Ottersberger's Posts
Nairaland Forum › Ottersberger's Profile › Ottersberger's Posts
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 (of 105 pages)
ghm:Nigerians are entitled to know who their president is. |
aswani:I respectfully disagree with your position. If you require my continued involvement, please say so. |
aswani:My dear friend and brother. You called me, as usual. In my village, a man once stole a cock and hid it inside his sack. Having witnessed the theft, the village youths gathered around him, calling him a “thief.” The man, seeing another adult nearby, beckoned him over. “Come and look inside the sack,” he said. “You can determine for yourself whether I stole the cock.” The adult looked inside. Sure enough, the missing cock was there. But instead of addressing what was plainly before him, the adult turned to the youths and reprimanded them. “Go home,” he said. “Nothing to see here.” That story comes to mind whenever I read anyone trying to dismiss the FBI records concerning Bola Ahmed Tinubu as though the underlying FOIA case does not exist or in this form. It does!. And the timeline matters. On March 29, 2023, Aaron Greenspan submitted a FOIA request seeking FBI records concerning Tinubu. When the FBI initially refused to confirm or deny the existence of responsive records, a position commonly known as a “Glomar” response, Greenspan challenged that position in federal court. We are now well beyond simply asking whether the FBI has records. In the litigation, the FBI ultimately identified 399 pages of potentially responsive material and asked the court to review the records “under seal, ex parte, and in camera.” In plain English, the government is asking the judge to examine the records privately before deciding what, if anything, can be released publicly. That is a very different situation from saying, “There are no records or a glomar response.” And this distinction matters. I am a fair-minded person, and to be clear, the existence of 399 pages does not prove that Tinubu committed a crime. Nor does a FOIA proceeding amount to a criminal finding against him. Those are claims that require evidence, and we should not manufacture conclusions that the court has not made. But the opposite claim, that there is nothing here, or that the entire matter is fabricated, is equally difficult to sustain in light of the now available court record. The obvious question is therefore not whether the records exist. The question is: what do they contain, and why were they generated?. If the records contain nothing of consequence, transparency should settle the matter. If they contain information relevant to Tinubu's past legal trouble, Nigerians and the wider public should be allowed to understand that information and draw their own conclusions. And 399 pages is not a trivial amount of material. It is substantial enough to warrant serious public interest and scrutiny. This is why dismissing the issue outright does a disservice to the very person being defended and the defenders. Credibility is not strengthened by pretending the evidence does not exist. It is strengthened by confronting the evidence directly. The United States is an open-records system with judicial mechanisms for challenging government secrecy. That process is precisely what is happening here. On the face of it, the claim that lives will be at risk because of these files makes it even more intriguing and compelling. Who is our president?. What had he done?. So, my dear friend, let us not be like the adult who opened the sack, saw the cock, and then told everyone: “Nothing to see here.” Open the sack. Let the judge examine the records. Let the law determine what can be released. And, most importantly, let the evidence speak for itself. |
aswani:I no go talk wetin dey my mouth. |
Hausa or Fulani?. Hausa are usually peace loving people. |
omenka:At least he is speaking. When will Nigerians hear from the bunker-dweller?. Heck, he could even lick the microphone. |
AMINDA:I beg to disagree, my friend, particularly on who would take the bigger hit if, unfortunately, the opposition fails to oust the disaster in Aso Rock. None of these men will take the hit; Nigerians will. But just to correct the narrative, Tinubu wanted to deputize Buhari. When that arrangement failed to gain Buhari’s support, partly because of the controversy surrounding a Muslim-Muslim ticket, he reportedly proposed his wife, Remi Tinubu, who is a Christian. Osinbajo ultimately emerged as the compromise. Tinubu himself, as a vice-presidential candidate, was also turned down by Atiku Abubakar when Atiku ran on the former’s platform. That said, I understand your argument. Most Nigerians, especially young people across the North and South, increasingly believe that our leadership should be younger and more honest than both the incumbent and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. There is no compelling reason why Nigerians today must continue to be "ruled" by people who also "ruled" their fathers without measurable or verifiable progress. Beyond the generational argument, however, there is a more fundamental issue. These men belong to a political generation that has dominated Nigeria for decades. In an increasingly fast-paced and rapidly changing world, we need leaders with the vitality, dexterity, and contemporary outlook required to confront the challenges of a country of more than 200 million people, where young people constitute the overwhelming majority. The task before Nigeria is enormous, as you would agree. This is therefore not the time for a coronation. Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, in all honesty, has little to offer Nigeria today that Peter Obi does not bring and, in many respects, brings in greater measure. On the issue of credibility, Mr. Obi would also enter another campaign with far fewer vulnerabilities for the APC to exploit, unlike Alhaji Atiku, whose long political career provides his opponents with considerably more ammunition. Ultimately, what Nigerians want is not another arrangement designed around personalities but competent and accountable government. For that reason, I believe the elder statesman, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, should consider stepping back and supporting Peter Obi, not for Peter Obi’s sake, but for Nigeria’s. If the objective is genuinely to defeat Tinubu and give the country a better chance at good governance, then perhaps the wisest course is to support the candidate best positioned to achieve that objective. This should not be about who gets crowned. It should be about who can best serve Nigeria. |
epainos:I expected nothing more than you delivered. Slogans merchant. Your feeble attempt at defamation failed. If I were to contract you for the job you think you're doing, I would promptly send you away. You are incompetent at the most basic task, and it clearly shows. If dem born you well, answer my question. |
helinues:So, my friend. “Ebi Mpawa” is which Nigerian language?. And who was it that muttered those heartbreaking words in lamentation over the sorry state in which they unfortunately found themselves?. Mr. Peter Obi made it clear ab initio that he would dismantle the criminal enterprise called “subsidy” in Nigeria. But he also told us that he would not do so haphazardly. Rather, it would be done gradually, in a carefully structured and phased manner, with the savings verifiably reapplied to alleviate critical aspects of Nigerians’ lives, particularly health and education. This stands in direct opposition to the disaster that Ahmed Tinubu, the man you support, has thrown Nigeria into. Not only was his plan poorly thought through, but Nigeria went from the frying pan straight into an open burning flame. Whatever was purportedly realized from the removal of the subsidy was promptly looted by this administration, in what appears to be a continuation of the aforementioned criminal enterprise, while most of our taxes have increased and are set to rise even further and expand should Ahmed Tinubu, unfortunately, return in 2027. Let’s be clear here: no one “reversed after the backlash.” What H.E. Mr. Peter Gregory Obi is offering is a well-thought-out economic blueprint, tailored to our circumstances and designed to deliver stability and growth after 39 months of the disaster called Ahmed Tinubu and his gang of incompetent looters whose actions have had such a devastating impact on the lives of Nigerians. The difference, therefore, is not between someone who wants to remove subsidies and someone who does not. It is between how it is done, who bears the burden, and whether the resulting savings are transparently and productively reinvested in the Nigerian people. This is one of the choices H.E Mr. Peter Gregory Obi presents to the Nigerian people in the coming election, in sharp contrast to the disastrous incompetence of your absentee, bunker-dwelling wannabe president. |
epainos:What was the duration of the said strike and why?. Come with concrete facts if you can. |
AMINDA:Much as we may belong to opposing political camps, I would encourage you to move beyond the familiar, pedestrian rhetoric that has become characteristic of Nigerian politics. Leaving a coalition perceived to be designed to coronate Atiku is neither a crime nor a betrayal. Peter Obi is an accomplished politician in his own right, and he is entitled to advance his own ideas about how Nigeria’s economic and political challenges should be addressed. Why should he be expected to automatically agree with Atiku Abubakar, who is equally entitled to his own views and ambitions? The reality is that both men are political equals, but Mr. Obi’s political fortunes have risen considerably since the last election. His 2023 performance transformed him into a formidable national political force, and today he is arguably the strongest and most credible opposition choice to challenge and defeat Bola Tinubu. An Obi–Atiku alliance, therefore, makes eminent strategic sense. Combining their strengths could give the opposition the breadth and political machinery necessary to mount a serious challenge in 2027. But such an alliance must be built on equality and mutual respect, not on the assumption that Peter Obi must subordinate his presidential ambition to Atiku. No one is using anyone. Peter Obi is not subordinate to Atiku Abubakar. They shared a presidential ticket in 2019, but that does not create a permanent political hierarchy between them. Mr. Obi has a legitimate desire to offer himself for service to Nigeria, and he should not be expected to sacrifice that aspiration merely to make a coalition convenient for others. The goal should be to unite, not to subordinate; to build a winning coalition, not to coronate one individual. And if the question is who represents the most credible challenge to Bola Tinubu today, Peter Obi remains very much at the center of that conversation. |
yarimo:A friend of a thief is a thief. We know who these people work for; they only get recycled when we catch them. If in doubt, ask the NPF. |
helinues:Rubbish!. The APC plan is to rig, because there is nothing this government can campaign with. But I have bad news for you and APC, it's not gonna work. 2023 was a surprise, eyes are clear now. We will have an election where votes will count, Tinubu will lose and he will go home. |
Although I did not write the following working theory, I find it plausible and believe that it explains the reason behind the US government's position regarding the release of the Tinubu files. Working Theory: Why the FBI is still locking down the Tinubu files after 33 years —- The FBI is fighting to keep parts of the 1990s investigative file on Bola Tinubu sealed under FOIA Exemption 7(F) — claiming release could “endanger the life or physical safety of any individual.” Thirty-three years later. That claim only holds if something in those records is still dangerous today. Here’s the cleanest theory that fits every known fact: In the late 1980s–early 1990s, a Nigerian-run network was moving **high-purity Southeast Asian white heroin** (“China White”) from the Golden Triangle — primarily sourced and staged in **Bangkok, Thailand** — into Chicago and northwest Indiana. Adegboyega Mueez Akande ran the organization. His nephew Abiodun Agbele handled U.S. distribution and sales. Lee Andrew Edwards was a major street-level customer in Gary. Tinubu’s Chicago bank accounts were frozen because investigators believed they held laundered proceeds from the same SEA white-heroin pipeline. Agbele got arrested in 1990 selling to an undercover agent and cooperated. Tinubu was interviewed by phone, made partial admissions about knowing the players and moving money, later contradicted himself, fought the civil case, and settled in 1993 by forfeiting $460,000 with no criminal charges. The working theory is that Tinubu provided information during that process — enough to walk away without an indictment. The records of that cooperation (or the identities it protected) remain in the file. That is why the Bureau is still invoking a life-safety risk in 2026. Look at what happened next. In 1995–1996 the U.S. launched **Operation Global Sea**, the first major effort that took down an entire Nigerian SEA-heroin chain from Bangkok source to Chicago streets. It targeted a sophisticated syndicate based in Bangkok that had been moving hundreds of kilograms of the same high-purity white heroin into the Midwest via Europe, Guatemala, and Mexico. Dozens were arrested in Bangkok, Chicago, New York, Detroit, and Pakistan. The Bangkok-based leader, Musiliu Balogun (aka “Olopa” / “The Policeman”), was charged as a primary supplier from Thailand/Cambodia. He stayed a fugitive until 2006, was extradited, and was sentenced in Chicago in 2013 to nine years. Other follow-on operations (including elements later rolled into Shadow Towers) kept hitting Nigerian groups still importing SEA white heroin from Bangkok into Chicago and other cities. Most of the original 1988–1993 players are now dead or neutralized: Akande died in 2024, Edwards years earlier. Balogun served his time and is no longer an active kingpin. But the broader Nigerian transnational networks that controlled the Bangkok-to-Chicago SEA white-heroin pipeline never fully disappeared. Residual associates, family members, or successor cells in Thailand and West Africa still operate in the drug trade. Identifying who cooperated in the original Chicago case — or revealing the exact techniques and sources used against the Bangkok suppliers — could still put people at real risk of retaliation. That is the only explanation that makes the 33-year “endanger lives” claim coherent. The files are not being blocked over ancient bank records. They are being blocked because someone in them was protected, the protection still matters, and the Southeast Asian white-heroin networks that fed Chicago in the 1990s left behind people and structures with lasting lethal potential. The public record is silent for a reason. The FOIA fight is the government’s way of keeping it that way. --Copied --Mike Arnold #EarthShaker Aswani |
Fake bishops Fake parastatal Fake DSS Everything fake All supports Tinubu. Haba! |
aswani:Ok, mehn, I can't seriously follow your drift on this anymore. You sound like, "move on folks, nothing to see here", even when the evidences are screaming and dragging your sokoto. I laughed so hard my staff joined without knowing what the topic was. You are now infering for the FBI, senior special agent Aswani, lol... Seriously, make I go dey useful to my household, oga. To you and yours, and everyone else, of course, have a great weekend. |
emkz:We want to see Tinubu's corresponding provision for all the items you listed as well. |
yarimo:Tinubu must debate Obi, Atiku, Sowore, Adebayoand others. MUST. |
Islie:So, this is progress in the matter. We are no longer dealing with ambiguity about whether records exist. The FBI has acknowledged that responsive records exist, specifically, records relating to an interview and 302 forms associated with the matter. That is an important distinction. For clarity, an FBI Form FD-302 is an agent's interview report used to document information obtained during an interview. It is not a verbatim transcript or necessarily an audio recording of the interview. Rather, FBI agents generally prepare a written summary of the information obtained from the interview, based on their notes and recollection. Now, the FBI's position, as I understand it, is not that the records do not exist. Rather, the issue is whether some of the information can be withheld because its disclosure could reveal law-enforcement techniques, confidential-source information, or other details that the FBI says could compromise ongoing or future operations or put individuals at risk. And this is where I think we need to be careful with the conclusions we draw. The existence of an FD-302 relating to an interview does not, by itself, establish that Tinubu was an FBI informant, that he “squealed” on anyone, or that he provided information about criminal partners. But it may well be any or all of the above and more as well. Those are possible interpretations being circulated, but they require evidence from the underlying records which is the reason an FOIA now exists for clarity. What is significant, however, is that the existence of records is no longer something we can reasonably dismiss as mere speculation. There are records, there was an interview which must have originated from a suspicion of involvement in unlawful activity and we can reasonably infer what that activity is, and the dispute over access to those records has become the subject of FOIA litigation. Those are matters that can be established independently. I think the content of the sort report is such that will negatively reverberate in great dimension for Nigri, likely to make the Gloria Okon saga a child's play in comparism. This also does nothing to quell the suspicion in some quarters that the subject may be a foreign asset. My friend and brother, Aswani, in light of the pending FOIA litigation, the FBI seeking ex parte in camera declaration, the FBI's acknowledgment that responsive records exist, the existence of FD-302 records, and the information concerning the origin of the request, what exactly are we still arguing about?. You have consistently maintained that there was no case, no FOIA matter, and essentially nothing to investigate. We now have considerably more information than we had at the beginning of this discussion. So, what else do you wish to bring forward in defence of your man. or, as the case may be, the President?. Because at this point, I think the most sensible thing is to let the legal process play out and see what the records actually contain. If the documents ultimately exonerate him, fantastic. If they raise further questions, then we deal with those questions. Either way, the documents should speak for themselves. Ultimately, Nigerians, na Escobar dey rule una. 😂 But jokes aside, let's hope these information gets handed over. That's where the argument should ultimately be settled. |
Nigerians! Na scam o! A man Whose father you don't know A man Whose mother you don't know A man Whose hometown you don't know A man Whose age you don't know A man Who forged all his school credentials A man Who is alleged to have dealt drugs and verifiably forfeited part of the proceeds A man Who took Lagos state finances hostage He impoverished and is still impoverishing you and your families He and his family are stealing you and Nigeria blind as we speak He want to continue his evil for a second term You must say no You must vote for a honest, competent and compassionate candidate, and You must defend your vote. |
AMINDA:Well... We already have him and we are encumbered as it is. What we need to do is prevent his return, and by all legally necessary and available means. |
aswani:Okay, so my dear friend and brother, Aswani, there was indeed a case. The case number is 93 C 4483, in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division. The court record identifies the matter as a civil forfeiture proceeding involving funds held in accounts in Bola Tinubu’s name. The U.S. government alleged that there was probable cause to believe the funds represented proceeds of narcotics trafficking or were involved in financial transactions that violated U.S. money-laundering statutes. A decree of forfeiture was entered in October 1993, including the forfeiture of $460,000 from a First Heritage Bank account. Now, before somebody jumps up and says, “Aha! Convicted drug trafficker!”, let's be precise. It was a civil forfeiture case, not a criminal prosecution of Tinubu, and there is an important distinction between the two. The court proceeding was against the funds/property, and Tinubu was not criminally convicted of a narcotics offence in that case. The APC itself made essentially this argument during the 2023 presidential election litigation, maintaining that the $460,000 was forfeited pursuant to a civil proceeding and settlement, not imposed as a criminal fine. So, no, I am not suggesting that the existence of Case No. 93 C 4483 automatically proves every allegation that has subsequently been made about Tinubu. What I am saying is much simpler: the case existed, the court record exists, and the allegations made by the U.S. government in that proceeding are a matter of public record. Those are facts that can be independently checked. Let me tell you something today. I studied and lived in both Chicago and Houston back in the day. I am deliberately letting on way less than I actually know, for reasons you may already have discerned 😏. While I have not really concerned myself with the Hundeyin character, or with anyone else who has been engaged in this matter until now, I have first-hand experience with some of the substance of what is being discussed. At the same time, it is in my personal interest not to have any dog in this fight. Feel me?. Anyone who lived on Chicago's North Side from the late 1980s through the mid-1990s, an area that housed, and still boasts, a significant Nigerian presence, will understand what I am talking about. I lived there. Again, I am tempted to ask why you are so adamant that there was or is no case. The docket number I quoted above is public information. You can look it up yourself. The underlying court record describes the U.S. government's forfeiture action and the basis on which it sought forfeiture of the funds. I am happy to serialize the relevant documents here if necessary. I suspect your argument may actually be based on the FOIA litigation, rather than the 1993 forfeiture case. If that is the case, then we need to keep the two matters separate. The FOIA litigation is a different proceeding altogether, involving efforts to obtain records from U.S. government agencies. There is indeed a federal FOIA lawsuit concerning requests for records relating to the Tinubu matter. So insisting that there is no FOIA case makes little sense either, because that too is verifiable. I believe I have already provided two leads in the course of our discussions on this platform. Let me know if a refresh is necessary. Finally, I read here that a deadline was set by a judge. As I said earlier, I am currently busy with academic work, and I will return to this at the earliest opportunity, or sooner if something significant happens in the matter. For now, however, we would all be better served by allowing the process to run its course. If a court has set a deadline, let's wait for the deadline, or whatever variation the court may subsequently order rather than trying to obfuscate the entire narrative before any information is even released. And yes, I also believe you are at least sympathetic to the President when one looks cursorily at your antecedents here. That is, of course, your right. You are perfectly entitled to support him, just as others are entitled to disagree with you. But some of the denials I have read from you are difficult to reconcile with the existence of the actual court record. The record does not require us to agree on Tinubu's guilt or innocence. It simply establishes that there was a case, what the U.S. government alleged in that case, and what happened to the funds in question. Everything beyond that requires evidence, context and, preferably, a little less shouting from all sides. Either way, as I said earlier, we will eventually learn more of the truth. Don't fight it. 😂 Exercise some patience. The documents aren't going anywhere. Regards, Your brother and friend ![]() |
aswani:I did advise patience. But are we actually debating whether Tinubu is guilty of the accusations against him or not?. The bigger question, in my view, should be why he is retaining legal counsel in what appears to be an apparent attempt to delay or prevent the release of the information being sought after. The fact that we are even having this discussion suggests that there may be something the President does not want to become public knowledge, and that should concern us as a country. Personally, I believe that whatever is contained in those dossiers will eventually come to light. All we need to do is exercise some patience and allow the process to play out. By the way, what do you think about Tinubu's defeat in his home state again?. |
Against his best effort, Tinubu was demystified and disgraced in his home state Osun. But this is the default setting and there's no coming back from it. |
Freshtruth:While I believe this no to be true, this is the only way Atiku can reconcile himself with Southeast and even South-south voters again. |
christistruth01:He is a Nigerian. |
favor914:Instead of resorting to lazy blackmail, respond to the very weighty and frankly, damaging information he posted about Ahmed Tinubu. Is he being factual?, if not, what are the facts?. |
WizardOfNG:As expected, I was not disappointed by your response. However, unfortunately, I must agree with you that we must not become a legion of letter writers. We are not America's problem. We are Nigerians and must solve our own problems, just as Ahmed Tinubu did, using the same crude method he employed to climb to power. The next election is critical. Our lives as Nigerians are on the brink due to the threat of an unqualified, incompetent and arrogant thief. Tinubu said that the next election is a fight to finish, and it must be fought to finishh. Put down your pens, folks. America will not solve a problem that God has given us the means to perish ourselves. Those of us in the diaspora must be prepared to get stuck in this fight, as I will. Those of us whom God has blessed must not allow our beloved country to be subjected to the whims of a dictator who has effectively destroyed the average Nigerian's sense of fight. It is time to mobilize to the electoral front to oust this Foundling, a Filius nullius, forger, and, to be honest, an alleged criminal who would rather fight the opposition than govern the country. It is time to give essense to the "Rig and Kpai" slogan. They will either count the votes,, correctly, or be counted. |
TONYE001:That's one of many questions for Tinubu's failed government, which stole everything and is now trying to fool Nigerians by offering them five cups of rice in exchange for their votes. A better question would be, 'What happened to the health budget, including its capital component?'. Yesterday, I watched a gut-wrenching Facebook video in which over 200 patients with kidney failure at Park Lane Hospital in Enugu were struggling to breathe. Children as young as four and seven were unable to receive dialysis because their families could not afford it. Inserting a dialysis line costs between 350 and 500 thousand naira, yet Tinubu told us that dialysis is free. Nigerians must see better days. This government is not only a complete failure, it is also criminal. |
Just look at the calibre of daft people the APC has been insulting Nigeria with. "AI something", and the werey is talking to some of us who actually built these models from scratch. The Nigeria space is nonsense. |
SeeWahala:Yep, and that is a beautiful thing. |

.