₦airaland Forum

By Lemmy Ughegbe, Ph.D

There is something deeply troubling about the ease with which grave allegations are made in Nigeria, the speed with which they harden into public verdicts, and the reluctance of those making them to accept the scrutiny they routinely demand of others.

The recent incident involving Omoyele Sowore in Ado Ekiti shows why credibility, consistency and evidence matter, particularly when the allegations concern political violence and security agencies.

Let me be clear. No citizen, regardless of politics, should be subjected to violence, intimidation or unlawful restraint. If Sowore and his team were attacked at Tawakalitu Restaurant, those responsible must be identified and prosecuted. If the attack was politically sponsored, the sponsors must face the law. But these are matters for credible investigation, not social media declarations.

The first question is how a kidnapping became an attack at a restaurant.

Sowore reportedly posted that he had been kidnapped and that his whereabouts were unknown. Within 39 minutes, he posted that he and his team had been attacked. Less than an hour later, he announced that they were receiving treatment at the Police Hospital in Ado Ekiti. The account then settled on Tawakalitu Restaurant, where he said they had gone to eat after a radio programme.

A kidnapping can precede an attack, and an attack can cause confusion. The question is why the first account spoke of an abduction to an unknown location, while the next named a specific place and described an assault.

A report made in confusion differs from a deliberate misrepresentation. We do not yet know which applies. That is why the chronology needs clarification.

The police describe the incident as an altercation; Sowore insists it was an attack. The distinction matters, but neither description should be accepted as final. The police cannot assume their preliminary view settles the matter, and Sowore cannot expect his account to become definitive merely because he is an activist and opposition politician.

The police have since arrested 11 suspects. Arrests are not convictions. They do not establish who started the confrontation, whether it was politically motivated, or whether others were involved.

Then comes the allegation against the Department of State Services (DSS).

Sowore reportedly accused the DSS of tracking his movements and supplying his location to the attackers. Yet, by his own account, he was sitting in a restaurant.

A restaurant is a public place, not a secret location. What would tracking someone already seated there achieve? Is there evidence that the DSS monitored him or tipped off the attackers? Or is the allegation built on the assumption that because an attack occurred, a security agency must have facilitated it?

These are different propositions requiring different standards of proof.

There is also Sowore’s relationship with the police.

He has previously described the police as irresponsible and accused officers of breaking his hand. Yet in Ekiti he reportedly had police protection, was rescued by police officers and was treated at a police hospital. Deji Adeyanju reportedly confirmed that officers were with him but were overpowered.

An injured citizen deserves treatment, and a person in danger deserves protection, whatever his past criticisms. It does, however, expose the weakness of sweeping condemnation. If the police are beyond redemption, why is their intervention accepted without qualification when convenient?

Perhaps institutions can be flawed without being worthless. The same force can contain officers capable of both misconduct and professional service. That nuance is missing from the blanket denunciations dominating public discourse.

Sowore’s accusation against the Ekiti State Government and the Commissioner of Police deserves similar scrutiny. The Commissioner reportedly rejected the kidnapping account, which Sowore sees as an attempt to minimise the attack. He may be right. But a preliminary assessment is not proof of complicity. If the investigation is compromised, the evidence must show it.

Sowore was recently involved in public confrontations at the Federal High Court in Abuja, including one with a lawyer who allegedly called him a tout and another with correctional officers. These incidents do not prove he started the Ekiti confrontation. They do underline the need to examine his conduct with the seriousness he demands of others.

Human rights advocacy cannot be a shield against scrutiny. Nor should controversial conduct become an excuse to deny anyone protection.

The danger in our politics is that allegations are treated as verdicts, with evidence expected to catch up later. Once an agency, a government or an opponent is accused, supporters rush to condemn, opponents rush to celebrate, and the facts become secondary.

That is not accountability. It is the politics of accusation.

The police must publish a credible account of their investigation. The suspects must be treated according to law. CCTV footage must be preserved and examined. The allegations against the DSS and the state government must be investigated independently, and anyone found culpable prosecuted.

Sowore, too, must clarify the chronology of his statements and substantiate the grave allegations he has made.

A democracy cannot assume that the loudest accuser is the most truthful or that the most powerful institution is the most culpable. The right to speak is fundamental. So is the responsibility to speak truthfully.

Read more...https://vigil360.com.ng/article/sowore-the-kidnap-that-became-an-attack-and-the-burden-of-credibility-mvxzbw23

* Says politician's conduct embarrassing to civil society,

A coalition of civil society organisations in Nigeria has called for an independent investigation into a reported attack on opposition politician, Omoyele Sowore, Friday in Ekiti State, saying the politician's conduct had become a source of concern for the coalition.

The group advised Sowore, the African Action Congress (AAC) presidential candidate, to withdraw from the electoral process if he was unwilling to participate responsibly.

In a statement issued in Bauchi, Bauchi State, the coalition questioned Sowore’s account of the incident, demanding that the events be examined by an impartial body. The statement was signed on behalf of the Centre for Public Integrity by
Job Samuel Danfulani, John Samuel Nangi for Nigeria Integrity Watch, and Mohammed Ibrahim Sumaila for
the Northern Council of Nigeria. Other signatories were Abdullahi Salisu for the Nigeria Ethnic Nationality Forum, and Hassana Mohammed for Foundation for Democracy in Africa.

Noted the Coalition,"While we sympathise with Sowore who claimed that he was attacked and taken to an unknown location, we also noticed some gaps in his account. He accused the Department of State Services (DSS), the Police and the Ekiti State Government of masterminding the attack.

"We dare say that the allegations are wild and were made long before the facts were independently established. It would seem that Sowore’s allegations were aimed at discrediting the DSS, a security agency in court with him."

Continued the Coalition, "We question the sequence of events in Sowore’s account, including his reported use of his personal social media account and his subsequent appearance at a hospital.

"The sequence appears confusing, especially the part that police personnel attached to him were disarmed by suspected armed thugs. How Sowore ended up in police hospital remains a mystery," opined the Coalition.

"The same Sowore who claimed that he was attacked unprovoked by suspected thugs in Ado-Ekiti was recently sighted on viral video clips attacking a lawyer inside the Federal High Court, in Abuja. In another, he was seen having a heated verbal exchange with prison officers inside the same court.

"Had the lawyer and the prison officers not restrained themselves, only God knows the kind of violence that would have greeted both encounters.

"Very invaluable is the statement by the Ekiti State police command that the confusion was triggered by an altercation. Given Sowore's history of attacking persons who disagree with him, even in courts, it is not impossible that he or his rowdy supporters may have sparked off the Ekiti disturbances which he now claims is an attack by thugs," noted the Coalition.

"We urge Sowore to stop the comedy and also stop hiding behind the pillar of contesting elections to cause chaos," the Coalition stated.

The coalition also urged Sowore to avoid statements that could inflame passions while the incident is being investigated.

"We callon the authorities to establish what happened and make their findings public. Any inquiry should follow due process and protect the rights of everyone involved," declared the Coalition.

*Trial resumes November 3

The ongoing trial of the presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), Omoyele Sowore, before a Federal High Court in Abuja for alleged cyberbullying was stalled on Thursday owing to his absence and a letter he wrote praying for an adjournment.

At the mention of the case, prosecuting lawyer, Akinlolu Kehinde (SAN), noted that the defendant was absent in court.

Defence lawyer, T. O. Etonyeaku, who said she was holding the brief of Sowore's lead counsel, Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika (SAN), told the court that the politician was in Ekiti State for his presidential campaigns.

Etonyeaku prayed the court for a stand-down to enable another senior lawyer, who was earlier in court before the commencement of proceedings, arrive and conduct the case of the defence.

The judge, Justice Mohammed Umar drew the attention of both lawyers to a letter written the court by the defendant. The judge asked Kehinde if he was aware of the letter.

The prosecution lawyer denied being copied the letter. He argued that it was wrong for an accused person, who was being represented by a lawyer, to bypass the lawyer and write directly to the court and also fail copy the other party.

He added that since there is no evidence that Sowore has discontinued with the service of his lawyer, Olumide-Fusika, he ought not to have written personally to the court.

Kehinde however, conceded to an adjournment in the interest of justice.

The prosecuting lawyer noted that the defence was yet to respond to the written address he filed, as ordered by the court, on the issue of whether or not he could be subpoenaed to testify as a defence witness.

Justice Umar adjourned till November 3 for adoption and continuation of defence.

Sowore is being prosecuted by the Department of State Services (DSS) over his August 2025 published posts on X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook, describing President Tinubu as a "criminal" and accusing him of lying about the level of corruption in the country.

Just In: CRS Govt Lauds DSS, Others For Intercepting 3 GPMGs, Cache of High-calibre Arms

The Cross River government has lauded the Department of State Services (DSS) and sister security agencies for recently intercepting a huge cache of High-calibre weapons, which included three General Purpose Machine Guns (GPMGs).

The state Deputy Governor Rt. Hon. Peter Odey made the commendation on Friday after inspecting the seized weapons at the DSS state headquarters in Calabar.

Odey, whose visit was on behalf of Governor Bassey Otu, commended the Service on the intelligence operation that led to the seizure of the weapons which included seven A-K 47 assault rifles.

The deputy governor stated that the arrest of two suspected gunrunners during the operation, would help the DSS and sister security agencies apprehend those behind the illegal arms trade.

He noted that had the weapons not been intercepted, there was a strong possibility that it could be used to wreak havoc in the state and neighbouring states, particularly during the forthcoming general elections.

The deputy governor praised the growing synergy between the security agencies and the military, saying the development has helped the government increasingly turn the tide against criminal elements.

Read more... https://vigil360.com.ng/article/crs-govt-lauds-dss-others-for-intercepting-3-gpmgs-cache-of-high-calibre-arms-mvl1g3gg

Just In: Court Orders Speedy Trial of 5 Suspected Kidnappers of NYSC Members In Imo State *Suspects to remain in DSS custody

A high Court of Imo State, on Thursday, ordered the speedy trial of five persons accused of kidnapping 20 prospective National Youth Service Corps members on Independence Day.

The court set aside four days, starting from 27th October, to the 30th of the month for continuation of the trial,
urging prosecution and defence counsel to cooperate with the court to ensure judgment is delivered before January 2027.

Presiding Judge, Justice Emeka Orafu, made the appeal during proceedings in the cases involving three defendants accused of abducting prospective NYSC members and two others facing charges over a separate kidnapping case.

During the hearing, an officer of the Department of State Services (DSS), Ikem Emmanuel, testified on the investigation that led to the arrest of the three defendants in the NYSC-related case.

He told the court that the investigation involved intelligence gathering, data analysis, record checks, interviews and statements obtained from the defendants, victims and witnesses.

He stated that an identification parade was conducted, during which victims and witnesses identified the defendants as members of the criminal gang that kidnapped them.

The officer further told the court that one of the defendants, Usman Aliyu, admitted in his statement to participating in the operation and allegedly disclosed that 11 persons were involved.

The investigator maintained that the defendants’ statements were obtained in the presence of their legal representatives and DSS legal officers.

In a related proceeding involving two other defendants, the DSS officer also gave evidence on the investigation, stating that their statements were taken in the presence of their lawyers and DSS legal officers.

Following the proceedings, Justice Orafu adjourned the cases to October 27, 28, 29 and 30 for continuation of hearing, and ordered that the five defendants remain in the custody of the DSS.

Source: https://vigil360.com.ng/article/court-orders-speedy-trial-of-5-suspected-kidnappers-of-nysc-members-in-imo-state-suspects-to-remain-in-dss-custody-mvjnhpmb

The Department of State Services (DSS), on Tuesday in Imo State, arraigned three persons accused of the Independence day kidnapping of 20 prospective Youth Corp members in the state.

Also arraigned were two other persons accused of kidnapping four persons in the state, four days after the Independence Day abduction.

The five defendants face charges of conspiracy, hostage-taking and unlawful possession of firearms.

Three of them, Usman Aliyu, twenty-five, also known as Chonge; 21-year-old Babangida Aliyu, and 23-year-old Mohammed Ali aka Smallie Pepper, are specifically charged with the kidnap of the prospective corps' members.

They were charged with conspiracy to hostage taking punishable under Section 6 of the Imp State Prohibition of Hostage Taking and Related Offences Law No. 4 of 2009.

The DSS prosecutors accuse the trioka and others still at large of abducting the victims along the Owerri–Mgbidi–Onitsha Expressway on Independence day.

They were travelling from Ibadan to orientation camps in Abia and Akwa Ibom states. They were rescued after seven days.

According to the charge sheet filed at the Imo State High Court, Oru Judicial Division, Mgbidi, the defendants were accused of unlawfully possessing three AK-47 rifles, four magazines, a pistol and eighty-one rounds of live ammunition.

In a related case, 27-year-old Aminu Haliru and 20-year-old Tange Ibrahim aka Jijji, are accused of abducting four people around Owerri and Mgbidi on October 4.

Prosecutors allege that Haliru, Ibrahim and others still at large collected eight million naira to release the four victims.

They also face a charge of unlawfully possessing one AK-47 rifle and a pump-action gun.

The prosecution listed N1.8 million as money recovered in the second case, while a DSS investigator and the victims are listed as witnesses in both cases.

The release of the 20 prospective National Youth Service Corps members abducted in Imo State has once again exposed the danger of rushing to sensational conclusions in reporting security operations. While Sahara Reporters has amplified a family’s claim that millions of naira were paid to the kidnappers, the official account from the Nigeria Police Force is clear: the victims were rescued through sustained and coordinated search-and-rescue operations involving the country’s security agencies. The police said the victims were recovered at Amakohia Ubi Village in Imo State on October 7.

Rather than presenting the security operation as the central development, the Sahara Reporters narrative places considerable emphasis on an alleged N6 million ransom payment. That approach risks creating the impression that the terrorists ultimately succeeded in dictating the terms of the release. Yet reports from multiple independent media organisations confirm that the victims were recovered in an operation involving the Department of State Services, the military and the police. The Cable, Premium Times and other outlets separately reported the role of security operatives in securing their freedom.

The distinction matters. Families understandably operate under extraordinary emotional pressure when their loved ones are held hostage. A mother desperately trying to secure the life of her child may understandably believe that money paid during negotiations was responsible for the eventual release. But such an account, without independently established evidence connecting the payment to the release, should not automatically supersede the official account of a coordinated security operation.

The Nigerian security forces had been pursuing the abductors from the moment the 20 graduates were taken along the Owerri-Onitsha Road. Earlier reports indicated that security agencies had located the suspected hideout but were forced to exercise caution because of intelligence suggesting that improvised explosive devices had been planted around the area. The decision to avoid a reckless assault demonstrated the difficult balance between eliminating the threat and protecting the lives of the hostages.

The eventual operation culminated in the recovery of the victims at Amakohia Ubi Village. According to the police, the operation involved sustained search-and-rescue efforts by the Nigeria Police Force and other security agencies. Other reports identified the DSS, Nigerian Army, Nigerian Air Force, Nigerian Navy and Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps among the agencies involved. The victims were subsequently taken for medical assessment and treatment at a DSS facility in Owerri.

This is why the tendency by some platforms to reduce every successful hostage recovery to a ransom transaction deserves scrutiny. Sahara Reporters, in particular, has frequently attracted criticism over the presentation of contentious claims as definitive narratives. In a sensitive security matter involving vulnerable victims, journalism should separate what a distressed relative believes happened from what investigators and security agencies have independently established.

The facts available so far do not justify dismissing the role of Nigeria’s security forces. Indeed, the presence of senior security officials at the medical facility following the rescue further underlines the institutional involvement in the operation. The NYSC Director-General, Brigadier-General Olakunle Oluseye Nafiu, visited the rescued prospective corps members alongside the Imo State Commissioner of Police, the DSS Director and the Commander of the 34 Artillery Brigade.

There is also an important difference between ransom negotiations and proof that ransom secured a hostage’s release. Kidnappers may demand money, families may attempt to negotiate, and relatives may even raise or deliver funds without establishing that the eventual release was caused by the payment. Until security agencies or an independent investigation establishes the circumstances conclusively, presenting the N6 million claim as the definitive explanation for the rescue is premature.

What should therefore receive greater attention is the professional effort that brought the young Nigerians out of captivity alive. Twenty graduates who had been travelling to serve their country were located, recovered and taken to safety after seven days in captivity. Security agencies have also reportedly continued efforts to identify and apprehend those responsible for the abduction.

Several traditional rulers in Katsina State have commended the Military, Department of State Services (DSS) and local vigilante groups for foiling another attempt by armed bandits to carry out a mass abduction in Bakori Local Government Area of the state.

The state government had the penultimate week hailed the security agencies for foiling a mass abduction of persons in Gidan Iyado, Kakumi Ward of the same LGA. The state government disclosed that 18 bandits were killed by a combined security team of the military, DSS and the community watch corps.

Speaking on Thursday, the district head of a major town in Bakori LGA thanked the security agencies and local vigilantes for foiling another mass abduction in the LGA.

"We thank the Almighty Allah for the continued collaboration amongst the security agencies, traditional institutions and local communities. This has helped to stop criminal elements from attacking farming communities in our domain," he said.

Another district head disclosed that armed bandits, allegedly led by one Rabiu and operating from the camp of Alhaji Musa Duki in Mununu Forest, Faskari LGA of Katsina State, attempted to abduct residents of Unguwan Hudu village in Kakumi Ward, Bakori LGA.

The traditional ruler said the attempt was thwarted following intelligence received by the DSS, which prompted security operatives to block the route of the bandits.

He continued, "Apparently suspecting that a security operation had condoned off their attack route to the town, the bandits aborted their mission and fled. In the process, they abandoned 18 kidnap victims in their custody. The victims comprised 14 females and four males, including children and toddlers."

He continued, "From the trail of blood along their fleeing path, it is believed that at least seven of the fleeing bandits sustained gunshot injuries," stressing, "One of the rescued victims, 14-year-old Zainab Ashiru, also sustained a gunshot injury and was admitted at the General Hospital, Bakori."

The Thursday operation came less than two weeks after security forces foiled an attempt by bandits to kidnap residents of Gidan Iyado, Kakumi Ward, in the same Bakori LGA.

Read more: https://vigil360.com.ng/article/katsina-traditional-rulers-hail-military-dss-for-foiling-another-mass-abduction-by-bandits-muqngin6

An Edo State High Court sitting in Benin City and dedicated to kidnapping, cultism and other violent crimes on Tuesday sentenced three males and a female to death by hanging over kidnapping and membership of a secret cult.

The over three hours judgement was delivered by Justice T. A. Momodu on 11-count charges preferred against the convicts.

The four condemned criminals are Marvelous Isaac, 32; Wisdom Michael, 36; Rufus Michael, 30; and Gift Raphael, 27.

While delivering the judgment, Justice Momodu said the law left him with no discretion in imposing the prescribed sentences.

“My hands are tied under the law. I wish I have the law permit me to exercise my discretion. I would have, but my hands are tied. I will just impose the sentence as prescribed by the law,” the judge said.

Edo court sentences four to death over kidnapping, cultism, others
Edo court sentences four to death over kidnapping, cultism, others.

An Edo State High Court sitting in Benin City and dedicated to kidnapping, cultism and other violent crimes on Tuesday sentenced three males and a female to death by hanging over kidnapping and membership of a secret cult.

The over three hours judgement was delivered by Justice T. A. Momodu on 11-count charges preferred against the convicts.

The four condemned criminals are Marvelous Isaac, 32; Wisdom Michael, 36; Rufus Michael, 30; and Gift Raphael, 27.

While delivering the judgment, Justice Momodu said the law left him with no discretion in imposing the prescribed sentences.

“My hands are tied under the law. I wish I have the law permit me to exercise my discretion. I would have, but my hands are tied. I will just impose the sentence as prescribed by the law,” the judge said.

The judge sentenced Isaac to seven years imprisonment on count one, death by hanging or lethal injection on counts two to nine, 10 years imprisonment on count 10 and life imprisonment on count 11.

Michael was sentenced to seven years imprisonment on count one and death by hanging or lethal injection on counts two to nine.

Emete Michael received seven years imprisonment on count one and death sentences on counts two, three, four, six and seven.

Raphael was sentenced to seven years imprisonment on count one and death on counts two, four, six and eight.

The case arose from the broad-daylight abduction of a woman on June 14, 2026, at the Vegetable Market along Airport Road in Benin City.

The Edo State Special Criminal Court came into being on July 1, 2026, to handle kidnapping and cultism-related cases and expedite the prosecution of violent crimes in the state.

Justice Momodu also ordered the confiscation of a JoJef pump-action firearm and four cartridges tendered as exhibits in the case.

The court directed that the exhibits be handed over to the Edo State Police Armourer at the State CID for destruction within 30 days.

Source: https://www.vanguardngr.com/2026/09/breaking-edo-court-sentences-four-to-death-over-kidnapping-cultism-others/

The opposition has repeatedly been challenged to present an alternative to President Tinubu's economic policies instead of merely criticizing them. Rotimi Amaechi, Atiku's running mate in the ADC and a former member of the immediate past FEC, has now offered one.

His solution is simple: print more naira.

That proposal speaks for itself. Incidentally, this mirrors the approach adopted by the previous administration, in which Amaechi served as a member of the Federal Executive Council. During that period, the Central Bank reportedly financed government spending through massive money creation running into about ₦30 trillion, a policy widely criticized for fueling inflation and undermining both fiscal and monetary stability.

If printing more money is still the opposition's preferred economic prescription, Nigerians can decide whether it represents a credible path to recovery or a return to policies many believe contributed to the country's economic challenges.

By Oluseyi Petinrin

Students of military operations, including its planning and execution, know that intelligence is the grandfather of most successful operations. But it is a fact that is not immediately obvious to many members of the public and even to some that have spent years in the military establishments.

The ORIRE kidnap victims' release was already being credited to the military until one of the released victims told the true story: they were released by the kidnappers, and no kinetic action was involved in that release. The kidnappers even told their victims why they were being released: members of the kidnappers' families had been arrested and their videos were sent to the kidnappers.

But how were the kidnappers identified and their relatives traced to their various places of abode? That was the work of the DSS and the other actors in the intelligence community.

While the side players were being eulogised and the main DSS actors responsible for the release were being ignored, the DSS kept silent. That is the way of solid intelligence professionals. They keep mum after doing the job that leads to the success of operations and will not raise a whimper even when the wrong people are being credited for the job. I must say it again: intelligence is the grandfather of military operations. MAY GOD BLESS OUR DSS AND THE OTHER PLAYERS IN THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY.

I think a few words should also be said about the patience exhibited by those in charge of the planning of this release. We must commend the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Governor of Oyo State, the Hon. Minister of Defence, the NSA and DG DSS for refusing to be stampeded into taking rash kinetic actions that could have led to losses amongst the victims.

The Yoruba admonition that hot pap requires patience to consume it was scrupulously heeded in this operation, and it could serve as a template for future anti-kidnapping operations.

-Petinrin is a retired Air Chief Marshall and former Chief of Defence Staff

Source: https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/intelligence-is-the-grandfather-of-successful-military-operations.html

It often begins the same way. A rumor appears online. An unnamed "inside source" claims a high-profile detainee has suddenly fallen ill. Within hours, social media is awash with dramatic declarations: "He's being poisoned." "The government wants him dead." Before long, edited videos, recycled photographs, and emotional commentaries drown out one simple question: Where is the evidence?

History has shown that politically sensitive cases are fertile ground for competing narratives. Genuine concern for a detainee's welfare can quickly become intertwined with speculation, making it difficult for the public to separate fact from fiction.

This is precisely why allegations of deliberate poisoning or medical neglect must be approached with caution. They are among the gravest accusations that can be made against any government and should be supported by credible evidence, not anonymous posts or partisan interpretations.

Likewise, the arrest or investigation of any person associated with a detainee, including a medical practitioner, should not automatically be presented as proof of a plot to deny medical care. Separate legal proceedings should be judged on their own facts, not woven into a larger narrative without evidence.

Every detainee is the responsibility of the State. The government has both a legal and moral obligation to protect the lives and health of those in its custody. That responsibility deserves scrutiny, but scrutiny is strongest when anchored in verifiable facts rather than speculation.

In the end, justice is not served by whichever story spreads the fastest. It is served by evidence, transparency, and respect for due process.

By Ngoku David

Source: https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/editorial/nnamdi-kanu-the-politics-of-detainee-health.html

By Augustine Aminu

On Friday, May 15, 2026, the world was jolted by news of the killing of top commander of the Islamic State's West Africa Province (ISWAP), Abour Mainok and several other fighters. Also known as Abu Bilal al-Minuki, and considered the second-in-command of ISIL (ISIS) globally, the top terrorist commander was reportedly killed during a joint Nigeria-U.S. Counter Terrorism operation in Metele, Borno State.

Ever since the elimination of al-Minuki, considered one of the biggest blows in recent times to terrorists in the world over, torrents of encomium have been pouring in for the Nigeria -U. S. joint terrorism operations.

Posting on his Truth Social handle, U. S. President Donald Trump, wrote, "Brave American forces ⁠and the Armed Forces of Nigeria flawlessly executed a meticulously planned and very complex mission to eliminate the most active terrorist in the world from the battlefield,"

Al-Minuki, added President Trump, “thought he could hide in Africa, but little did he know we had ‌sources ⁠who kept us informed on what he was doing."

On his part, President Bola Tinubu stated that both countries had “recorded a significant example of effective collaboration in the fight against terrorism”.

Early assessments indicate that al-Minuki, along with “several of his lieutenants,” were killed during a strike on his compound in Metele, Borno State," Tinubu said.


Read more... https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/the-role-of-intelligence-in-the-nigeria-us-joint-counter-terrorism-operations-that-neutralized-top-iswap-commander,-fighters.html

I read the article by Mohammed Bello Doka from kaduna state. To be honest It’s heavy. It hurts to read because the pain is real. Mothers burying kids in Kajuru. Kids in Sokoto too weak to stand. Fathers in Zamfara paying ransom with their last cow. If you’re from the North, you feel that in your chest.

But the story it tells is incomplete. And an incomplete story to start with and incomplete story becomes a weapon.

Right now, it’s a weapon telling millions of northern Muslims that the only reason they suffer is because Tinubu and his administration hates them. That’s not the truth. And it won’t fix anything.

As a political commentator watching from a side line, lets scrutinise the points Doka raised one after the other.

1. Insecurity didn’t start in 2023. But the rules of engagement changed

Bandits were taxing villages in Zamfara in 2021. Schools were shut in Kaduna in 2022. The difference now is you hear about it faster, and the military is being told “no more deals, no more ceasefire that buys time for regrouping.” for the terrorists.

Recall, between Jan-April 2026, yes, 1,100 people were abducted. Terrible. But compare that to Jan-April 2024: 1,680 abductions per SBM Intelligence data. You will notice that the trend moving down, not up. The Woro attack in Kwara happened. So did the rescue of 89 victims in Birnin Gwari 3 weeks later. The media space amplified the attack, not the rescue. That’s not Tinubu hiding it. That’s how bad news travels 10x faster than good news.

The real shift: Security forces are now taking the fight into forests instead of waiting in barracks. That’s why you see more contact, more casualties on both sides. It’s messy. But “silent war” implies nothing is being done. The 8th Division’s Operation Fansan Yamma has cleared 14 camps in Sokoto-Zamfara axis since March 2026 alone as being dislodged of terroeist. Ask people in Shinkafi if they feel nothing changed.

2. Poverty in the North is structural, not a Tinubu invention

The UN report that 71.9% poverty in the North-East didn’t appear in 2024. NBS data shows it’s been above 65% since 2018. Sokoto placed at 90.5%? That’s from the 2025 Multidimensional Poverty Index using data collected under Buhari’s last year to begin with.

What’s different now is the pain of correction hit first. Subsidy removal, Forex unification, and the fight against agricultural smuggling hurt before the investments begin to yeild result. But look at what’s running parallel:

- On Agriculture: The $2.5bn Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones project broke ground in Kano and Kaduna in Q1 2026. Is targeting 1.2m jobs. Not enough, but it’s not “silence.”
- On Livestock: The new Ministry of Livestock Development, headed by a northerner, is rolling out ranching pilots in Nasarawa and Niger to end the farmer-herder conflict that drives displacement.
- Mwanwhile on Education: The Almajiri Education Commission got its highest budget ever in 2026. 400,000 kids enrolled in 12 northern states since Jan 2026 for the first ever.

Is it fast enough? No. Is it “systematically dismantling the North”? No. The data says the North was already at the bottom. The fight now is to stop it falling further while building something new.
Dissecting on ; Appointments
3. Appointments: Follow the money and the mandate, not just the name

Yes, Ganduje, Yakubu, Badaru are out. Yes, some replacements are northern Christians. But the narrative that “Muslim North has no power” ignores where the money and policy levers actually sit:

- Budget & Planning: Atiku Bagudu, Kebbi. He signs off every capital project.
- Agriculture: Abubakar Kyari, Borno. Rice, wheat, and dry-season farming policy.
- Health: Muhammad Ali Pate, Bauchi. He’s running the $2.2bn healthcare financing program.
- Transportation, Housing, Women Affairs, Livestock - all held by northerners.

The Presidency argues that national security and finance were given to technocrats trusted across regions to avoid the “ethnic capture” that broke trust under Buhari. Whether you agree is fair. But calling it a purge against Muslims ignores that VP Shettima sits on every major economic council, and Nuhu Ribadu, despite claims he’s sidelined, chairs the NSA office that approves every security operation.

On El-Rufai, Malami, Mamman: they’re facing EFCC cases started under Buhari, not new cases created in 2025. Selective prosecution is a real concern. But the files were opened before Tinubu took over office. If you want to call it selective, ask why the files moved now. The answer is messy, but it’s not “because they’re northern Muslims.”

4. The North’s elite problem is older than Tinubu

The article is right about one thing: too many northern governors and ministers live in Abuja while their states burn. But that started in 1999. The difference is social media now shows the private jets and mass graves in the same feed.

Tinubu didn’t make northern elites silent. He inherited a system where speaking up gets you labeled “anti-party.” If the North wants a different deal, the pressure has to be on those governors and senators who control state budgets and security votes. Blaming only Abuja lets the governors off the hook.

5. What’s actually being asked for?

If the demand is “treat the North fairly,” I’m with you. But if the demand is “give us power back without fixing why we lost it,” that’s not a plan. That’s nostalgia.

This narrative isn’t proving that “Tinubu is perfect.” He’s not. Subsidy removal without a functioning transport system was brutal. The pace of agricultural investment is too slow. Communication from the Presidency on northern issues is defensive, rather than proactive.

The counter-narrative is: The North is in a fight for survival, and the fight started long before Tinubu. He’s choosing to fight it openly instead of managing it quietly. That hurts now, but hiding it hurt more.

So what do we do with this?

1. Demand specifics, not vibes: “Why is Sokoto’s budget for primary healthcare still 3%?” That question moves governors more than “Tinubu hates us.”
2. Separate anger at policy from anger at identity: You can hate subsidy removal and still admit it wasn’t targeted at Muslims.
3. Use the people who are in power: Bagudu, Kyari, Pate are in the room. If they’re silent, make them speak. If they’re delivering, make them show it.
4. Stop letting fear set the agenda: Every time

The North doesn’t need a savior in Aso Rock. It needs leaders in Kaduna, Sokoto, and Maiduguri who are as afraid of their people as they are of Abuja.

Tinubu’s job is to run Nigeria. The North’s job is to make sure he can’t ignore it. That only happens if we stop fighting over who hates who, and start fighting over budgets, schools, and security outcomes. And what leverage the north can take advantage of.

Abdulaziz Munir
Writing from Jigawa.

By: Zagazola Makama

The latest international media appearance by Plateau-based activist, Masara Kim Usman, has once again exposed how misinformation, emotional propaganda and outright fabrication are being weaponised to inflame Plateau’s communal crisis and falsely portray it as an “Islamic jihadist war” against Christians.

In his now-circulating interview, Masara claimed that armed Fulani jihadists attacked a burial ground during funeral rites in Barkin Ladi while mourners were burying victims of earlier attacks.

According to him, gunmen opened fire from surrounding hills, forcing locals to abandon proper burial rites and hurriedly dump corpses into shallow graves before fleeing for their lives.

He further claimed he personally witnessed someone being shot during the attack and that armed terrorists carrying sophisticated weapons and sniper rifles attempted to massacre mourners.

But there is one major problem with the entire dramatic story: absolutely nobody was killed or injured during the so-called burial attack.

Not one casualty, no one corpse, not one hospital record, not one medical or security report from multiple security agencies and not one single verified victim, except him.

The obvious question therefore remains if hundreds of armed “Fulani jihadists” attacked a crowded burial ceremony with sophisticated rifles and sniper weapons as claimed by Mr Masara, how did nobody die? How did nobody sustain injury? How does a “mass attack” end without a single casualty?

The answer is simple, because the narrative was fabricated and staged to create panic, attract sympathy and push a false genocide narrative to international audiences. Even Masara’s own videos exposed the inconsistencies.

The same man claiming he was running for his life under heavy gunfire somehow managed to hold his camera perfectly steady, maintain smooth commentary with british accent, control his breathing, avoid visible distress, remain spotless without sweat or dust, and narrate events calmly like a movie correspondent.

At different times, he claimed he ran two kilometres. Later, the distance mysteriously became five kilometres. Yet throughout the footage, there was no sign of exhaustion, panic or trauma expected from someone supposedly escaping sniper fire and a coordinated terrorist assault.

Even more damaging to the propaganda effort was what appeared in the background of the footage itself. While Masara shouted dramatically about “Fulani attackers,” some women visible in the same environment were calmly walking without panic, without taking cover and without any indication that an active attack was taking place nearby. In the same background some youths were asked to run while the documentary was being shot.

In fact, the only armed individuals clearly visible in portions of the footage were local Berom militia carrying weapons and firing toward nearby hills.

Security and community sources confirmed that before the burial commenced, armed Berom youths had already gathered around the area, allegedly mobilising for a reprisal attack on a nearby Fulani settlement following earlier killings of seven persons.

Troops of Operation Enduring Peace deployed to the area reportedly intervened to stop the retaliatory mobilisation. According to findings, while tensions were high during the burial, sporadic gunshots were fired by the same local armed youths toward nearby hills, triggering confusion and panic which Masara and others immediately transformed into a staged “Fulani terrorist attack on mourners.”

Masara also falsely claimed that while the burial was ongoing, “someone was shot” some distance away from him. Again, this claim collapsed immediately because there was no recorded casualty, no injured victim, no evacuation and no corpse connected to the supposed shooting.

Not even community leaders could identify the alleged victim he claimed to have seen fall after gunshots. In his interview Masara claimed that local vigilante at the Burial responded with dane gunz but the Fulani had superior weapons than them. This further confirmed that the shooting was actually from within

The story simply never happened.
Masara also attempted to frame Plateau’s crisis as part of a broader “Islamic jihad against Christianity” allegedly aimed at establishing an Islamic caliphate and destroying Western civilisation.

According to him, Fulani attackers were fighting Christianity because “the West brought Christianity” and therefore wanted to eliminate Christians and Western influence.

This claim is not only false but dangerously irresponsible.

The reality is that Plateau State is NOT under invasion by Boko Haram, ISWAP or any international jihadist organisation.

No terrorist organisation has claimed responsibility for attacks in Plateau.

No ISIS flags have appeared in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Mangu or Bassa.

No evidence exists showing any coordinated jihadist structure operating in the state.

What Plateau is experiencing is a long-running communal conflict driven by reprisals, cattle rustling, farm destruction, land disputes, livestock poisoning and cycles of revenge killings between armed groups from different ethnic communities.

The killings are real.But they are happening on BOTH sides. Fulani communities have suffered attacks. Berom communities have suffered attacks. Livestock have been rustled and poisoned. Farms have been destroyed.

Villages on both sides have buried victims.

Even as this report is being compiled today 9th May 2026, fresh incidents involving attacks on livestock were again recorded in Bassa, where criminal youths reportedly shot and killed four cows, while in the night of 8th May 2026, attack was reported in Riyom where some people were killed in a cycle of reprisals that repeatedly triggers counter-attacks.

Masara conveniently ignored these incidents because acknowledging them would destroy the false “one-sided jihad” or Christian Genocide narrative being sold internationally.

He also falsely alleged that a Muslim soldier attached to Operation Enduring Peace aided attackers and was later arrested after refusing to engage the assailants.

This allegation was another blatant fabrication.

Checks revealed that the soldier in question, a naval rating, was away on an administrative assignment approved by his unit commander, who incidentally is also a Christian officer.

He was neither armed nor deployed at the attacked location during the incident.

But because the soldier was Muslim, propagandists immediately framed his absence as “evidence” that he collaborated with Fulani attackers.

This reckless weaponisation of religion is exactly what continues to poison Plateau’s fragile environment. Every incident is instantly branded “Islamic terrorism.” Every criminal becomes “Fulani jihadist.” Every reprisal attack becomes “Christian persecution.”

Meanwhile, the actual realities of criminality, communal reprisals and illegal arms proliferation are ignored. The same activists defending armed youths and illegal militias are often the loudest voices accusing security agencies of bias whenever arrests are made.

Only recently, troops uncovered illegal arms fabrication factories in Plateau and arrested suspects manufacturing AK-47 rifles and ammunition components. Instead of condemning the criminal arms operation, some individuals openly defended the suspects and justified illegal weapon production as “community self-defence.”

This dangerous normalisation of militancy or terrorism is precisely why Plateau remains trapped in endless violence. No society survives when civilians begin manufacturing assault rifles while activists celebrate them online. It is also important to note that several attacks highlighted by Masara conveniently omitted the reprisal context surrounding many incidents.

Zagazola repeatedly maintain that many retaliatory attacks follow earlier incidents involving cattle rustling, poisoning of livestock, attacks on herders or destruction of farms.

According to security source familiar with operations in Plateau: These attacks always have history behind them. Something usually happens before reprisals occur. We have repeatedly warned communities against poisoning cows, attacking herders and carrying out retaliatory raids. But propaganda often overshadows the real causes.”

The source added that illegal arms in the hands of youths across affected communities remain one of the biggest threats to peace. The truth remains that Plateau’s crisis cannot be solved through emotional manipulation, fake genocide narratives, staged videos or international propaganda tours.

The violence in Plateau is tragic and real.

But turning a complex communal conflict into fictional “Islamic conquest” propaganda only deepens mistrust, fuels retaliation and prolongs the bloodshed.

Peace will only come through accountability, disarmament, justice and honest engagement on ALL sides not through staged narratives designed to deceive the world and inflame tensions further.

At the risk of sounding jaded, intelligence, intel, typically refers to secret, security, or strategic data gathered about an enemy or a situation. It often implies actionable knowledge used for decision-making in security, business, or competitive contexts. This is the focus of this analysis. In the aftermath of the recent attack by terrorists on the Nigerian Army Brigade Headquarters in Benisheikh, Borno State governor, Prof. Babagana Zulum, made a startling but sad revelation that the Nigerian Army received intelligence two days before the attack. According to the governor, the intelligence included movement and routes used by the terrorists, and that the insurgents were headed towards the military barracks. The governor expressed regret that the Army failed to act.

While Governor Zulum didn't disclose which of the security agencies supplied the intelligence to the Army, it isn't difficult to hazard a guess if what Zulum's colleague in Kebbi State, Alhaji Nasir Idris, said last November is anything to go by.

In mid-November 2025, gunmen attacked Government Girls’ Comprehensive Secondary School, Maga, in Danko/Wasagu Local Government Area of Kebbi State. The gunmen abducted at least 25 female students of the school.

Shortly after the attack, Governor Idris visited the school. During the visit he expressed frustration over the failure to act on credible intelligence provided by the Department of State Services (DSS), which revealed a clandestine plot to attack the school.

Lamented the governor, "This is clear sabotage. We received credible intelligence from the DSS that this school was likely to be attacked. The DSS further advised that we convene an emergency Security Council meeting, which we did. The decision was that we would provide round-the-clock protection for the students."

He stated that he took the DSS report seriously, bearing in mind that the failure to act on similar intelligence led to the December 2020 kidnapping of over 300 pupils of a school in Kankara, Katsina State.

On November 21, 2025, gunmen attacked St. Mary's Catholic School in Papiri Community, Agwara Local Government Area of Niger State, abducting over 300 students and teachers. After a month-long captivity, all kidnapped persons were confirmed free on December 21, 2025.

The abduction and rescue of the Papiri victims wasn't without controversy, especially after it was confirmed that the school authorities defied an intelligence report by the DSS that all boarding schools shut down in the face of the possibility that they could be attacked by terrorists.

A month earlier, the Kogi State governor, Alhaji Usman Ododo, lauded the DSS for what he called their timely and accurate intelligence reports. The governor spoke on the heels of a leaked DSS intelligence report that the state and neighbouring Ondo were likely to come under attack.

Governor Ododo's Commissioner of Information and Communications, Hon. Kingsley Fanwo, who conveyed the gratitude of the state to the secret police, said Kogi State has always relied on credible intelligence of the Service.

"The report itself is evidence that our security agencies are alive to their responsibilities. We commend the DSS for their vigilance and for providing early intelligence capable of preventing such evil plans from being executed,” stated the Commissioner.

On its part, Ondo state didn't scoff at a leaked security memo by the DSS, which was addressed to the 32 Artillery Brigade of the Nigerian Army, in Akure.

The secret police, in the leaked memo, said it "confirmed plans by members of the ISWAP terrorist group to carry out coordinated attacks on communities in Ondo and Kogi States anytime soon."

Further, stated the report: “Some identified target locations within Ondo State include, Eriti Akoko, Oyin Akoko communities in Akoko North West LGA and Owo town in Owo LGA, respectively.

"It was further gathered that the groups have commenced surveillance on potential soft targets in the above-mentioned locations."

On the heels of the same leaked memo on planned attacks by ISWAP elements, the Ondo State Government called for calm among residents of the state.

While describing the memo as "routine intelligence regularly shared among security agencies and government in the state," the Commissioner for Information and Orientation, Idowu Ajanaku, disclosed that it is used to assess security threats and take proactive measures.

Read more... https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/benisheikh-attack-situating-security-agencies-intel-response.html

Fresh concerns have emerged suggesting that Nigerian authorities received advance intelligence regarding a potential insurgent movement towards Benisheikh in Borno State, prompting worry about how early warnings are processed and acted upon within the current counter-insurgency framework under Operation Hadin Kai.

Local and security sources said suspected insurgents were sighted on April 7 around the Karnakasari area of the Borgozo axis, raising alarms about a potential threat along the Benisheikh corridor in Kaga Local Government Area.

‎The reports indicated that the armed groups, believed to be affiliated with Boko Haram/ISWAP, were travelling in convoys of motorcycles accompanied by gun trucks, suggesting the capacity for a coordinated.

‎The intelligence, according to the sources, pointed to risks targeting both military formations and civilian communities in the area, prompting expectations of precautionary action by security forces.

‎These warnings were reportedly communicated ahead of the attack that occurred in the early hours of April 9, although the precise sequence of operational responses remains unclear.

‎Analysts note that such advance intelligence is typically intended to support preventive deployments, surveillance, or disruption efforts, but it is often difficult to ascertain what measures were taken or why they may not have been evident.

‎Security observers say the development reflects a recurring challenge in Nigeria’s counter-insurgency efforts, where early warning signals do not always translate into effective prevention of attacks.

‎They, however, caution that operational limitations, competing priorities, and the complexities of insurgency environments can influence how intelligence is processed and acted upon.

Read more...https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/benisheikh-attack-raises-questions-over-ignored-intelligence.html

*Pledges continued Support to State Security Apparatus*

Governor of Enugu State, Dr. Peter Mbah, has commended operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) for the arrest of high-profile kidnappers and gunrunners in the state. He gave the commendation during a visit to the Agency's State Headquarters on April 5, in Enugu.

The Governor expressed particular delight over the arrest of a high target gang leader, who has been responsible for series of attacks on security operatives and kidnapping for ransom in Enugu and its environs, noting that residents will finally be relieved of his reign of terror in the State and Southeast region. He further expressed dismay at how able-bodied individuals could abandon human decency for heinous crimes, stressing that the full weight of the law awaits the criminals.

He praised the DSS for their professionalism, discipline, and role in ensuring a peaceful Easter celebration, while urging the command to maintain this momentum, which he described as the core duty of government.

"The good people of Enugu State are grateful for the peaceful atmosphere especially around the Easter period, brought about through the efforts of the Service and other Security Agencies in the state". Expressing confidence that the criminals will finally end up behind bars with their network already disrupted, he added, 'It is your duty to sustain the tempo of security service delivery, as this remains the primary essence of Government and can never be taken for granted,' stated the Governor.

While expressing hope that the State would be rid of criminals with the sustained efforts of security agencies, the Governor also reaffirmed his commitment to making Enugu the safest hub for tourism, business, and living.

For more news...https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/gov-mbah-lauds-dss-over-arrest-of-high-risk-criminals.html

‎Operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) have arrested 25-year-old Nafisa Usman for allegedly supplying ammunition to bandits operating across several states. Security sources revealed that Ms. Usman was nabbed at a major motor park in Kano, where she was caught with 200 rounds of newly acquired ammunition. The consignment, transported from Lafia in Nasarawa State, was headed for Kankara in Katsina State.

The source revealed that the operation followed actionable intelligence, which revealed Usman's movement and activities.

‎"Nafisa, a native of Zango village in Kankara Local Government Area of Katsina State, was intercepted before completing the delivery allegedly meant for bandits operating in the Kankara forest.

‎"The suspect confessed to have been two months old in the trade of illegally shipping arms and ammunition for criminals. She revealed that the ammunition was handed her by an individual identified as 'Teso,' whom she claimed operates in collaboration with a military operative based in Lafia, Nasarawa State", disclosed the source.

‎The source further revealed that the suspect admitted her involvement and revealed that she has facilitated over ₦5 million in deals through Unguwa Uku motor park in Kano State for onward transportation to Katsina State.

‎'The supplies were intended for a bandit leader known as Mallam Haruna, said to be active in the Kankara axis. She added that she also supplies ammunition to one Buba and Abu, operating within the same forest region," revealed the source.

Read more...https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/%E2%80%8Edss-intercepts-ammunition-courier,-disrupts-bandits-supply-chain.html

Operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS), on Monday at Ivara Esu Estate in Odukpani Local Government Area, Cross River State, arrested one suspected gunrunner, Kelvin Ebikeniye Dugo.

Security sources disclosed that the arrest followed credible intelligence on Dugo's plan to buy 832 rounds of live ammunition from one Azenda Barnabas (alias Jagaban), anotger suspected gunrunner based in Aliade, Benue State.

‎"The operatives intercepted Dugo moments after he received the consignment, which was concealed in food items. Recovered wete 832 rounds of ammunition and two empty AK-47 magazines" noted the source.

Read more....https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/dss-arrests-suspected-gunrunner,-recover-832-rounds-of-live-ammunition.html

A credible source has confirmed that operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) on Dec 27, arrested the leader of the gang and another, who kidnapped and murdered a prominent professor of neurology, Ekanem Philip Ephraim in 2023 The gang leader, Patrick Essien Etim aka Pato, 23, and his accomplice, Bassey Antiha Asuquo, 40, were apprehended at a medical facility in Cross River State while planning to kidnap another medical bigwig.

According to the source, the DSS had been tracking the kidnap ring since Ephraim's killing in July 2023, when gunmen posing as patients abducted her.

The duo has confessed to the crime, admitting that they killed the professor after collecting multiple ransom payments from her family.

'It has been two years of torment for her loved ones, not knowing what happened to the Professor. I believe that, with this arrest, her family and loved ones will be able to finally have some peace and the much-needed closure that they deserve, the source said.

Read More...https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/security/just-in-dss-arrests-gang-leader,-murderers-of-prof-ekanem-philip-ephraim.html

IPI Nigeria says it is honouring Mr Ajayi to acknowledge his commendable press freedom credentials and encourage him to do even more.

Since his appointment as Director-General of the State Security Service (SSS) in late August 2024, Mr Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi has demonstrated an unmistakable commitment to press freedom and respect for journalists and media organisations.

Unlike in previous years when the SSS was notorious for serial harassment, intimidation, and arrests of journalists, the agency under Mr Ajayi’s leadership has shown remarkable restraint, professionalism, and openness to dialogue. Conflicts between the Service and the media are now resolved amicably, through engagement rather than coercion.

A few examples illustrate this transformation.

Barely hours into his tenure, one of our colleagues, Adejuwon Soyinka, was intercepted and detained in Lagos. Within hours of IPI Nigeria bringing the matter to his attention, Mr Ajayi directed the Lagos Command to release the journalist immediately.

For decades, our member Lanre Arogundade had suffered humiliating treatment at Nigeria’s borders, having been placed on the SSS watchlist since the 1980s. Despite years of advocacy, previous assurances that his name had been removed turned out to be untrue. Shortly after assuming office, Mr Ajayi received a formal complaint from IPI Nigeria and acted swiftly, permanently deleting Mr Arogundade’s name from the watchlist.

Read more...https://www.premiumtimesng.com/features-and-interviews/840736-full-detail-why-ipi-nigeria-gave-sss-dg-oluwatosin-ajayi-commendation-award.html

The Federal Government of Nigeria has granted temporary asylum to Guinea-Bissau opposition presidential candidate Fernando Dia Da Costa, offering him protection inside the Nigerian Embassy in Bissau amid credible reports of threats to his life.

The decision was formally communicated in a letter dated November 30, 2025, from Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs to the President of the ECOWAS Commission.

Al-Kasim Abdulkadir, Media Aide to the Minister, confirmed the move, stating that granting refuge to Mr Da Costa “falls squarely within Nigeria’s sovereign responsibility and its longstanding commitment to regional peace, stability, and democratic governance.”

Source: https://x.com/ZagazOlaMakama/status/1995594404397232511?s=20

Less than a month after ordering the release and compensation of an Abuja-based businesswoman, Mrs. Chineze Ozoadibe, the Director General (DG), State Security Services (DSS), Oluwatosin Adeola Ajayi, has ordered the release of one Kenneth Okechukwu Nwafor, arrested in July 2022, for his alleged involvement in the proscribed Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB).

Nwafor was also awarded N5 million as compensation for the wrongful arrest and free medicare by the DG.

A source stated that “The DG directed his investigation officers to conduct detailed review of all pending cases, and they have been dutifully doing that. Nwafor’s case is one of such cases.


Source: https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/crime-watch/dss-dg-releases-suspected-ipob-detained-since-2022.html

The detained leader of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu, has dropped his earlier plan to call witnesses in his ongoing trial for alleged terrorism-related offenses.

At the last hearing on October 24, the court adjourned till October 27 for Kanu to begin his defense. The IPOB leader had previously written to the court expressing his intention to summon witnesses and requested more time to review his case file.

However, when the matter was called on Monday, Kanu told the court that after thoroughly reviewing the case file, he found no valid charge against him. He argued that since he believed the charges were baseless and his trial unlawful, there was no need for him to present any defense.

Justice James Omotosho directed Kanu to file a written address to formally present his position and to serve the prosecution with a copy. The judge also advised him to seek legal counsel from criminal law experts to fully understand the implications of his decision.

The case was subsequently adjourned to November 4, 5, and 6 for the adoption of final written addresses, based on Kanu’s stance that the evidence and charges so far have failed to establish any case against him—or, alternatively, for him to proceed with his defense if he chooses to do so.

By Samuel Ogbonna, Esq.

Nnamdi Kanu’s latest courtroom offensive against the Department of State Services (DSS) is built on shaky legal ground. His argument that the agency cannot try him while allegedly disobeying a Court of Appeal order for his release may sound compelling to the public, but it doesn’t hold up under Nigerian law.

Kanu leans on the famous English case Hadkinson v. Hadkinson (1952), which says a party in contempt cannot be heard until the contempt is purged. But that rule isn’t absolute, certainly not in a criminal or constitutional setting like his. Nigerian courts have consistently held that justice cannot be frozen just because one party is accused of contempt. As the Supreme Court ruled in First Bank v. TSA Industries (2010), the “Hadkinson principle” must bend where public interest or fair hearing is at stake.

In other words, that alone doesn’t stop the Attorney-General of the Federation from pursuing prosecution, as Section 174 of the Constitution gives the AGF wide powers to initiate and continue criminal cases in the name of the state. Until a higher court expressly nullifies the process, the wheels of prosecution keep turning.

Kanu’s persistent claim that the DSS is monitoring his meetings with his lawyers could be tactical, designed to pressure the court into transferring him out of DSS custody to a more lenient detention facility, such as a correctional centre, where oversight is lighter and access is broader. It’s a smart legal play, by framing his detention as hostile to fair trial, he seeks to shift the venue of his custody, not just to gain comfort, but to weaken the state’s security hold.

As for the allegation that the DSS forged his medical report, that too appears to be another calculated move in Kanu’s wider strategy, a bid to discredit both the security agency and the court whenever the proceedings don’t go his way. Forgery is a grave criminal accusation, but without evidence, it’s little more than courtroom theatre. Under the Evidence Act, such a claim must be proven beyond reasonable doubt through expert testimony or forensic proof, not emotion or conjecture. By throwing this allegation into the mix, Kanu seems intent on casting doubt on every process linked to the DSS, painting the agency as corrupt and untrustworthy, while subtly pressuring the court to bend toward his narrative. It’s a familiar tactic, turn the accuser into the accused, and the law into a public spectacle.

The bigger picture is this: the law doesn’t operate on emotions or political sentiment. Kanu’s legal strategy seems aimed more at public sympathy than courtroom success. Contempt allegations, monitored meetings, and disputed medical reports may stir outrage, but they don’t automatically stop a prosecution.

At the end of the day, the DSS and the Attorney-General still hold the constitutional mandate to pursue criminal charges, and until a superior court says otherwise, that mandate stands.

Kanu’s fight is far from over, but legally speaking, his latest arguments look more like a political statement than a winning defense.

The Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) has disassociated itself from the sit-at-home directive reportedly issued by certain pro-Biafra elements ahead of the November 8 Anambra governorship election. In a statement released on Wednesday by its leader, Uchenna Madu, the group condemned the order, describing those behind it as “disgruntled elements sponsored to create political instability and incite chaos in Igboland.” MASSOB maintained that the call was a deliberate attempt to undermine peace and democratic participation in the South-East region.

Madu emphasized that the organization remains committed to non-violence and to advancing the political and economic interests of Ndigbo through lawful and constructive engagement rather than disruption. He stated that MASSOB has consistently opposed similar sit-at-home directives in the past, noting that such tactics neither advance the cause of Biafra nor contribute to the political emancipation of the Igbo people. According to him, these recurring calls for boycott during elections are deceptive strategies designed to manipulate public sentiment and destabilize the region.

The MASSOB leader assured residents of Anambra State that the scheduled governorship election would proceed as planned and that citizens should not yield to fear or intimidation. He revealed that the group had already embarked on a grassroots sensitization campaign across local communities to encourage residents, including members of other pro-Biafra movements, to actively participate in the election. Madu noted that voter engagement remains crucial for asserting the political relevance of the South-East within the Nigerian federation.

MASSOB further called on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to remain focused and not be distracted by divisive narratives. The group pledged its support for a peaceful, credible, and transparent electoral process, emphasizing that the people of Anambra deserve the freedom to choose their leaders without external interference or coercion. By rejecting the sit-at-home order, MASSOB sought to project a message of stability, civic responsibility, and strategic participation as the path toward genuine empowerment and representation for the Igbo nation.

As the legal representative of Gali Ismail Abdullahi, also known as “Sultan,” I wish to address members of the general public, concerned citizens, supporters, and well-meaning individuals who have expressed concern over his ongoing ordeal on social media and other public platforms.

While I sincerely appreciate the outpouring of support and the genuine calls for his release, which I recognize come from a place of goodwill, it is essential to draw attention to the status of the matter as it currently stands.

Sultan has been formally charged before a court of law, and the matter is now sub judice, meaning it is under judicial consideration and must not be the subject of public discussion, protest, or agitation, especially as regards the merits or otherwise of the allegations against him.

Once a matter is before a competent court, it is the court alone that is empowered to adjudicate on the issues, and any public campaign, commentary, or pressure regarding the case can inadvertently prejudice the judicial process and jeopardize the interests of the person whom these protests seek to support.

I also wish to clarify that Sultan is no longer in the Department of State Services (DSS) custody. He has been remanded by court order pending his rearraignment and the hearing of his bail application, which has already been filed.

Additionally, we have taken proactive steps to secure a close date for the hearing. We are vigorously pursuing all available legal remedies to ensure he is reunited with his family and loved ones as soon as possible.

Given the above, we respectfully call on the public to exercise patience, calm, and restraint. The courtroom is now the only arena where justice for Sultan can be pursued and achieved. We assure everyone that we are doing everything within the ambit of the law to defend Sultan’s rights and to secure his freedom through the proper legal channels.

Hamza N. Dantani Esq.
04 August 2025.
Kopa Zita Hato CCTV

Two months after paying N20 million as compensation to a Jos-based businessman mistakenly shot during a 2016 operation, Director General of the Department of State Services (DSS), Mr. Tosin Ajayi, on Saturday demonstrated his respect for human rights. He released a suspect who had been in the custody of the secret police since 2022, bringing to 12 the number of suspects released in July alone.

After ordering the release of Abdulyakini Salisu, the Service tendered an apology to him. On his part, the DG directed the Service to pay him N10 million as "initial compensation" and further support.

The initial compensation, security sources hinted, was an indication that Salisu may get more. The compensation, sources quoted the the DG as saying, was a gesture of remorse by the DSS to the victim, who, before his arrest, operated a stone quarry on the Zuba- Kaduna expressway. Salisu, like a former detainee released by the DG, is to enjoy free medical services at the DSS hospital for as long as he wishes, the DG directed.

Read more.... https://vigil360.com.ng/browse-all-sections/editorial/again-dss-dg-shows-commitment-to-human-rights-releases-12-suspects-pays-compensation.html

The so-called rebuttal by the Director, Legal Affairs, Research and Global Communications of the proscribed IPOB appears to be an illiterate approach to legal issues, talk more of an issue pending before the Court of Law. It is a total misalignment of facts apparently targeted at gaining sympathy for a lost cause from gullible followers.

IPOB should be reminded that it is "Sub judice" to discuss issues that are subject of Court proceedings. However, in order to curb widespread misinformation that could mislead innocent readers, I would indulge their ignorance.

The mischief maker and his croonies forget that the court admitted a videoclip where Kanu was inciting people to kill security personnel and burn down their vehicles in the heat of the EndSars protest. In the same video, Kanu called for the killing of President Tinubu and the destruction of his business interests in Lagos. He was confronted with those videoclips, and he admitted to making them without any objection from his lawyers.

The glaring illiteracy of the sham IPOB 'illegal' directorate is rather appalling. It is a trite law that "he who asserts must prove same." They claimed that the evidence of the FRN was based on google edited videos, but their defence counsel failed to cross-examine the witness that tendered the evidence in order to challenge its credibility or otherwise.

IPOB should once again be reminded that the Court Order proscribing IPOB in 2017 pursuant to Section 2 of the Terrorism Prevention Act 2011 has not been overturned or challenged. The order is gazzetted by the Federal Government. The Court of Appeal also ruled on 30th January 2025, affirming the ruling of the Federal High Court, which proscribed IPOB as a terrorist group.

Of course no criminal commits a crime and admits to it, even when caught pants down, the fact remains that a transmitter was smuggled into the country, which Kanu himself stated on video, the same video led security personnel to Ubuluisiuzo in Anambra state. Because the transmitter was apparently smuggled, there was no documentation from Customs nor was there license for setting up a radio station in any part of the country by the group. So isn't IPOB shooting themselves in the leg by asking for proof of documentation for a smuggled item?

If the transmitter was not seized, it would have aided Kanu in further propagating destructive messages against the country. These forms part of acts preparatory to the commission or in furtherance of acts of terrorism.

How can the Supreme Court be "under the impression that a law that was amended was still in force"? That is the highest Court in the country and its decisions are final. The court ordered Kanu to face the trial "de novo" (afresh), which is almost over, reason why his delusional apologists are desperately running pillars to post. The trial Court would decide whether the charges are valid or not.

And on the legality or otherwise of the procedure of arresting Kanu, that is left for the Court to decide, it bothers on esoterics of International law and should not be deflated by baseless or jaundiced bias.

Again, social media propaganda will not save him from facing justice and the consequences of his actions.