but only if the house still stands.

By Senator Kashim Shettima, GCON.
Vice President, Federal Republic of Nigeria.

The Downturns of Colonization and the Weight of the “White Man’s Burden”

For generations, the phrase “White Man’s Burden” was used to frame colonization as a noble duty — the idea that Western nations had to civilize the rest of the world. But behind that language was a pattern of exploitation, loss, and lasting harm that reshaped entire continents.

The first downturn was the human cost. Colonization meant conquest, and conquest meant violence. From the Congo Free State to the Indian subcontinent, millions died from war, forced labor, and famine created by cash-crop policies. Indigenous governance structures were dismantled and replaced with foreign rule that served distant capitals, not local communities. Languages were suppressed, cultural practices outlawed, and histories rewritten through colonial schools.

Economic extraction defined the system. Railroads and ports were built, but primarily to move rubber, diamonds, tea, and cotton out. Local industries were undermined by imported goods. Land was seized and redistributed to settlers or plantations, turning self-sufficient farmers into wage laborers. The wealth flowed outward, leaving infrastructure that served export, not broad domestic development.

The political legacy was equally heavy. Arbitrary borders drawn in Berlin or London grouped rivals together and split ethnic groups apart, sowing conflict that would last long after independence. Systems of indirect rule elevated some groups over others, hardening divisions that later erupted into civil wars. The promise of “preparing nations for self-government” often meant decades of paternal control, with constitutions and elections designed to preserve colonial interests.

Socially, the missionary and civilizing impulse dismissed existing knowledge systems. Medical traditions, legal codes, and agricultural practices that had sustained societies for centuries were labeled primitive. Boarding schools and mission stations severed children from families in the name of progress. The psychological toll — the message that one’s culture was inferior — echoed for generations.

Even where roads, hospitals, and legal codes remained, they came tied to a system that denied political agency. Independence movements across Africa, Asia, and the Americas were not rejections of modernity, but demands to define it on their own terms.

The “burden” was never borne equally. The colonizers wrote it as sacrifice; the colonized experienced it as subjugation. Today, the downturns are visible in economic inequality between nations, in political instability rooted in colonial borders, and in the long work of cultural reclamation.

Understanding colonization means looking at both the railroads and the graves, the schools and the silenced languages, the laws imposed and the ones erased. The true weight of the “White Man’s Burden” was not carried by those who claimed it, but by those who had no choice in the matter.

Haha that's correct.........haha

yarimo:
Attack on USA president and yet America is not finish, if this should happen in Nigeria one peter obi could have Rush to arise tv and claim Nigeria is finish

US President Donald Trump and other attendees were evacuated Saturday night after gunshots were fired at a glitzy media gala in Washington.

Read more: https://dailytrust.com/how-trump-wife-others-were-evacuated-when-gunman-disrupted-white-house-event/

On The Origin Of Blacks' Underdevelopment
By Baba El-Yakubu
byjibril@gmail.com

By any reasonable standard, the black race is at the bottom of the human development pyramid. In any field of human endeavor - material possessions, literature, culture, truth, or the ability to organize into a purposeful society - today, the race is at the lowest level of any scale. It is part of human nature to crave more and better. All sensible humans aspire for prosperity and economic development. They go to any extent to avoid anything that may jeopardize their well-being. The fact that blacks languish in avoidable deprivations and misery; leads to a necessary question. Are Blacks sensible humans? This question is indeed problematic. It is based on some assumptions. But it is not unreasonable. There is nothing more important and nothing deserves our attention more than these types of questions about the present state of the black race. This attempt may unravel the difficulties associated with improving the blacks' conditions.

To answer the question, we need to address another difficult one. Why are blacks backward and underdeveloped? The two questions are linked because development is about learning and improving. A person may observe that another is better than him. Because he is sensible and intelligent; he imagines what he wants and finds ways to take him from where he is to where he wants to go. If regression is accepted as a fact of life without attempt to learn and grow; then the first question arises. I have been grappling with the second question for more than two decades. I read books. I closely observe blacks and discuss my concerns with others. Still, I could not answer why they are retrogressive, unorganized, of low self-esteem, and have insignificant achievements. L. Sprague De Camp's "Ancient Engineers" and many other sources discuss important engineering feats of different races in different civilizations, but there is nothing significant recorded from black Africa. Last July a list of the new 'Seven Wonders of the World' was unveiled based on about 100 million votes on the internet. There was no significant architectural or civil engineering feat by the blacks. If you look at economic indices such as purchasing power parity and gross domestic product per capita, blacks' countries are among the poorest of the poor. About 50 years ago, the GDP per capita of Ghana was higher than that of Malaysia and that of Taiwan was lower than that of Sudan. Today, the African countries are seeking economic aid from the Asians. Over the 1960-1973 period, the African countries' growth rate was 2.0% compared with the world average of 3.0% the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development - OECD countries of 4.2%. In 1981 – 1988; Africans exhibited a negative growth rate (-0.1%) while OECDs had 2.9% growth. The blacks' countries are highly corrupt and unstable. Recent report of failed states shows a large percentage of them to be Blacks majority countries.

Many blame geography and colonialism. My observation is that the location is not an important factor. Blacks have the same characteristics irrespective of their past or current circumstances. Take a group of blacks to anywhere – the Caribbean islands, South America, or Papua New Guinea. It is the same story of political instability, abject poverty, and regressions. They fail to organize themselves into a developed and vibrant nation. Compare them with non-black neighbors to see the irrelevance of geographical conditions. Even in countries where they live along with other races (such as the Dominican Republic, Mauritania, and the USA), blacks are at the bottom of socioeconomic, political,l and intellectual ladders. The authors of the controversial "Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life" used census and other data sources to show that blacks in the US were at the bottom of the intelligence pyramid, irrespective of the environmental factors. Instead of chasing the shadow by focusing on symptoms such as corruption and poverty, the blacks' brains and how they function individually and in groups, may give the most important insight towards alleviating their despair.

Colonialism and slavery indeed disrupted African development or lack thereof. Other races had similar experiences, but were able to heal and move forward faster. For example, the development gap between Japan and its former colonies – Korea and Taiwan - is relatively small. But there are no significant differences in the development scale among the blacks' countries of Haiti, Namibia, and Ethiopia; despite their diverse experience with colonialism. Haiti was the first blacks' country to gain political independence while Namibia was the last. Ethiopia was not even directly colonized. These countries are not better than others. In fact, why are Blacks the victims rather than the culprits of colonialism? Why could they not develop effective tools to conquer other races? The blacks indeed invented many tools necessary for their primitive survival. Why nothing else? It appears that they could not advance beyond a certain limit of development. Therefore, they could not compete with others. Fernand Braudel's "A History of Civilizations" demonstrated that there was no apparent record of blacks' inferiority in the past. The relative underdevelopment we observe today is perhaps a recent phenomenon. Or put another way, it seems other races were able to learn and progress at a faster rate than the blacks.

This made colonialism and slavery inevitable. In the 1441 to 1860s, Africa witnessed the first wave of Western European conquests initiated by the Portuguese in West, South, and East Africa. The Dutch joined the scrambles for Africa with the invasion and encroachment in South Africa in the 1650's. There was also the Belgian conquest of the Congo by Leopold II in the 1860's. Why were the Europeans able to reach and conquer Africa? Why couldn't the Blacks retaliate? The answer is a simple fact that they had better tools. That is the availability of superior means of travel and subduing others based on better and more organized brainpower. This gave them strength. It is an immutable law that the stronger always defeats the weaker. If we observe otherwise, we call it a miracle. As Prince Hector cautioned his religious father, King Priam; who was about to face enemies in the Oscar-nominated movie ‘Troy’, “Even Gods help the strongest”.

The period above, coincides with the many discoveries in Europe that led to the modern chemical industry and therefore more leverage against others. In the 1600s and 1700s, Germany, France, and England were already manufacturing chemicals to preserve food, make gunpowder, dye fabric, and produce soap. I wonder what blacks were doing at that time! The more intelligent race develops the necessary tools to dominate or colonize others. Gunpowder and its derivatives remain one of the most potent weapons in the arsenal of mankind. In my beloved Kano city, we have a legend about how the Whiteman used gunpowder to destroy the city gate that was hitherto considered sacred and impenetrable by enemies. The residents were so 'shocked and awed' that some still refer to Whiteman as a lion. This is not a mere metaphoric syntax, but a psychological surrender to a superior brain. If a Muslim Hausaman wants to explain how mighty and magnificent Allah is; he simply tells you that 'Allah is the one who could create a Whiteman in a single night'. He will say it with such assurance and finality that you wouldn't miss the point. Allah is great because He could create somebody so intelligent and powerful. As a group, the Hausa tribe seems to accept the reality of its inferior position.

There are many current examples to buttress the fact that as a group, blacks are backward and unorganized. Europeans set up the first crude oil refineries in the Austrian Empire in the year 1856. Today, 150 years later, blacks in Nigeria cannot even maintain and run one refinery properly. About half of local gasoline demand is imported! Of all the major ingredients required for oil refining – solvents, catalysts etc – none is produced locally.

Take another example. I am traveling to the city of Kano for a summer break, but the perennial water shortage is going to be my most important headache. Piped drinking water that is taken for granted in other places; is a rare luxury there. This is the only problem of the black community. Kano was founded more than 1,000 years ago, but still in some places residences defecate and urinate on the street sides. Its open gutters (if put end-to-end) are many times longer than its paved streets. Mountains of refuse dumped compete for space with people in the city and the surrounding areas. People carry on with daily life as if there is nothing wrong. It is common to see a big signboard cautioning that "Do not defecate, urinate, or dump refuse here". Kano is just one example. Go to Lagos, Brixton, Harlem, or that bastion of drug-induced blacks' self-destruction - the inner cities of aborigines in Australia to see blacks in squalor. Visit Faisalia - that island of poverty in the midst of abundance – in the outskirts of Riyadh, to see former black slaves wallowing in deprivation. These places are like a stable where blacks carry their lives akin to a mentally retarded herd that could not organize themselves into purposeful groups.

I am not saying Blackman is unintelligent. The point is that blacks are less intelligent compared with other races. Individually, Blackman can be a hero, but as a group, he is a failure. He is on a level zero on the scale of human development. I had opportunities to study with or teach students of different racial backgrounds. My observation is that as an individual, black is generally of similar 'quality' compared with others. Go to any place, where blacks are allowed to see their individual performances. Compared to his opportunities, his general performances are similar to those of any other person. As a group, however; they are a different story. This leads to an obvious question. Does the Blackman's brain work differently in such a way that it cannot produce the necessary synergy when it interacts with others? Per Bak's "How Nature Works: The Science of Self-Organized Criticality" gives insights into the necessity of a certain minimum number of individuals for any group to evolve into a desired structure and behavior. There are many progressive and intelligent blacks. But it seems they are not able to create a critical mass necessary to achieve anything tangible and irreversible in their society. This deficiency appears to be the bane of the black race.

This mysterious Black Gap (between individual and group achievements) may be decreased by improving the quality of more and more Africans. Generally, human quality increases by imparting appropriate education. Perhaps blacks need a higher ratio of educated population to be able to gravitate towards an irreversible state of development. Therefore, Africa should take education (special education, I mean) as a means of turning Blackman's fortunes. Special because based on their disposition and characteristics, they need a special curriculum design, delivery tools, testing methods, and indicators of outcomes. Perhaps all along, African educationists (burdened by the colonial legacy) have been using the wrong approaches. Education may be part of the answer. As H.G. Wells suggested, education is the greatest social equalizing tool. In fact, we have seen this in our time. Within one to two generations, India has been transformed from what Mao described as a "country of Taj Mahal and poverty" to one that a BBC ad touted as an "incredible India" – a destination for outsourcing, IT, and tourism. All over the world, Indians are known (not as criminals and butlers), but as service providers, university professors, and businessmen. Today, non-resident Indians (NRI) are the richest race in Diaspora. China used to be associated with hunger and starvation. Today it is the engine of the world economy. Before this, the Asian tigers – witnessed exponential growth from rural and underdeveloped economy to developing ones. Scholars have associated these rapid developments with the earlier improvement in quality. Robert Solow of MIT received the 1987 Nobel Prize for his work on determining the sources of economic growth. He concluded that the bulk of such growths is the result of technological advances. In turn, the technology is related to investment in human capital – through education, training, and effective healthcare.

However, human capital development cannot be achieved overnight. It takes time. In the interim, blacks need to take action. We have to face reality as it is, not as we want it to be. It remains a fact today that Blackman is a disgrace to himself and a liability to the world. As blacks, this is a fact of our lives. Racists and bigots may use it as an excuse to disrespect, dehumanize, and enslave us. They may write and say unsavory things about us. This should serve as a clear reminder to us that all is not well. Instead of burying our heads or taking arms, we should look at these facts and ponder. Instead of asking who is right, we should be more interested in what is right. Therefore, the earlier we start addressing this issue the better. Accepting this fact may lead to a new paradigm in blacks' relations with other races. If we assume that all races are equal (which tragically is the case in today's world), a game based on the "survival of the fittest" will always end with the weakest as the loser With the world's 'dog eats dog' mentality, is there any wonder why scramble for Africa led to colonialism, slavery, etc? How about because not all dogs are equal? (Apology to George Orwell). If we accept that blacks are not equal to other races in certain critical 'qualities', it will lead to a change in the 'rule of engagement' and the game will be fairer. UN, IMF, WTO, US, EU, etc will have a different moral challenge while dealing with Africa south of the Sahara. It will also give the Geldofs, B, Onos, and Gates stronger ground to fight African Poverty.

Geldof's beautiful BBC documentary and book, Geldof in Africa demonstrate African poverty and development challenges. Everybody knows that blacks have peculiar problems. But many blacks are afraid of reality. Instead of looking for help, they prefer self-delusions and excuses. Whether Europe underdeveloped Africa or Africans underdeveloped Africa, as some authors suggest, or that blacks were left plundered, disoriented, and confused by their triple heritage, is not our concern here. As blacks, we need to be realistic and dispassionate. Look around the world. Is what you see what blacks deserve? Our attempt here is to suggest why (in a group) blacks are regressive and unorganized. I believe Blackman is sensible and intelligent like other humans, but he ceases to display sensible human behaviors (that lead to prosperity and progress) when he forms a group. There is a gap between the individual's and the group's learning and growth. Therefore, Africans appear to need a higher ratio of improved/educated part of the population than other races to be able to gravitate towards a critical mass of individuals necessary to form useful and irreversible characteristics. Otherwise, there may be ‘spur of the moment’ progress that may soon dissipate. This means we should imbibe the culture of learning and education. At the same time, we should surrender to the fact that as a group, we have a problem. We need help. "Accurate diagnosis", as they say, "is half the cure". I believe it is part of our moral obligation as blacks to discuss and diagnose the so-called blacks' curse and attempt to solve it or invite others to fix us.

Friday Reflection: WHEN BAIL BECOMES POLITICAL, JUSTICE IS ALREADY IN DANGER

✍️ Ibrahim Shehu Giwa.

If 175 people could be listed for Presidential pardon and clemency under President Tinubu, including convicts and former convicts, then Nigeria must pause and ask a painful question: what exactly does justice mean in this country?

If repentant Boko Haram fighters and former insurgents can be rehabilitated and reintegrated back into society under Operation Safe Corridor, with reports showing that ₦604,825,797.09 was spent on rehabilitation infrastructure and reintegration support, then why does bail suddenly become a threat to national security when the accused person is perceived to be standing on the wrong side of power?

If Yahaya Bello, despite the corruption charges against him, could play hide and seek with the system for months without being crushed by the full weight of the law because he's in the ruling party, and if Godswill Akpabio can sit comfortably as Senate President, the third citizen of the country, despite longstanding corruption allegations and EFCC invitation, then why is Nasir El-Rufai kept in custody for 66 days, only for the case to be adjourned for another 40 days, without bail?

They say he may tamper with investigation. But what investigation remains so weak, so fragile, and so unfinished after 66 days of detention?

This is no longer ordinary prosecution. This looks dangerously like punishment before conviction. It looks like the law being stretched, bent and deployed, not as an instrument of justice, but as a weapon of political humiliation.

Bail is not a favour from government. Bail is not an act of mercy from those in power. Bail is not a political gift reserved for friends of the system. Bail is a constitutional safeguard against abuse of power, and it must never be weaponised to punish perceived political opponents before conviction.

The most dangerous country is not the one where criminals exist. Every country has criminals. The most dangerous country is the one where the law has two faces, one soft face for friends of power, and one brutal face for those who fall out with power.

Our judiciary must not allow itself to be dragged into political witch-hunt. Once the courts become instruments of selective justice, the common man has lost his last hope. Once bail becomes politics, detention becomes revenge. Once detention becomes revenge, justice becomes a threat.

Nigeria cannot rehabilitate terrorists, pardon convicts, tolerate politically connected corruption suspects, and then suddenly discover “strict justice” only when the accused person is no longer in the good books of power.

Justice must be justice, not politics wearing a wig.

✍️ Ibrahim Shehu Giwa,
Giwaibrahim68@gmail.com
Friday, 24th April, 2026.

‎POLITICS OF INFRASTRUCTURE DISTRIBUTION: EXAMINING BIAS AND INEFFICIENCY IN MINISTRY FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND CHIEFTAINCY AFFAIRS, KADUNA STATE
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‎The allocation of public infrastructure is not merely a technical exercise; it is an explicit reflection of political priorities, governance ethics, and distributive justice. Where such allocation deviates from objective indicators, such as population size, infrastructural deficit, and electoral contribution becomes analytically valid to interrogate the presence of nepotism, elite capture, and deliberate political exclusion.
‎
‎Recent patterns of road construction and rehabilitation under the Kaduna State Ministry for Local Government reveal a troubling concentration of projects within Marafa Estate and Kabala, localities that are the residence and political base of the Honourable Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs of Kaduna State, Sadeeq Mamman Lagos. This pattern raises serious governance concerns when examined against basic empirical indicators.
‎
‎Available community-level estimates suggest that Marafa Estate hosts a population of fewer than 30,000 residents and contributes less than 5,000 votes during electoral cycles. In contrast, communities such as the Kwaru community in Badarawa-Malali ward, and other parts of Kaduna North Local Government possess significantly larger populations and far greater electoral weight, contributing thousands of votes that were instrumental in the emergence of the current administration. Under any rational, needs-based, or politically strategic allocation model, such communities should rank higher in infrastructural prioritization.
‎
‎However, observable evidence contradicts this expectation. Field-level assessments indicate that Marafa and Kabala have witnessed a disproportionately high concentration of road tarring and rehabilitation projects, resulting in a relatively dense and functional road network. Conversely, the Kwaru community, despite its demographic and political significance has been systematically excluded from these interventions. The absence of even a single major project in the Kwaru community under the current allocation cycle strongly suggests not an oversight, but a pattern of deliberate marginalization.
‎
‎From a quantitative governance perspective, this distribution reflects a clear distortion in resource allocation efficiency. If public expenditure is disproportionately directed toward low-impact, low-population, and low-vote areas, the marginal social return on investment is significantly reduced. In contrast, neglecting high-density and politically active communities represents not only a governance failure but also a strategic miscalculation with long-term political consequences.
‎
‎Moreover, a spatial comparison across Kaduna North reveals stark infrastructural asymmetry. The visible disparity between Marafa/Kabala and other communities creates a de facto hierarchy of citizenship where access to public goods appears contingent upon proximity to political power rather than objective need. This violates fundamental principles of equity, accountability, and inclusive governance.
‎
‎The argument that such a distribution may be coincidental or based on technical considerations becomes increasingly untenable when the pattern aligns so closely with the personal residence and political ward of the supervising authority. Within political science literature, this phenomenon is well-documented as localized elite capture, where public office is leveraged to channel state resources toward personal or politically strategic enclaves.
‎Particularly concerning is the complete exclusion of the Kwaru community. Given its electoral contribution and population size, a zero-allocation outcome is statistically and politically anomalous. Such an outcome strongly indicates intentional neglect rather than administrative oversight. It reinforces perceptions of bias, deepens political alienation, and undermines the legitimacy of governance institutions.
‎
‎If left unaddressed, this pattern risks generating broader socio-political consequences, including voter apathy, erosion of trust in democratic processes, and heightened community grievances. Development that is perceived as selective or exclusionary inevitably weakens the social contract between government and citizens.
‎
‎In conclusion, the current allocation of infrastructural projects in Kaduna North Local Government exhibits clear indicators of nepotism, inefficiency, and inequity. Immediate corrective measures are necessary, including:
‎The publication of transparent allocation criteria, an independent audit of project distribution, and the adoption of data-driven, needs-based planning frameworks. Without such reforms, the Ministry risks entrenching a governance model defined not by fairness and public interest, but by proximity, patronage, and political favoritism.

‎~ Salis Muhammad Moriki
‎

‎Kaduna North and APC’s Choice of Candidate: Why Grassroots Impact Matters
‎
‎By Tahir Abubakar Muhammad
‎
‎As political activities gather momentum ahead of the next general elections, attention is turning to the Kaduna North Federal Constituency, where two aspirants have shown interest in contesting for the House of Representatives seat under the All Progressives Congress (APC). Among the early contenders is Hon. Abdulazeez Abubakar Kaka, who began wide consultations on 26 March 2026, drawing a large crowd of supporters and well-wishers.
‎
‎What stood out during the consultation visit was not just the turnout, but the composition of the people present—many of them individuals who have directly benefited from his interventions over the years, including youths, women, artisans, traders, and families whose lives have been positively impacted through his initiatives.
‎
‎From Grassroots Engagement to Measurable Impact
‎
‎Hon. Abdulazeez Abubakar Kaka is widely regarded as a grassroots politician who built his reputation through community development and social support. Through the Kowa Namu Foundation, he has implemented wide-ranging programs focused on empowerment, education, healthcare support, and economic development.
‎
‎His interventions include:
‎
‎
Donation of sewing machines, makeup kits, and welding machines to beneficiaries
‎
Donation of cars and motorcycles (bikes) to party faithfuls and supporters
‎ Free medical outreach programs are conducted across different wards
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‎Sponsorship of students for JAMB and SSCE examinations across Kaduna North
‎
Graduation of over 3,000 students under his skill acquisition programme
‎
‎Empowerment of over 5,000 beneficiaries with grants and equipment
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Installation of solar streetlights across various wards in Kaduna
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Distribution of school bags and books to over 2,000 students
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Out-of-school enrollment support for over 1,000 less privileged children
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‎ Securing over 30 federal and state appointments and fellowships for Kaduna residents
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Enrollment of residents under the KADCHMA health insurance scheme
‎
‎Promoting the Renewed Hope Agenda
‎
‎Supporters also highlight his alignment with the Renewed Hope agenda championed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, and the developmental policies of Governor Uba Sani, CON, of Kaduna State. His continued engagement in community development programs is viewed as part of broader efforts aimed at economic empowerment, social inclusion, and improved welfare delivery.
‎
‎The Question of Electability
‎As the APC moves toward selecting its candidate, the party faces the task of presenting a contender who is both electable and deeply connected to the grassroots. Supporters of Hon. Abdulazeez Abubakar Kaka believe his extensive record of empowerment, community trust, and development-focused interventions positions him as a strong and competitive candidate for Kaduna North.
‎
‎#KakaMediaCentre
‎#KowaNamuNe
‎#kaka2027
‎

‎2027: APC revises timetable, moves presidential primary to a new date
‎

‎APC said the Expression of Interest and Nomination forms for all elective positions remain open to all aspiring party members nationwide.
‎
‎The National Working Committee (NWC) of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has revised the party's 2027 election timetable, shifting its presidential primary to May 23.
‎
‎The adjustment was confirmed to journalists in Abuja on Thursday by Deputy National Publicity Secretary, Duro Meseko, after the party’s 186th NWC meeting.
‎
‎He said the presidential primary earlier fixed for 15 May has now been rescheduled to Saturday, 23 May, alongside other revised election dates.
‎
‎Mr Meseko confirmed that Expression of Interest and Nomination forms for all elective positions remain open to all aspiring party members across the country.
‎
‎He explained that the changes were necessary to ensure full compliance with the amended Constitution, the 2026 Electoral Act, and Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) guidelines.
‎
‎“This is the newest timetable reflecting updated legal and procedural requirements,” Mr Meseko said.
‎
‎He added that the revised schedule had been formally communicated to INEC in accordance with established electoral regulations.
‎
‎According to the timetable, sales of nomination forms will begin on Saturday, 25 April, and end on Saturday, 2 May
‎
‎Mr Meseko stated that the deadline for submission of completed nomination forms has been fixed for Monday, 4 May.
‎
‎He said screening of all aspirants, from the House of Assembly to the presidential level, will hold between 5 May and 9 May.
‎
‎Presidential screening is scheduled for Saturday, 9 May, while results for all categories will be published on Monday, 11 May.
‎
‎According to him, primaries will follow a staggered sequence covering legislative, senatorial, governorship, and presidential elections across different scheduled dates.
‎
‎Mr Meseko dismissed reports suggesting restriction of nomination forms, insisting the process remains fully open to all qualified APC aspirants nationwide.
‎
‎“I am here to inform all party faithful that nomination forms are open to all aspirants seeking elective offices,” he said.
‎
‎On primaries, he said the NWC adopted both direct and consensus options as permitted under the Electoral Act, depending on circumstances.
‎
‎He stressed that consensus arrangements must reflect agreement among aspirants and key stakeholders before any adoption by party structures.
‎
‎“Where consensus fails or is rejected by any aspirant, the party automatically reverts to direct primary elections,” he explained.
‎
‎He added that state chapters were empowered to decide the appropriate mode of primary elections for their respective states.
‎
‎In Zamfara, he said internal party congresses had been scheduled, beginning with ward, local government, and state-level exercises from 28 April.
‎
‎“Ward congresses will hold on April 30, while state congresses and appeal processes are expected to conclude by May 3,” he said.
‎
‎Mr Meseko assured party members that the updated national membership register, including new entrants, had been duly transmitted to INEC.
‎
‎According to him, APC is fully prepared for its 2027 primary elections following completion of all administrative and regulatory steps.
‎
‎(NAN)
‎
‎
‎

‎The Truth About the Historic Trials of Salem
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‎The truth that makes men free is for the most part the truth which men prefer not to hear
‎-Herbert Agar
‎
‎
‎The 1692 Salem witch trials occurred due to intense political, social, and economic tensions, exacerbated by severe paranoia over land rights, native conflict, and strict Puritan orthodoxy. The crisis arose from property disputes between expanding residents, fear of spectral attacks, and accusations made by children amidst a vacuum of charter authority in Massachusetts
‎
‎Key Reasons for the Salem Witch Trials:
‎
‎
‎Land Disputes and Boundary Tension:
‎
‎Intense rivalries over land ownership, particularly in Salem Village (poorer) versus Salem Town (wealthier), fueled accusations. The competition for dwindling farmland caused divisions, with many accusations occurring between residents of the wealthier eastern side and the poorer western side of the village.
‎
‎Property Seizure:
‎
‎Once the accusations began, the local government could seize land and assets from those convicted of witchcraft, creating an incentive for neighbors with property grudges to accuse others.
‎
‎
‎Political and Social Insecurity:
‎
‎Massachusetts was without a permanent charter, causing a power vacuum and intense fear of change. Additionally, fear caused by recent conflicts with Native Americans along the northern boundary caused people to view the devil as acting directly against them.
‎
‎Puritan Beliefs and Stress:
‎
‎Puritans believed in the active presence of the devil and witchcraft, and a series of illnesses affecting young girls (potentially stress-induced or caused by natural phenomena) was quickly interpreted as evil
‎
‎Economic Factors:
‎
‎A "profound" insecurity and danger, spiritual and physical" existed due to cold weather, crop failures, and political instability
‎

ABUJA, FCT

APRIL 20, 2026

PRESS STATEMENT

APC RELEASES TIMETABLE FOR 2027 GENERAL ELECTIONS

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has released its Timetable and Schedule of Activities for the 2027 General Elections.

This is contained in the Schedule of Activities signed by the Party’s National Organising Secretary, His Excellency Sulaiman Muhammad Argungu, OFR. The timetable outlines, among other activities, timelines for screening, appeals, and primary elections, as well as directives on the sale of nomination and expression of interest forms.

The APC reassures members, stakeholders, and Nigerians of its commitment to conducting a credible and transparent primary election that will further strengthen the Party’s internal democracy and consolidate its progressive ideals.

Signed:

Felix Morka, CON
National Publicity Secretary
All Progressives Congress (APC)

IS KWARU COMMUNITY IN THE 'BLACK BOOK' OF SADEEQ MAMMAN LAGOS? A CASE STUDY OF POLITICAL EXCLUSION AND DELIBERATE MARGINALIZATION

The ongoing wave of road construction across Kaduna State, under the supervision of the Ministry for Local Government led by Sadeeq Mamman Lagos, has been widely publicized as a testament to responsive governance. However, beneath this narrative of development lies a troubling and increasingly undeniable reality: the systematic exclusion of Kwaru community.

While communities such as Kabala, Marafa, and Unguwar Sarki continue to benefit from government presence through visible infrastructural projects, Kwaru stands in stark and painful contrast, abandoned, overlooked, and conspicuously absent from the developmental map of Kaduna State.

This is not an oversight. It is not a coincidence. It is a pattern.

Kwaru is not a marginal settlement that can be ignored without consequence. It is one of the most populous and politically significant segments within the Badarawa axis of Kaduna North Local Government. By all electoral logic, it should command attention, not neglect. The community played a decisive role in the emergence of the current administration under Uba Sani, contributing substantial votes and political support. Yet, when it comes to the distribution of democratic dividends, Kwaru has been treated as if it does not exist.

This raises a fundamental and uncomfortable question: Has Kwaru been deliberately placed in a political “black book”?
If governance is truly about equity and representation, then what justifies this glaring disparity? Why are less populous communities receiving concentrated infrastructural investments while a densely populated, politically loyal community is left to decay under the weight of neglect?

The answer, many would argue, lies not in policy, but in politics, specifically, in the dangerous culture of selective development driven by personal preferences, political vendettas, or exclusionary power networks. When public resources are distributed not on the basis of need or contribution, but on the basis of who is favored or ignored, governance ceases to be democratic and becomes transactional.

The roads in Kwaru are not just physically broken; they are symbolic of a broken social contract. They reflect a governance structure that rewards some and punishes others without transparency, without accountability, and without justification.

Even more disturbing is the silence surrounding this injustice. How long is Kwaru expected to endure this systemic neglect? How long will its people continue to be politically relevant during elections, only to become invisible afterward?

This is not merely about roads. It is about recognition. It is about dignity. It is about the fundamental right of a community to benefit from the government it helped bring to power.

If the Ministry for Local Government, under Sadeeq Mamman Lagos, is truly committed to equitable development, then it must explain clearly and publicly the criteria used in selecting project locations. Anything short of that only reinforces the perception that Kwaru’s exclusion is intentional.

Kwaru cannot continue to be a footnote in the politics of Kaduna State. Its people must demand answers, demand inclusion, and demand justice. Because in a democracy, silence in the face of exclusion is not neutrality, it is complicity.

~ Salis Muhammad Moriki

The Immaculate Aliyu Mai-Bornu

By Halimah Sanda



I came across a post by @HistoryVille about Aliyu Mai-Bornu, which challenges the idea we casually throw around about people being “behind” in life. He pursued higher education in Economics at 35 and graduated at 38, at a point where many of his peers had already spent well over a decade building their careers. By societal standards, he was clearly behind the curve.

But within just six years of graduating, at the young age of 44, he became the 1st Indigenous Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria. Six years. What takes many 25 to 30 years, and for some, a lifetime, he reached in a fraction of that time. He retired at 48 and passed away at 51, yet his name remains permanently written into Nigeria’s history.

That alone should force a rethink of how we measure progress. The assumption that everyone must follow a fixed timeline is flawed. People are not just moving at different speeds, they are operating on entirely different timelines. Some start early and never arrive. Others start later and move with a speed that defies expectation. So being “behind” is often just a perception built on comparison, not a reflection of actual potential or outcome.

From an Islamic perspective, this becomes even clearer: what is written for you will reach you, and it will do so at the exact time it is meant to. Not earlier to satisfy pressure, and not later to fit society’s expectations. Aliyu Mai-Bornu did not live a particularly long life, but within the years he had, he reached a level many never attain despite having more time. That is the part that matters.

So the focus should not be on where you think you are on a timeline, but on what you do with the time you have and how prepared you are when your moment comes. Because when it does, it will be complete, it will be undeniable, and it will be yours. May we attain what is written for us, and be granted the life, health, and iman to make it count.

‎KWARU COMMUNITY AND THE INTRIGUE OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION

‎By Salis Muhammad Moriki
‎(Zannan Kwaru)
‎
‎The paradox of political representation in Kwaru community is as striking as it is troubling. It reveals a persistent disconnect between democratic theory and lived reality - between the promise of representation and the practice of neglect. Each time one reflects on the political engagements between elected officials and the people of Kwaru, the pattern that emerges is not one of partnership, but of instrumentalization.
‎
‎Demographically and electorally, Kwaru occupies a position of undeniable significance within Badarawa/Malali ward. The ward itself arguably commands one of the highest voter concentrations in the constituency, and within it, Kwaru stands out as a population hub. In any rational political calculus, such a community should be central to developmental planning and policy prioritization. Yet, what unfolds instead is a cyclical ritual: politicians descend on the community during election seasons - cultivating familiarity, forging temporary alliances, and even embedding themselves socially through marriages and symbolic affiliations, only to retreat into indifference once electoral victory is secured.
‎
‎The “dividends of democracy” offered thereafter are often tokenistic, insufficient, and sometimes outright insulting.
‎The case of the long-abandoned road project, stretching from Sarkin Margi Road to Kwaru, and from Unguwar Yero to the Cemetery, offers a compelling microcosm of this systemic failure. For over two decades, this critical infrastructure has remained in a state of disrepair, despite repeated assurances from successive members of the House of Representatives. From Usman ABG to Sama’ila Sulaiman, and now Bello El-Rufai, the narrative has been one of promises unmet and responsibilities deflected.
‎
‎The earlier representatives (Usman ABG and Sama'ila Sulaiman) engaged in a blame game, each accusing the other of misappropriating the allocated funds. The current representative, while initiating some level of intervention, has executed only a negligible fraction of the project before abandoning it. More disconcerting is the apparent prioritization of similar infrastructure in Unguwar Dosa, a community with a comparatively smaller population - where such projects have not only been initiated but completed. This raises legitimate questions about equity, transparency, and the criteria guiding public investment.
‎
‎Indeed, a broader observation reinforces this sense of marginalization: much of what exists in Kwaru today in terms of infrastructure and social amenities has been facilitated through communal effort rather than governmental initiative. This self-reliance, while commendable, is also indicative of state failure. It suggests a community compelled to substitute for the very institutions meant to serve it. Meanwhile, neighboring areas with less demographic weight appear to attract disproportionate government attention and resources.
‎
‎The marginalization of Kwaru becomes even more perplexing when situated within the broader political timeline. Since the ascendancy of the All Progressives Congress (APC) over a decade ago, and despite significant financial inflows such as the $350 million loan secured during the administration of Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, there is little evidence of any major, community transforming project being sited in Kwaru. This absence is particularly glaring given the scale of resources and the rhetoric of inclusive development that accompanied such funding. Even the current administration under Governor Uba Sani, who is often described as having local roots, has yet to meaningfully alter this trajectory.
‎
‎Equally concerning is the role of local political actors, who claim affiliation with Kwaru. Some, despite holding traditional titles and enjoying the symbolic capital of community identity, appear more invested in personal or familial advancement than in collective progress of the Community. Their participation in electoral mobilization, often urging the community to support particular candidates with promises of post-election benefits has not translated into sustained advocacy or accountability. Instead, it has contributed to a cycle in which loyalty is extracted but rarely reciprocated.
‎
‎The episode surrounding the Kwaru water project further exemplifies this pattern of unfulfilled commitments. The former representative, Hon. Sama’ila Sulaiman, in my presence, assured the community of swift execution within a two-week timeframe - an assurance that proved to be not only unrealistic but ultimately deceptive, as the project never materialized under his watch. In contrast, the current representative, Hon. Bello El-Rufai, is acknowledged for having financed the project during his campaign period, suggesting at least a partial fulfillment of commitment. However, even this gesture raises deeper questions about the timing and motivation of developmental interventions, whether they are driven by genuine concern for public welfare or by electoral expediency.
‎
‎In sum, the situation in Kwaru is emblematic of a broader crisis of representation, where political engagement is reduced to transactional encounters rather than sustained responsibility. It calls for a rethinking of civic consciousness within the community, a demand for greater accountability from elected officials, and perhaps most importantly, a restructuring of the relationship between the electorate and those who seek to represent them. Without such shifts, the cycle of neglect, promises, and disappointment is likely to persist - leaving communities like Kwaru perpetually on the margins of the very democracy they help sustain.
‎
‎~ Salis Muhammad Moriki
‎(Zannan Kwaru)
‎

‎Akume, Dangote, Wamakko, Danjuma, honoured at ACF’s 25th anniversary
‎
History was again made on Friday in Kaduna when the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), conferred prestigious awards on some living and deceased prominent leaders in the North.
‎
‎The event was chaired by the former vice president and Waziri Adamawa, Aiku Abubakar.
‎
‎The event was organised as part of the memorable activities organised to
‎mark ACF’s 25th Anniversary.
‎
‎Notable among the awardees was a former governor of Sokoto State and Sarkin Yamman Sokoto, Senator Aliyu Wamakko (APC-Sokoto North), , who bagged the forum’s ‘Distinguished Service Award.’
‎
‎The Silver Jubilee event took place at the Umaru Musa Yar’adua Conference Hall, situated within the Murtala Muhammad Square in Kaduna.
‎
‎The event drew many eminent personalities and distinguished leaders from across the North and other parts of Nigeria, including Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote.
‎
‎Other notable recipients of the awards were the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Sen. George Akume and a former Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-Gen. Theophilus Danjuma (retd) and Mr Dangote, among several others.
‎
‎ACF said it conferred the ‘Arewa Distinguished Service Award’ on Mr Wamakko in recognition of his invaluable contributions to the growth of the forum and selfless service to Nigeria as a dogged politician.
‎
‎Expressing his gratitude, Mr Wamakko underscored the immense significance of the award, stating, “I am deeply honoured to be recognised by the ACF with this historic award. It is a testament to the collective efforts and dedication of many towards the betterment of our society.”
‎
‎The lawmaker hugely appreciated the ACF for its commitment to uplifting the fortunes of the North and Nigeria in general, saying, “it is also acknowledging those who serve humanity selflessly.”
‎
‎Felicitating Mr Wamakko, a lawmaker, Ahmad Abdullahi-Kalambaina and Sani Alhaji Yakubu-Gudu, all from SoKoto State, emphasised the importance of the award.
‎
‎The elated duo described the award as timely and inspiring, urging other leaders at all levels to strive for recognition through exemplary service to their communities.
‎
‎Also, Abdulrahman Adamu joined in celebrating Mr Wamakko’s achievements, reiterating the call for leaders to elevate their service standards.
‎
‎The occasion was graced by other distinguished dignitaries, including former vice president, Namadi Sambo, Sardaunan Zazzau and Kaduna State Deputy Governor, Dr Hadiza Balarabe, who represented Governor Uba Sani.
‎
‎Their presence at the event underscored the significance of the ACF and the invaluable role it plays in promoting unity and development in the Northern region.
‎
‎The ‘Distinguished Service Award’ presented to Mr Wamakko serves as an acknowledgment of his commitment to humanitarian initiatives.
‎
‎The recognition not only honours his past efforts but also sets a benchmark for future leaders aiming to make a lasting impact in their communities.
‎
‎This landmark event marked a significant milestone in the history of the ACF, celebrating 25 years of tireless advocacy for the interests of the Northern region and promoting the values of good governance and community service.
‎
‎(NAN)

‎Exactly how long is the ‘long run’?
‎
‎By
‎Eugene Enahoro
‎
‎The current buzz words used by political office holders at both the federal and state levels are that “things will be better in the long run”. Buzz words, often of little meaning, are also referred to as “media-speak”, “slogans”, or simply “jargon” and are used chiefly to impress laymen. Nigerians are urged to believe that despite life being increasingly unbearable, things will somehow improve and eventually become better in the “long run”.
‎
‎Back in 1960, Nigeria’s GDP per capita was $1,847, today it is $824. Rather than things getting better in the long run, Nigerians are economically worse off than they were 64 years ago! In addition to the nation’s increasing poverty levels, social indicators such as crime levels, dilapidated health, educational and road infrastructure, ethnic agitations, and political chicanery all point to the failure of governance and unfulfilled dreams of the nation’s founding fathers, 64 years after the nation started running!
‎
‎The government’s pleas that citizens exercise patience, fortitude, and sacrifice while waiting for long-run improvements in their lives, have elicited understandable public cynicism. Every post-independence government has promised Nigerians a better life in the long run, yet things continue to get markedly worse! The long run is an indeterminable time that is far away in the future. In political language, it simply means “eventually”.
‎
‎It is deceitful for elected officials to inflict suffering based on promises that things will improve in the long run. They are elected for a term of four years, and none of them is sworn in “for the long run”! Aspirants to political office who cannot conceptualise and successfully implement improvements in citizens’ lives within four years really have no business contesting, let alone winning.
‎
‎These days, state governors and presidents feel entitled to two terms even though there is no such thing as their much-touted “full eight-year term”. It is disingenuous for them to hide their shortcomings under the buzz words that things will get better in the “long run”.
‎
‎Presidents and governors must abide by the imperative of improving things in the short term. The majority of Nigerians live below the international poverty line and do not live life in the “long run”. They know that the only certainty about the “long run” is death! They live life on a short-term, day-to-day basis.

The appropriate form of good governance for Nigeria requires immediate short-term solutions, not long-term plans.

If every government simply succeeds in improving lives in the short term, the long-term effect will be better lives for all.
‎
‎Production engineers use a mathematical technique called linear programming to maximise constrained optimisation. This simply means it helps to find the best solution to a problem, which takes into consideration all constraints.

The main constraint on Nigerian elected office is a four-year term. Winners are expected to be able to improve people’s lives within that period and have no business considering eight-year plans.
‎
‎It is unfair for them to accumulate public wealth and expect citizens to suffer deprivations in the hope that things will get better at an indeterminable future time called the “long run”.
‎
‎Nigeria has a history of development programmes that have led the nation nowhere in the long run; from the First National Development Plan (1962–1968); to the Second Third and Fourth (1970–1985); to the National Economic and Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS); to Vision 2020; then to the Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP); and now to the National Development Plan (2021–2025).
‎
‎These plans failed due to a lack of clear communication, unrealistic goals, insufficient resources, poor execution, and most importantly, a failure to get key stakeholders, especially the general public, to buy into them. Despite current travails, World Bank economists assert that there are good reasons to believe that Nigeria has not yet hit rock bottom. As far as they are concerned, good times may not yet be around the corner, and the worst is likely yet to come because the major ill effects of today’s unaddressed problems will come in the future.
‎
‎The unaddressed issues of brain drain, mass illiteracy, the failed anti-corruption war, failure to upgrade and properly equip the police, continuing political chicanery, and ever-expanding insecurity do not bode well for the future.
‎
‎Life for Nigerians would definitely improve if only political office holders put their selfish interests aside and made a conscious effort to change things for the better one day at a time; but there is little evidence of that happening any time soon. The almost routine arrest of those who criticise the actions of government on the social media or query the logic of government policies means that the hope of experiencing an equitable, corruption free, secure, infrastructure structure blessed nation in the short-run span of our lives should be shelved while we continue to wait in vain for the promised el-dorado in an unspecified future time called the “long run”!.
‎
‎Lamentably, it is difficult to see how things will improve in the long run. Today’s executive political leaders are primarily occupied in accumulating personal wealth, apportioning blame to predecessors, complaining about a lack of funds, presiding over party infighting, and scheming for re-election. If indeed there is a sensible plan to extricate Nigeria from its current mess in the long run, the majority is unaware of it, and is asking “Exactly how long is the long run”?

‎The Historical Southern Twin Culture
‎
‎Historically, the Ibibios, Efik people of Calabar, Nigeria (generally considered part of the Benue-Congo tribes), and the Igbos viewed the birth of twins as a bad omen, believing that an evil spirit fathered one twin. Twins and their mothers were banished or killed, with infants often abandoned in the forest to die. This practice was abolished in the late 19th century through the efforts of missionaries like Mary Slessor and local leaders such as King Eyo Honesty II.
‎
‎This practice was done South-South, South-Western, and South-Eastern parts of Nigeria
‎
‎Mothers who gave birth to twins were thought to have had intercourse with an evil spirit resulting in the birth of something unusual or unnatural. Twins were killed but were most likely abandoned in said forests and the mothers were shunned by their husbands.
‎
‎Key Aspects of the Historical Southern Twin Culture:
‎
‎Cultural Beliefs: Twins were considered evil, non-human, or unnatural, bringing devastation to the community.
‎
‎ The birth of twins was often seen as proof of adultery, with one child believed to be fathered by an evil spirit.
‎
‎Infanticide: Twins were often subjected to infanticide, including abandonment, drowning, or strangulation.
‎
‎Mother's Banished: The mothers were often banished, punished, or forced to live in "evil forests".
‎
‎The Transformation: Missionary Mary Slessor is recognized for rescuing many and establishing a compound in Okoyong in 1888 for them.
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‎Legal Abolition: By 1906, the British colonial government officially criminalized the killing of twins, largely due to advocacy against the practice.
‎
‎
‎Today, the Twin Island in Calabar acts as a heritage site representing the shift from this tradition to the protection of twins.
‎
‎

WHERE ARE OUR 109 SENATORS AND 360 LAWMAKERS?

✍️ Ibrahim Shehu Giwa

Across Nigeria, voices are rising against the planned removal of the embattled INEC Chairman, JOASH AMUPITAN. Citizens are speaking. Religious bodies are speaking. Scholars are speaking.

But our Senators and Members of the House?
Silent.

109 Senators.
360 Representatives.
And not one collective voice strong enough to defend the will of the people.

Let us be clear, the President himself was elected by Nigerians. And in a democracy, power flows from the people, not above them. When concerns are raised across the country, they deserve to be heard, not ignored.

This is not about religion. It is about trust, fairness, and national confidence in our institutions.

These are the same lawmakers who will soon return to us with folded hands, asking for votes. But today, when Nigerians need them most, they have turned their backs.

They were elected to check power, not to bow before it.
They were given oversight, not to look away.

From Jama'atu Nasril Islam (JNI) to the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, from MURIC to respected scholars across the country, the concerns are consistent and widespread. In any serious democracy, that should trigger engagement, not silence.

More worrying is that the opposition, those expected to challenge power, have gone quiet.

INEC is too critical an institution to be surrounded by controversy. Since its establishment, first as the Electoral Commission of Nigeria (ECN) in 1958, then the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) in 1978, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) in 1987, the National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON) in 1995, and finally the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in 1998, the leadership of the commission has largely been held by Christians, nine in total, compared to only two Muslims, Professors Attahiru Jega and Mahmud Yakubu.

Yet no concerns were raised about previous non-Muslim leaders, because they were not perceived to have bias or hostility toward any particular tribe or religion, as is now being alleged in this case.



Ibrahim Shehu Giwa
giwaibrahim68@gmail.com
Sunday, 12th April, 2026

How Tinubu Won and Lost the North

By Salihu Tanko Yakasai

The story of the 2023 presidential election cannot be told without the North. It was central to the emergence of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, not just in votes, but in trust, alliances, and calculated political risk taken by influential Northern actors at critical moments.

Before the primaries, Tinubu’s network in the North was deep and deliberate. He had strong ties with figures like Aliyu Wamakko and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, alongside key APC governors such as Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Nasir El-Rufai, and former Governor Abubakar Badaru. These were not ceremonial relationships - they translated into real political leverage.

At a time when resistance within the ruling party threatened his ambition, these Northern allies stood firm. They backed him through the primaries, even when it meant confronting entrenched interests, or the so-called cabal within the Presidential Villa. Northern governors went as far as meeting late President Muhammadu Buhari to demand clarity on succession. His neutral stance opened the door, and they walked Tinubu through it.

Then came the election season. Policies like the naira redesign, widely seen as an attempt to weaken Tinubu’s chances, were openly resisted by some of these same allies. Their support was not passive - it was active, visible, and costly.

Beyond politics, Tinubu also secured the backing of influential Muslim scholars. The Muslim-Muslim ticket became a rallying point. Clerics framed it as a matter of religious duty and mobilized support, even from the mimbar during Friday prayers.

By the time the votes were counted, the numbers told the story. Tinubu, a Southern candidate, drew the bulk of his strength from the North - 63%, compared to 36% from the South. The North invested in him, and delivered.

But what followed has been a different story.

There is now a growing sense among many of those same Northern allies that the relationship has not translated into inclusive governance. Complaints of exclusion and lack of consultation are widespread. Key figures who helped deliver victory now appear sidelined.

Nasir El-Rufai’s exclusion from the cabinet raised immediate questions. Abdullahi Ganduje was also passed over for executive office, later given the party chairmanship - a role many saw as compensation rather than strategy, and one he eventually exited. Developments involving Abubakar Malami have only deepened perceptions of political distancing and quiet retribution.

Even within government, there are signs of strain. Ministries are underfunded, with allocations falling far below approved budgets. The Minister of Health publicly stated he received just N38 million for capital projects out of a N200 billion proposal. Behind the scenes, some ministers are reportedly funding their roles from personal resources, while others appear better supported. It raises a simple question - what exactly are the priorities?

Religious backing is also shifting. Clerics who once campaigned vigorously are now more critical, especially on issues of trust and fairness. Concerns around INEC and the appointment of a perceived biased umpire have only heightened tensions, with some openly threatening to withdraw support.

A related dimension that is quietly reshaping sentiment in the North is the growing push of what many describe as a “Christian genocide” narrative. While insecurity remains a national crisis, there is increasing resentment in core Northern states where communities have borne some of the heaviest losses over the years. From banditry to insurgency, large swathes of the North have experienced sustained violence affecting predominantly Muslim populations. This has led to a perception that the framing of the crisis is selective and, at times, politically motivated. For many, it raises deeper questions about fairness in national discourse and reinforces a feeling of being misunderstood or deliberately misrepresented

In a region where perception and identity are tightly linked to political behavior, this narrative is gradually eroding goodwill and complicating the president’s standing among groups that once offered him strong support.

Beyond perception, the broader handling of insecurity has also come under serious scrutiny. Expectations were high that a government built on such a strong coalition would move decisively to restore order. Instead, many communities across the North continue to face persistent threats from banditry, kidnappings, and insurgent activity. The response has often appeared reactive rather than strategic, with limited coordination and little visible improvement in outcomes. For a region that invested heavily in Tinubu’s emergence, the inability to significantly curb insecurity has become one of the most tangible measures of disappointment.

On infrastructure, the contrast is hard to ignore. Many in the North point to slow progress on inherited projects and the absence of major new ones, while the South West, particularly Lagos, has seen approvals running into trillions. Apapa and Tin Can ports alone have attracted multiple funding rounds worth N4.5 trillion. Whether fully accurate or not, the perception of imbalance is taking root - and in politics, perception matters.

Appointments have further fueled this narrative. Critics argue that key positions are concentrated within a narrow circle, with many of the most strategic roles going to individuals from the president’s ethnic base. Even when appointees are drawn from Northern states like Kogi and Kwara, the pattern raises questions about whether geography is being used to mask preference.

Taken together, the message is clear. The North that mobilized, negotiated, and delivered is now reassessing its place.

So the real question is no longer how Tinubu won the North, but whether he is steadily losing it. Beyond those who have publicly distanced themselves, many others remain outwardly loyal while privately disillusioned.

In politics, winning is only the beginning. Coalitions must be managed, not assumed. In 2023, the North made Tinubu’s victory possible. As the next cycle approaches, whether that support holds - or collapses - will depend on whether those alliances are rebuilt or allowed to fade.

End!

‎Budgeting for their mindset
‎
‎By Eugene Enahoro
‎
‎
‎The national budget is an estimation of revenue and expenses made for the upcoming year. A surplus budget means income will exceed expenses; a balanced budget means revenues are expected to equal expenses, and a deficit budget means expenses will exceed revenues. Nigeria perpetually operates deficit budgets, which means that the government borrows a significant portion of the money it spends; therefore, it should spend it judiciously.
‎
‎The Appropriation Act is the law that authorises the expenditure of government funds and sets money aside for specific spending. Under normal circumstances, all government monies must be spent in line with the Appropriation Act. Once a budget has been prepared and approved, spending is expected to be in accordance with the approved expenditure heads. Even as far too many budgetary allocations don’t stand to reason, Nigerians are more concerned with issues of transparency and accountability in government spending rather than the necessity of it.
‎
‎Because the federal government borrows to finance its deficit budgets, the unadulterated debauchery of our political class is lamentable. They make claims about their concern for the welfare of the masses and promises about their ability to create wealth, all of which are revealed as patently false when details of their budgets become public knowledge.
‎
‎National budgets routinely concentrate on the perks of political officeholders and relegate citizens’ welfare to the background. Appropriation can be regarded as the share of the “national cake” which the government decides to allocate for purposes it deems to be important. When the term “appropriation” is used it makes it easier to understand exactly what is going on in governance and the mindset of those in charge.
‎
‎A cursory look at the 2025 Appropriation Act reveals a mindset of misplaced priorities, non-accountability, granting self-luxuries, and ignoring the suffering of the majority of citizens. The Presidency has appropriated far more money for purchasing brand vehicles, than the total amount budgeted for federal polytechnics in Enugu, Borno, and Kano states, in spite of the fact that the Presidency appropriated over N4 billion on cars last year alone. The amount the Presidency appropriates for cars is more than the combined budget of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Federal Civil Service Commission! More money has been appropriated for the construction of an office complex for Special Advisers and Senior Special Assistants than has been appropriated for the education quality assurance of 25,000 basic and secondary schools nationwide!
‎
‎As for the supposed concern for the future of our youths, the Ministry of Youth has appropriated more money for maintenance of their office furniture than for the development of Youth Centres in six geo-political zones!  The ministry is appropriating far more for the maintenance of office furniture than for youth mental health and psychological support programmes nationwide! The Nigeria Space Council evidently feels that holding meetings is far more important than developing expertise. They have appropriated more money for meetings and sundry activities than for training and capacity building.
‎
‎The Ministry of Women’s Affairs has appropriated far more for the fixing of elevators than for women’s political empowerment programmes and support for victims of trafficking combined! Furthermore, they appropriate far more for the purchase of vehicles than for advocacy to end child marriage, child abuse, and the national response to orphans or vulnerable children. The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCP) appropriates 20 times more for the purchase of motor vehicles than it does for the development and production of tribunal codes. The Nigerian Agricultural Quarantine Services has appropriated far more money for the production of jingles and other activities, than for the inspection and certification of products for export!
‎
‎There is an undeniable lack of oversight in the preparation and implementation of budgetary allocations, especially as the federal government has long since lapsed into producing “cut and paste” documents which bear no reality to the situation on the ground! For example, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) inexplicably appropriates millions annually for maintenance of office furniture, this is in addition to the billions they appropriate for “maintenance of office building”! Nigerians are at a loss to explain exactly how millions of Naira are spent on “maintenance of office furniture” in all Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs). As if this isn’t bad enough in both state and federal annual budgets there is a recurring appropriation for computer purchases.
‎
‎Since 1999 federal government has made annual appropriations for the purchase of computers with little tangible outcomes and without any corresponding progress in digital infrastructure and functionality. Indeed, the majority of federal government websites are never updated, underscoring the disconnection between budgetary provisions and service delivery.
‎
‎Even as Nigeria has become a filthy nation with no effective waste disposal policy, the House of Representatives committee on environment has expressed dissatisfaction over what it described as the “abysmally low” release of funds to the Ministry of the Environment. Their chairman said, “As a House, we will not allow the future of generations to be compromised because of misplaced priorities.”
‎
‎Every elected government has the constitutional right to produce its own budget and get the document passed by the National Assembly as an Appropriation Act. While respect for the Appropriation Act is legislated, disrespect for the National Assembly and the Federal Executive Council (FEC) cannot be legislated away. This disrespect will only continue to grow as long as budgets revealing an improper mindset are routinely passed.
‎
‎

‎The importance of trusting government

‎By

‎Eugene Enahoro
‎

‎Given past records it was only to be expected that as 2023 elections campaigns begin in earnest, mudslinging and bending the truth will become the order of the day. Truth telling in politics is vital in enhancing trust in government and nobody should be treated as if they are not worthy of being told the truth. These days, paid agent-provocateurs disgracefully defame their paymaster’s opponents both on TV and in the press, leaving voters with a deficit of trust in all the candidates. According to Psychology Today, trust is based on a belief that someone or something can be relied upon to do what they say they will. It’s the main ingredient in politics which encourages people to support and cooperate effectively with government.
‎
‎It’s an essential component of any successful democracy and once it’s broken, it’s hard to rebuild. A nation like Nigeria without trust in leadership is chaotic and dysfunctional. There is no disputing the breakdown of trust in all spheres of life in Nigeria. Citizens have learnt not to trust politicians because of their predilection for going back on their word, breaking promises, withholding or keeping many things back, and lying or manipulating facts and figures. In other spheres, Nigerians have lost trust in military operations against insurgents; police respect for human rights; voter registration exercises; census figures; security agencies abidance with the constitution, and National Assembly oversight functions. Trust is a choice people have to make which is difficult to build yet easy to break. It is difficult to repair once broken and there are many who would agree that trust once lost is lost forever! Trusting government means feeling committed to your relationship with them, and feeling safe that your physical and emotional barriers will be respected.
‎
‎Political leaders cannot force people to trust them, they can only earn trust when they show they are worthy of it. Deciding which politician to trust and which not to trust can be a long process because it may take years for their true intentions to unfold. Fortunately, the decision is made easier because trustworthy people share common traits of putting other people’s interests before their own, being transparent in their dealings with others and demonstrating transparency in their motivation and decision making.
‎
‎
‎Also, they don’t dismiss contrary opinions but rather value other people’s feedback. The outgoing administration has exhibited none of the traits of trustworthiness; it has disappointed Nigerians with its calamitous leadership and lack of political will to transform the nation in any meaningful manner, yet the ruling All Progressives Party (APC), feels they are entitled to win elections because the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) didn’t excel in governance for 16 years.
‎
‎Apparently, they need reminding that citizen’s votes are not entitlements. While they keep living in blissful denial, being clearly insensitive to the plight of ordinary people and out of touch with the people, the truth is that the past seven years has witnessed an explosion of the vilest tendencies ever witnessed in Nigeria. Citizens are fully aware that promises have not been kept and they have been lied to. Government officials tend to lie when they simply don’t know what else to do, but sometimes they may even have good motives like in trying to protect the public from bad news. However, citizens don’t really care for the reasons behind lies. Learning to trust politicians again may seem unfeasible given past experiences, but it’s important to trust that the nation will get through all their betrayal and incompetence because it has survived such adversity in the past.
‎
‎What is important going forward is that whoever wins the election must attend to the pressing issue of re-establishing trust in Nigeria’s democracy. As it stands, there is the not too simple matter of trusting the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conduct elections that reflect the true vote and will of the electorate. They have released some perplexing results of the new voter registration exercise which have been derided as illogical and inexplicable. While viral social media videos showed evidence of massive voter registration in the South-East and South-West, videos and newspapers reported registration centres in the North where nobody registered for days. This is only to be expected with all the terrorist activities going on.
‎
‎Yet at the end of the exercise the North-West and North-East where Boko Haram and bandits have been operating freely and even the army is afraid to venture out of their barracks, supposedly registered the highest number of voters! It continues to remain an unexplained geographical phenomenon as to how Nigeria is the only country in the world where arid semi-desert hinterland is supposedly more densely populated than fertile coastal areas. One of the many reasons why distrust in politics runs deep is the not too small matter of whether it is indeed possible for the nation to prosper under the current constitutional arrangement which encourages so much distrust. There is an overriding consensus of opinion that far too much finance and authority is vested in the federal government with far too little accountability.
‎
‎Some sort of administrative restructuring is vital to address calls for self-autonomy and accommodate our drastic differences. It’s imperative that whoever forms the next government should financially empower local governments, entrench participatory democracy at local level and regain the trust in governance necessary to fulfill the nation’s potentials.
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‎This article was earlier published on August 9, 2022

‎This poet is broke
‎
‎His brain rings as empty as his god-forsaken pockets.
‎
‎So how does he write rich lines deep enough to buy thoughts
‎
‎Tell me how someone poorer than the oldest mosque rat creates wonders with hunger rumbling in his belly
‎
‎Talauci ravaging his thoughts, consumed in sorrow.
‎
‎This Poet is Broke
‎But even glasses can be fixed and poverty can not break this poet
‎
‎Duk Abun da ya karye zai miƙe da ƙafafunsa, shima zai zan abin alfahari a cikin mutanensa.
‎
‎Though ruptures may cut him, storms and pains may break him he soars from the ashes, a phoenix of peace.
‎
‎A phoenix crowded with thoughts of how to  live beyond past glories
‎
‎Past thoughts and cycles of lives lived in rapture
‎
‎But This Poet is Broke
‎
‎Not just for food but for meaning and words left unsaid on pages never pay rent
‎
‎Just empty pockets, overflowing souls
‎
‎Yet his heart is both true to his words
‎
‎And kind to the souls of his rabid audience
‎
‎This poet is broke
‎
‎He weaves words on tapestries that never unravel the heart
‎
‎For what can they do to him when he knows Yunwa ba ta da hankali
‎
‎That creativity doesn’t chase hunger
‎
‎That you can’t block kebura
‎
‎Yes, this poet is broke
‎
‎Not just of money but of love and support
‎
‎In a home where words of his heart are gibberish to the undiscerning masses in a country where his soul means less than burnt paper, he wrote his heartbreak
‎
‎This poet is broke
‎
‎He sells his love for change one love song a piece, one smile per line, one tear, heart pumping, truth spilling.
‎
‎
‎This poet is broke!
‎

‎Dear Donald Trump, we are not apes
‎
‎By Muhsin Ibrahim
‎
‎We could not sleep one night in 2009. Instead, we sat in front of the TV, watching and praying for ‘our’ favourite candidate to coast to power and be declared the winner of the election. We wanted to witness history, not of any relative winning any election in Nigeria, but of Barack Obama winning the United States presidential election.
‎
‎Of course, we witnessed the history of the first non-white man becoming the president of the most powerful country in the world. We were delighted. We thought that, henceforth, black people would be more respected globally. Henceforth, our race would not be associated with backwardness. Henceforth, we would have more opportunities not only in the US but far beyond.
‎
‎We also thought President Obama would do more for Africa (where his father came from) and for Muslims (his father’s ‘relatives'), especially in the Middle East. Again, his association with towering academics, such as Edward Said and Rashid Khalidi, gave us some extra hope. No, we got it all wrong. Obama was like the rest of them.
‎
‎Obama’s role in destabilising Libya is still felt not only within the country but also far beyond, including in Nigeria. Obama authorised more drone strikes in the Middle East than any other US president. He did not bring peace anywhere, despite controversially winning the Nobel Peace Prize.
‎
‎Despite the above and more, I was disturbed to see President Donald Trump sharing the infamous Obamas’ “meme”, depicting them as apes. This was Trump’s new low. Its implications are also broad, extending beyond the Obamas. It, among other things, risks normalising racism, especially in the West, towards black people.
‎
‎Trump is unlike any leader anyone has ever seen in the White House. Yet, we should not overlook this brazen attack on us; we must call him out for this naked racism towards black people. We are not apes. We are human beings like him, if not better. We deserve respect. He owes us an apology.
‎

An Open Letter to Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso

Dear Baba, Jagora, Madugu
Sen Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso,

I write to you not just as a politician to a statesman, but as a daughter, a mentee, and a patriot speaking to a father of vision, courage, and consequence. A man whose journey in public life has given hope to those who once believed opportunity was not meant for them. A leader who proved, through action, that the son or daughter of the not-so-privileged can rise not by charity, but by structure, education, and belief.

You have walked a long road in service: as a civil servant, diplomat, executive governor, legislator, minister, and public servant. Across these chapters, one truth stands firm your commitment to people, especially through education and human capital development, is undeniable. You did not merely speak about lifting people; you institutionalized it. You challenged the Almajiri system, empowered young people with skills, and opened doors within and beyond Nigeria. In doing so, you reminded us that leadership can be compassionate, strategic, and patriotic at once.

Yet, history often treats visionary leaders with paradox while they uplift many, they also endure betrayal. This is not unique to you; it is the burden of builders. Those who create systems will always attract those who benefit without believing, and those who align for proximity rather than purpose. I say this firmly and respectfully: it is time to rethink political structures not on emotional loyalty, but on moral absolutism, clear agreements, and consequences.

Today’s reality demands flexible but firm structures networks built on shared values, documented commitments, measurable responsibilities, and accountability. Loyalty without principle is fragile. Principle-backed agreements endure. Power must be organized, not personalized. Influence must be institutional, not sentimental. This is how relevance is protected and betrayal minimized.

You are the kind of leader this region needs one with vision, agenda, and the capacity to execute. No matter the situation the North finds itself in, the systems you help build must be strong enough to correct mistakes, absorb shocks, and regenerate leadership. This will require absolute collaboration, statesmanship, competence, commitment, integrity, and data-driven governance the very strengths you are known for.

It is also time to open your arms wider to the world, across party lines, regions, tribes, and religions. History does not remember those who played it safe within silos; it remembers those who built bridges when walls felt easier. You have more supporters than you imagine people like us who quietly learn from your wisdom and apply it in our own spaces. Some may dislike you as a person, but few can deny your commitment to your people and your clarity of purpose. Your words are straight, and in a nation tired of doublespeak, that matters.

Do not be shaken by what feels like betrayal, ideological differences, harsh opinions, or even past mistakes and missed decisions. As humans, we are born to fail, learn, and rise so that we may ultimately succeed. Failure is not the opposite of leadership; surrender is. And you, sir, cannot afford to surrender.

As a daughter, a mentee, and a patriot, I urge you to complete the assignment that our forefathers could not complete, and even go beyond it. Gather like minds old and young, tested and able. Let us build a northern movement with a clear moral compass, strategic clarity, and national relevance. Demystify the perceptions around you. Let it be known, clearly and consistently, that you are for everybody and belong to all of us as one of us.

Be relentless. Do not give our enemies the satisfaction of watching you step back. You still have more to give, more to shape, and more to correct. Engage more politically, intellectually, and strategically across networks, regions, and faiths. It is time to realign the pen and write history in such a way that your legacy cannot be erased.

Nigeria needs builders. The North needs architects of systems, not just holders of titles. And history still needs you.

With respect, belief, and unwavering encouragement,
A daughter, a mentee, and a patriot
Zainab Buba Galadima

Fauziya Muhammad Auwal, a postgraduate Physics student of the Kaduna State University, is charting a historic path as Nigeria’s first astronaut candidate at Titan Space Industries. In this interview, she spoke on her journey into astronomy, global exposure through international research and conferences, mentorship, challenges in a male-dominated field, and her vision of using space science to drive climate solutions, security, and STEM development in Nigeria. Her story speaks of vision, determination, and dreaming beyond boundaries.

You have made history as Nigeria’s first astronaut candidate at Titan Space Industries. How did you make it to the Titans?

I think I have been through Titans for a very long time. I came across them through some friends I worked with doing astrophysics at an international conference.

I met one of them who was already a candidate at Titan Space Industry.

From that moment, I started following Titans. I have been reading about Dennis Taylor on LinkedIn and everything. But then, I was skeptical about them because I was thinking I would not be eligible because I am a Nigerian.

So, after doing some research about Titans, I came across the fact that they are trying to make space for everybody. You don’t have to be a citizen of the US or any European country to be eligible. As long as you have all the requirements, you can be part of the team.

Click the link for more: https://dailytrust.com/meet-nigerias-budding-astronaut/

How Kaduna’s 2026 Budget Will Be Funded — Commissioner

Kaduna State Governor Uba Sani has not borrowed any money since assuming office, and the 2026 budget will be financed without borrowing, the state Commissioner for Planning and Budget, Hon. Mutktar Ahmed Monrovia, has said.
In a statement issued by the chief press secretary, Malam Ibraheem Musa, the commissioner said the 2026 budget would be financed by the state’s statutory allocations, Internally Generated Revenue, and grants.

The commissioner stated that the loan drawdown component of the budget had been misinterpreted by a section of the media, necessitating a clarification.
According to Hon. Moronvia, previous administrations had collected loans, and the state is drawing down from them, but no new loans have been collected by the Governor Uba Sani administration.
The commissioner explained that terminating loan agreements prematurely would lead to penalties higher than the cost of interest repayments on servicing the loans.

He said, “Despite immense financial pressures, the administration of Malam Uba Sani has continued to service the loan commitments for both principal and accrued interest negotiated and taken by the previous administration.

“The Malam Uba Sani government will continue to serve the good people of Kaduna State with prudence and will be inclusive in providing development projects. No amount of lies and misleading information will distract the government from achieving this goal.”

Moronvia commended the governor for aligning the fiscal and calendar years, as the operation of the 2026 budget commenced on January 1.
It would be recalled that Governor Uba Sani signed the 2026 Appropriation Bill into law on December 22, 2025, with education taking the largest share of 25% of the N985.9 billion budget.
Governor Sani disclosed that ₦698.9 billion, representing 70.9 percent of the budget, was devoted to capital expenditure, targeted at infrastructure development, economic expansion, and improved service delivery.
He also said recurrent expenditure stood at ₦287 billion or 29.1 percent, ensuring that essential government services continue to function efficiently and responsibly.
Giving a breakdown of the budget, the governor said education got 25 percent of the budget because they believed that knowledge is the most powerful tool for breaking the cycle of poverty and securing the future of children.
Kaduna State Governor Uba Sani has not borrowed any money since assuming office, and the 2026 budget will be financed without borrowing, the state Commissioner for Planning and Budget, Hon. Mutktar Ahmed Monrovia, has said.
In a statement issued by the chief press secretary, Malam Ibraheem Musa, the commissioner said the 2026 budget would be financed by the state’s statutory allocations, Internally Generated Revenue, and grants.

The commissioner said the loan drawdown component of the budget had been misunderstood by a section of the media, so a clarification became necessary.
According to Hon. Moronvia, previous administrations had collected loans, and the state is drawing down from them, but no new loans have been collected by the Governor Uba Sani administration.
The commissioner explained that terminating loan agreements prematurely would lead to penalties higher than the cost of interest repayments on servicing the loans.

He said, “Despite immense financial pressures, the administration of Malam Uba Sani has continued to service the loan commitments for both principal and accrued interest negotiated and taken by the previous administration.

“The Malam Uba Sani government will continue to serve the good people of Kaduna State with prudence and will be inclusive in providing development projects. No amount of lies and misleading information will distract the government from achieving this goal.”

Moronvia commended the governor for aligning the fiscal and calendar years, as the operation of the 2026 budget commenced on January 1.
It would be recalled that Governor Uba Sani signed the 2026 Appropriation Bill into law on December 22, 2025, with education taking the largest share of 25% of the N985.9 billion budget.
Governor Sani disclosed that ₦698.9 billion, representing 70.9 percent of the budget, was devoted to capital expenditure, targeted at infrastructure development, economic expansion, and improved service delivery.
He also said recurrent expenditure stood at ₦287 billion or 29.1 percent, ensuring that essential government services continue to function efficiently and responsibly.
Giving a breakdown of the budget, the governor said education got 25 percent of the budget because they believed that knowledge is the most powerful tool for breaking the cycle of poverty and securing the future of children.

How Kaduna’s 2026 Budget Will Be Funded — Commissioner