OOOKEWALE's Posts
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people voting are not on the internet. they dont know anything about polling. |
cyberbro:Integrity of the membership register is important. So they could validate the NIN against NIMC. |
Simple NIN validation and face recognition algorithm is enough to eliminate this. Unfortunately, Most developers dont understand how to ensure data correctness. |
Seun:Work on the search box. We should be able to search for topics only. |
We have all been inundated with relentless clamour for the introduction of absolute real-time transmission of electoral results since the beginning of the year. The demand is loud, emotionally charged, and often framed as a silver bullet for Nigeria’s electoral credibility. As a professional with hands-on experience designing and scaling high-throughput, mission-critical systems, I feel compelled to inject some much-needed technical clarity into this conversation — because much of the clamour is rooted not in malice, but in misunderstanding. Some telecommunications providers have confidently claimed they possess the capacity to support real-time transmission of electoral results. That claim, while not entirely false, is dangerously incomplete. It reflects a narrow view of system performance that equates network bandwidth with system reliability. In reality, application stability — especially at national scale — is never about bandwidth alone. Bandwidth is necessary. It is not sufficient. Real-time transmission of electoral results is a systems engineering problem, not a connectivity contest. It depends on a convergence of factors that must all work simultaneously under extreme conditions. These include, but are not limited to: Infrastructure sizing: Elections generate massive, simultaneous traffic spikes within narrow time windows. Systems sized for average load will fail under peak electoral load. System architecture and implementation: Poorly designed architectures collapse under burst traffic, partial failures, or delayed synchronization. Elections do not forgive architectural shortcuts. Horizontal and vertical scalability: The ability of a system to dynamically scale across servers (horizontal) and increase processing capacity per node (vertical) is non-negotiable for national elections. Fault tolerance and resilience: Systems must expect failure — network drops, device crashes, power loss — and recover gracefully without data loss or corruption. Application design and usability: Polling officers are not DevOps engineers. Complex workflows, unclear error messages, or fragile offline behavior will cripple even the best infrastructure. This is why the debate around electoral result transmission must be reframed. The challenge is not singular; it is multi-faceted. It spans technology, infrastructure, human behavior, institutional capacity, and legal authority. Any attempt to reduce it to “the network is available” is either naive or deliberately misleading. Real-time transmission is not impossible. Countries where such systems function reliably did not arrive there by slogans or press releases. They invested heavily in system design, redundancy, stress testing, legal clarity, and operational discipline — often over decades. They treated elections as critical national infrastructure, not pilot projects. Nigeria must do the same if it seeks similar outcomes. https://url-shortener.me/DG2F @Seun |
RollinTNDA:He is already president on twitter. |
WhizdomXX:The Nigerian Society of Engineers’ endorsement of mandatory real-time electronic transmission of election results is ambitious, but it rests on overly optimistic assumptions that gloss over Nigeria’s political, institutional and infrastructural realities. While technology can improve elections, presenting it as a near-silver bullet risks replacing one set of problems with another, potentially more complex and less transparent. First, the NSE underestimates the scale and unevenness of Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit. The claim that mobile broadband and satellite connectivity can adequately cover over 176,000 polling units ignores persistent gaps in network reliability, electricity supply and technical support. Elections are not conducted in controlled laboratory conditions; they take place in volatile, resource-constrained environments where even basic logistics often fail. A system that collapses in a fraction of polling units risks delegitimizing the entire process, especially in a country where elections are routinely contested in court. Second, the engineers’ confidence in cybersecurity safeguards appears detached from Nigeria’s institutional capacity to enforce them. Encryption, authentication and digital audit trails are only as credible as the institutions managing them. INEC and related agencies have repeatedly faced accusations of poor transparency, weak internal controls and susceptibility to political pressure. Introducing complex digital systems without first resolving these governance issues could concentrate power in fewer hands, making manipulation harder to detect rather than easier to prevent. Third, the article assumes that electronic transmission automatically reduces human interference. In reality, it merely shifts the point of interference. Manual processes may be vulnerable during transportation, but digital systems are vulnerable at the points of configuration, access control, software updates and server management. These risks are less visible to the public and to political parties, which could deepen mistrust rather than build confidence—especially when technical explanations are used to justify discrepancies. The NSE’s argument also downplays the legal and political consequences of technical failures. In a highly polarized electoral environment, even minor glitches can become grounds for widespread rejection of results. Courts may struggle to adjudicate disputes rooted in software errors, server logs or connectivity failures, areas where judges, lawyers and parties often lack technical expertise. This could prolong electoral disputes, not shorten them, contrary to the Society’s claims. Moreover, citing international examples without accounting for context is misleading. Countries that successfully use electronic result transmission typically have stronger institutions, higher digital literacy, more stable infrastructure and clearer legal frameworks. Transplanting such systems into Nigeria without comparable foundations risks policy imitation without capacity—a pattern that has repeatedly failed in other sectors. Finally, the Senate’s concerns were not a rejection of progress but a caution against compulsion. A phased, optional or hybrid approach would allow Nigeria to test, audit and build trust in electronic transmission while retaining manual safeguards. Making real-time electronic upload mandatory nationwide, before resolving infrastructural, legal and institutional weaknesses, could turn technology into a new source of exclusion and controversy. In sum, while electronic transmission has potential benefits, the NSE’s position prioritizes technological idealism over political and institutional realism. Electoral credibility in Nigeria will not be secured by software alone, but by building trust, accountability and resilience—areas where technology can assist, but should not be imposed prematurely as a cure-all. |
Losing is hard. But that energy should have been expended on the field. |
rescuenaija: is it legally or morally right for a sitting governor to deposit his states money in his a bank where he was a chairman of the board? LEGALLY — is it allowed? |
Vinnie2000:I can give you names of people who worked with him. |
franchasofficia:You and Yours can lie for africa. Obi that will not be contesting 2027 elections. You have not heard? |
Starhearts:He wont make it to the ballot paper. |
muyico:
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A president’s family often isn’t just random civilians—they can be targets because of the president’s position. Threats can come from people with political motives, extremists, or criminals trying to exploit access. So protection isn’t about giving them “VIP treatment” for fun; it’s about safety and preventing potential national security risks. That said, there’s a balance. Full-time security can create a bubble that’s isolating or expensive, and some argue it shouldn’t be indefinite once the president leaves office. But during the presidency, protecting the family is generally seen as necessary. 🇺🇸 United States (US) Who protects? Secret Service. Who gets coverage? President, First Lady, their minor children, and sometimes adult children if there’s an active threat. Why? High global visibility = high risk. After leaving office? Former presidents get lifetime protection; their spouse gets it too unless they remarry. Kids stop getting it at 16 or when dad/mum leaves office (depends on era). 🇬🇧 United Kingdom (UK) Technically no “president,” but the Prime Minister’s family gets protection from the Metropolitan Police’s Protection Command. Level of protection depends on threat level, not vibes. 🇫🇷 France The Groupe de Sécurité de la Présidence de la République (GSPR) handles presidential security. The president’s partner and children usually get guards, especially if they appear in public. 🇳🇬 Nigeria The Department of State Services (DSS) leads presidential security. The President’s immediate family is protected, especially the First Lady and children living in Aso Rock. Former presidents also get some level of security detail. 🇨🇦 Canada PM’s family is protected by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). Protective level scales with threats. 🇮🇳 India The Special Protection Group (SPG) covers the PM and their family. Super strict. Think “Fort Knox but with humans.” Removal or granting of SPG cover is based on security threat, not politics (in theory). |
christejames:Lagos is closer than any of the small villages that you call towns/cities. 100years time na dream una go dey dream of ever reaching the current half size of Lagos |
NaijaRoyalty:Speak to facts you know. Listen to the news with an open mind. Several Terrorists, Bandits, and Herdsmen are in courts all over Nigeria. I know it pained you that Mallam MNK is currently on a lifetime public holiday in Sokwato. |
wediehere1:Nnamdi Kanu’s whole trajectory has been… messy. Dude didn’t exactly take the “low-key activism” route — he went full megaphone, full dramatics, full “shake the table and flip it for good measure.” And honestly? That style was always going to put him on a collision course with the Nigerian government. No shock plot twist there. On his conduct: Kanu has always doubled down instead of backing down. He pushed hard, spoke harder, and operated like someone who assumed the system would blink first. Spoiler: it didn’t. When you combine fiery rhetoric, a loyal base, and actions the government interprets as a threat, you’re basically begging the state to pull out its “national security” card — and they did. On the convictions themselves: Nigeria tends to apply the law with vibes sometimes — heavy here, light there — so the whole thing has always felt politically charged, not just legally driven. It’s not that the government had zero grounds to go after him; it’s that the intensity and the way they went about it shows this was more than just “we’re enforcing the law.” It was “we’re sending a message.” And they sent it in capital letters. My take in one line: Kanu played high-stakes chess with the government, made some bold (and honestly reckless) moves, and the state responded exactly how a state tends to respond when someone keeps poking its ribs: aggressively and with maximum force. If Nigeria had better political conflict-resolution skills, we wouldn’t even be talking about this. But here we are. |
Uptheante:Chief, Go to Hotels in Sokwato, even government run hotels. The Nothern prostitutes only dress decently and are secretive. They are very careful of how they present themselves to you. The foundation of all these your groups is cultism. “Cultism” can mean different things depending on context, but generally it refers to the practice of being part of a cult, which is a group that often: Has rigid beliefs or a charismatic leader. Exerts high control over members’ behavior. Encourages secrecy and isolation from outsiders. Can involve rituals, initiation, or even illegal activities. In Nigeria, the term “cultism” is often associated with secret societies in schools and universities. These groups, sometimes called “campus cults,” often: Have names like “,” “Eiye,” or “Aiye.” Recruit students and demand loyalty through oaths. Are linked to violence, crime, and intimidation on campuses. Can create peer pressure and social fear among students. It’s illegal in many countries, including Nigeria, because cults in schools and universities threaten safety and disrupt education. |
Uptheante:ISWAP, Boko Haram, and all these bandits are cultists. They are just religious, but their intentions are devilish. Once you join them, you cannot leave. There are prostitutes in Sokwato, Katsina, Maiduguri. In fact, Hausa Fulanis are also into discrete prostitution. It is wrong of you to classify a region as responsible for all the nonsense happening in Nigeria. For those of us who have travelled widely know these things. All your fake piousity is evident to those who have spent time among you. The highest abuse of alcohol and other substances is in the Northern States among your women. |
irumole1975:The issue here is that all of you young guns see a relationship as transactional. You expect the girls to put out for you, and the girls expect you to fund their lifestyle as compensation. If the girl tells you she does not want sex, you will abandon her. When you get the sex, you move on to the next opueh available. So, if she is asking you to take care of her, do so or move on. |
Uptheante:Lie lie. Cultist dey north especially from Kogi, Benue, FCT Abuja, and Kaduna etc. What do you think is fuelling the insecurity? |
Emma513:Change residence. Else they will continue to bully you till you join them. |
guest1234:Congratulations! I am also at the brink of walking away after 18years of marriage and 4 years of courtship. It has become evident that I am on a journey with the wrongest of companions. One day, I hope I will be able to tell the story with clarity like you did. |
Yobabad:Does this make any sense to you or those who liked your comments? |
Dotherightthing:Child Rights Act (CRA) of 2003: The Criminal Code (2004), inherited from colonial law, is older and narrower — it treats sexual offences as crimes against morality, mainly targeting girls under 13. The Child Rights Act (2003) is modern and rights-based — it treats sexual exploitation as a violation of children’s rights, protecting all minors under 18 regardless of gender. So, while Section 218 criminalizes sex with girls under 13, the CRA criminalizes any sexual activity with any child under 18. |
princeade86:The USA have the largest crude oil reserve in the world |
BarrElChapo:That is not true. Fuel Marketers are not patronising the Local Refineries because they go for cheap fuel. This initiative is good to discourage importation. |

