₦airaland Forum

ControlX:
Cc Seun Lalastica
ikenna351 afam4eva
Pls do the needful.



***modified***
Hahaha... at last i made fp just 6days to my birthday. [jumps and punches the air with my right hand]
Oooh.. Thank you, Jesus.

I dedicate this fp and ftc to my sweetest mum for all her efforts towards my personal success. Cheers mum.
Meanwhile special thanks to lalastica, seun, ikenna351 and afam4eva and all nairalanders...
Better things are coming.

Now to the topic....
I think what binds many tribes in Nigeria is a common hatred for the Igbos. This hatred i believe is hinged on the purported dominance of Igbos. What is it about Igbo dominance? Here is what a fellow nairalander has to say...

Great point. Fear of Igbo domination as my father
would say is a sign of weakness on the part of
the fearer and lack of confidence in their ability. In
other words, for someone to dominate you in a
non physical way whether economically, socially, educationally, in any way, shape and form as long
as they are not holding you hostage physically
from succeeding but solely by intelligence in a
level playing field, then the conclusion is that
person or group of people are smarter than
you...this has been scientifically proven. So any tribe that fears Igbo domination are less smarter
than the Igbos otherwise compete with them. The
reason why Igbos do better in everything that
they do, which is often mistaken as domination is
because they are smarter than the rest of other
ethnic groups in Nigeria. When I mean "smarter" I
don't mean individually as a Hausa man can be
smarter than a yoruba, yoruba smarter than an
ijaw man an ijaw may be smarter than an Igbo,
e.t.c., however as a whole in terms of an ethnic
group, the Igbos lead the pack in Nigeria and
some tribes see it as a domination but actually it
isn't...they are just more smarter and have more
drive than others. Dr. Thomas Sowell detailed this
in his book and actually mentions Igbos as the
most successful ethnic group in Nigeria despite
the civil war set back.


If Nigeria wants to be truly great, we should not trifle with any tribe, especially the Igbos.




n see the igbos are very smart
That is why they are mostly caught wt drugs at the ports
That is why when 10 armed robers are caught, 7 are igbos,
That is why okija shrine blooms
That is why they cheat even their blood brother and betray their father for money
That is why they are never trusted even within themselves
That is why when u give them one metre, they take ten miles,
Nonsense.....
Was scammed at Ladipo market by this same set of people last week
Very unfaithful dudes
No wonder the hausa's will rather kill them than kill a goat...
Though not all of them are like that BUT never trust them....
Waiting for their response.

francizy:
That is how you people misunderstand things and jump straight to replying.. How does "AFTER THE CIVIL WAR relate or have anything to do with the civil war?

I said

AFTER THE CIVIL WAR,
AFTER THE CIVIL WAR,
AFTER THE CIVIL WAR,

do you now understand that i meant post Civil war and not during Civil war before I move forward and clear your doubts?

What turmoil are the Igbos causing in Yoruba land? How many times have you took to NL, FB or Twitter to unleash the beast on the Fulani people destroying farm lands and killing Yoruba farmers in your own lands? AFTER THE CIVIL WAR, has the Igbos ever rise up in arms against the Yorubas? But the Igbos have done that on several ocassions against the Hausa/Fulanis in the form of reprisal attacks. Have you ever heard that Igbo men went into some plots of land in Lagos, without paying for it and started building? Has the Igbos ever disrupted any of your gatherings? The fact remains that crimes committed in Lagos are shared equally between the Yorubas and the Igbos? So where is and what is the turmoil you're talking about bro?

illiad:
Lol!
On the contrary it takes an oaf to accord a fellow oaf an accolade on their shared tripe.

Ymodulus:
Hahahahaha lol!

Morning bro. Kedu?

lygn19:
Dats how they are, in d south east, u wud see a director in a govt institution from Yoruba living in a rented flat when his two months salary can build him a house, check well his family is in lagos and he's d only one der... they go der and think they re deceiving anybody but they don't know they re deceiving themselves and they want miracle to just happen and igbos wud pick them and say come and become our governor... u wud see a Yoruba man dat has never left yoruba land b4 wud be saying if it was in the east yorubas can't hold a post, so they wud be in Yoruba land and igbos wud come from the east to come and Beg them to contest for a political position, they just keep spewing rubbish, apart from Lagos dats Nigerias former capital, how come they don't talk abt other parts of Yoruba land, how many igbos own political post in other parts of Yoruba land... dz ppl just keep talking out of ignorance.

lygn19:
me I wonder o, they keep talking as if d igbo's in lagos were given free land, and dat they accomodate them by bringing food to give dem every morning and dash dem money everytime... somebody wud be suffering for over 20years, some of dem start of be hawking things, from there they get blessed and they rent there own shops, from there they get a big business, build a house and get married. and is now comfortable, while dat person was busy running under d hot sun hustling on his own, most times he slept under d bridge, slept in empty stomach this ppl didn't remember them, but once they make it,they wud come and say they made it because yorubas are accommodating. If sm1 goes to Lagos and seats down wud a Yoruba man come and say take my land, I am dashing u.... dz ppl just keep talking out if ignorance.

help3852:
Ymodulus am very disappointed, did ojukwo just stand up and said he was going for war, what led to his decision

stop this sentiments, Nigeria was merged for selfish reasons, 100years down the line even when the colonial masters have gone the selfish reasons are still being practiced esp by yorubas

ControlX:
A few days ago, the Oba of Lagos threatened Igbo leaders. If they did not vote for his governorship candidate in Lagos, he said, they would be thrown into the lagoon. His entire speech was a flagrant performance of disregard. His words said, in effect: I think so little of you that I don’t have to cajole you but will just threaten you and, by the way, your safety in Lagos is not assured, it is negotiable.
There have been condemnations of the Oba’s words. Sadly, many of the condemnations from non-Igbo people have come with the ugly impatience of expressions like ‘move on,’ and ‘don’t be over-emotional’ and ‘calm down.’ These take away the power, even the sincerity, of the condemnations. It is highhanded and offensive to tell an aggrieved person how to feel, or how quickly to forgive, just as an apology becomes a non-apology when it comes with ‘now get over it.’
Other condemnations of the Oba’s words have been couched in dismissive or diminishing language such as ‘The Oba can’t really do anything, he isn’t actually going to kill anyone. He was joking. He was just being a loudmouth.’

Or – the basest yet – ‘we are all prejudiced.’ It is dishonest to respond to a specific act of prejudice by ignoring that act and instead stressing the generic and the general. It is similar to responding to a specific crime by saying ‘we are all capable of crime.’ Indeed we are. But responses such as these are diversionary tactics. They dismiss the specific act, diminish its importance, and ultimately aim at silencing the legitimate fears of people.

We are indeed all prejudiced, but that is not an appropriate response to an issue this serious. The Oba is not an ordinary citizen. He is a traditional ruler in a part of a country where traditional rulers command considerable influence – the reluctance on the part of many to directly chastise the Oba speaks to his power. The Oba’s words matter. He is not a singular voice; he represents traditional authority. The Oba’s words matter because they are enough to incite violence in a political setting already fraught with uncertainty. The Oba’s words matter even more in the event that Ambode loses the governorship election, because it would then be easy to scapegoat Igbo people and hold them punishable.

Nigerians who consider themselves enlightened might dismiss the Oba’s words as illogical. But the scapegoating of groups – which has a long history all over the world – has never been about logic. The Oba’s words matter because they bring worrying echoes of the early 1960s in Nigeria, when Igbo people were scapegoated for political reasons. Chinua Achebe, when he finally accepted that Lagos, the city he called home, was unsafe for him because he was Igbo, saw crowds at the motor park taunting Igbo people as they boarded buses: ‘Go, Igbo, go so that garri will be cheaper in Lagos!’
Of course Igbo people were not responsible for the cost of garri. But they were perceived as people who were responsible for a coup and who were ‘taking over’ and who, consequently, could be held responsible for everything bad.

Any group of people would understandably be troubled by a threat such as the Oba’s, but the Igbo, because of their history in Nigeria, have been particularly troubled. And it is a recent history. There are people alive today who were publicly attacked in cosmopolitan Lagos in the 1960s because they were Igbo. Even people who were merely light-skinned were at risk of violence in Lagos markets, because to be light-skinned was to be mistaken for Igbo.

Almost every Nigerian ethnic group has a grouse of some sort with the Nigerian state. The Nigerian state has, by turns, been violent, unfair, neglectful, of different parts of the country. Almost every ethnic group has derogatory stereotypes attached to it by other ethnic groups.

But it is disingenuous to suggest that the experience of every ethnic group has been the same. Anti-Igbo violence began under the British colonial government, with complex roots and manifestations. But the end result is a certain psychic difference in the relationship of Igbo people to the Nigerian state. To be Igbo in Nigeria is constantly to be suspect; your national patriotism is never taken as the norm, you are continually expected to prove it.

All groups are conditioned by their specific histories. Perhaps another ethnic group would have reacted with less concern to the Oba’s threat, because that ethnic group would not be conditioned by a history of being targets of violence, as the Igbo have been.

Many responses to the Oba’s threat have mentioned the ‘welcoming’ nature of Lagos, and have made comparisons between Lagos and southeastern towns like Onitsha. It is valid to debate the ethnic diversity of different parts of Nigeria, to compare, for example, Ibadan and Enugu, Ado-Ekiti and Aba, and to debate who moves where, and who feels comfortable living where and why that is. But it is odd to pretend that Lagos is like any other city in Nigeria. It is not. The political history of Lagos and its development as the first national capital set it apart. Lagos is Nigeria’s metropolis. There are ethnic Igbo people whose entire lives have been spent in Lagos, who have little or no ties to the southeast, who speak Yoruba better than Igbo. Should they, too, be reminded to be ‘grateful’ each time an election draws near?

No law-abiding Nigerian should be expected to show gratitude for living peacefully in any part of Nigeria. Landlords in Lagos should not, as still happens too often, be able to refuse to rent their property to Igbo people.

The Oba’s words were disturbing, but its context is even more disturbing:

The anti-Igbo rhetoric that has been part of the political discourse since the presidential election results. Accusatory and derogatory language – using words like ‘brainwashed,’ ‘tribalistic voting’ – has been used to describe President Jonathan’s overwhelming win in the southeast. All democracies have regions that vote in large numbers for one side, and even though parts of Northern Nigeria showed voting patterns similar to the Southeast, the opprobrium has been reserved for the Southeast.

But the rhetoric is about more than mere voting. It is really about citizenship. To be so entitled as to question the legitimacy of a people’s choice in a democratic election is not only a sign of disrespect but is also a questioning of the full citizenship of those people.

What does it mean to be a Nigerian citizen?
When Igbo people are urged to be ‘grateful’ for being in Lagos, do they somehow have less of a right as citizens to live where they live? Every Nigerian should be able to live in any part of Nigeria. The only expectation for a Nigerian citizen living in any part of Nigeria is to be law-abiding. Not to be ‘grateful.’ Not to be expected to pay back some sort of unspoken favour by toeing a particular political line. Nigerian citizens can vote for whomever they choose, and should never be expected to justify or apologize for their choice.
Only by feeling a collective sense of ownership of Nigeria can we start to forge a nation. A nation is an idea. Nigeria is still in progress. To make this a nation, we must collectively agree on what citizenship means: all Nigerians must matter equally.

Source:
www.olisa.tv/2015/04/10/chimamanda-adichieoba-lagos/

illiad:
Dude I don't give a fuckkkk where in hell you come from. Mine is simply to educate you on the economic situation in the country. That we Ndigbo will continue to use your hate as fuel for our growth .

LEAFLET:
Five million likes for you....Your comment is so truthful that it hurts...

OdenigboAroli2:
everyone can say kedu, okay olee ihe merenu iji ekwu ka onye egbuwara ishi?

chaloner:
bro I tire , goto aba ! Owerri , anambra and see where hausa and yoruba are livin nd u wil marvel , dis is one decevin himself, nigeria can only knw peace once every tribe start believein we re all one by buildin and developin nd contestin any post in anywhere u re. Believe me everywhere is no mans land in a developed world. Thanks for ur writeup

Ymodulus:
Walahi, this one is strong

superstar1:
Point of correction Chimamanda:

The SE purported election result for GEJ was ''tribalistic rigging'' and not voting.

Ymodulus:
The Nigerian Civil War, between the self-declared secessionist nation of Biafra and the independent nation of Nigeria, began on 30 May 1967 and ended on 12 January 1970. Though there were complex multiple causes, the primary cause, as reflected in a statement made by the Igbo Eastern Military Governor, Lieutenant Colonel Chukumeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, was interethnic domination: "The brutal and planned annihilation of officers of Eastern Nigeria origin had cast serious doubt as to whether they could ever sincerely live together as members of a nation" (Ojiako qtd. by The Daily Independent). To compound the underlying ethnic hostilities, a controversial census in 1963, a disputed postindependence election in 1964, and explosive western regional elections in 1965 worsened hostilities, deepened secessionist agitations and triggered first military coup on 15 January 1966, led by Igbo (eastern region) Major Chukwuma "Kaduna" Nzeogwu. Though Nzeogwu's coup killed Nigerian Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa the Sarduana* of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, no Eastern Igbos were killed, a fact that triggered the accusation that the coup was not political but rather ethnic and that the Igbos of the east were aiming for ethnic domination over north and south [*the Sarduana, a tribalist leader, opposed "emerging cosmopolitan, federal and democratic conscious" epitomized by the "new generation of Northerners" in favor of tribal traditions and structures (Okechukwu Jones Asuzu, The Politics of Being Nigerian)]. Later in 1966, a countercoup led by Igbo Major-General Johnson Umunakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi abolished the federal structure and introduced a unitary system of government in Nigeria: a unitary form has one central decision making power, with decisions communicated to and implemented by regional and local authorities (in comparison, the US is a federalist republic government while the UK is a unitary government). A "revenge coup" on 29 July 1966 resulted in the assassination of Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi at Ibadan putting an end to his unitary government.

- BBC , ENUQoutes

ControlX:
A few days ago, the Oba of Lagos threatened Igbo leaders. If they did not vote for his governorship candidate in Lagos, he said, they would be thrown into the lagoon. His entire speech was a flagrant performance of disregard. His words said, in effect: I think so little of you that I don’t have to cajole you but will just threaten you and, by the way, your safety in Lagos is not assured, it is negotiable.
There have been condemnations of the Oba’s words. Sadly, many of the condemnations from non-Igbo people have come with the ugly impatience of expressions like ‘move on,’ and ‘don’t be over-emotional’ and ‘calm down.’ These take away the power, even the sincerity, of the condemnations. It is highhanded and offensive to tell an aggrieved person how to feel, or how quickly to forgive, just as an apology becomes a non-apology when it comes with ‘now get over it.’
Other condemnations of the Oba’s words have been couched in dismissive or diminishing language such as ‘The Oba can’t really do anything, he isn’t actually going to kill anyone. He was joking. He was just being a loudmouth.’

Or – the basest yet – ‘we are all prejudiced.’ It is dishonest to respond to a specific act of prejudice by ignoring that act and instead stressing the generic and the general. It is similar to responding to a specific crime by saying ‘we are all capable of crime.’ Indeed we are. But responses such as these are diversionary tactics. They dismiss the specific act, diminish its importance, and ultimately aim at silencing the legitimate fears of people.

We are indeed all prejudiced, but that is not an appropriate response to an issue this serious. The Oba is not an ordinary citizen. He is a traditional ruler in a part of a country where traditional rulers command considerable influence – the reluctance on the part of many to directly chastise the Oba speaks to his power. The Oba’s words matter. He is not a singular voice; he represents traditional authority. The Oba’s words matter because they are enough to incite violence in a political setting already fraught with uncertainty. The Oba’s words matter even more in the event that Ambode loses the governorship election, because it would then be easy to scapegoat Igbo people and hold them punishable.

Nigerians who consider themselves enlightened might dismiss the Oba’s words as illogical. But the scapegoating of groups – which has a long history all over the world – has never been about logic. The Oba’s words matter because they bring worrying echoes of the early 1960s in Nigeria, when Igbo people were scapegoated for political reasons. Chinua Achebe, when he finally accepted that Lagos, the city he called home, was unsafe for him because he was Igbo, saw crowds at the motor park taunting Igbo people as they boarded buses: ‘Go, Igbo, go so that garri will be cheaper in Lagos!’
Of course Igbo people were not responsible for the cost of garri. But they were perceived as people who were responsible for a coup and who were ‘taking over’ and who, consequently, could be held responsible for everything bad.

Any group of people would understandably be troubled by a threat such as the Oba’s, but the Igbo, because of their history in Nigeria, have been particularly troubled. And it is a recent history. There are people alive today who were publicly attacked in cosmopolitan Lagos in the 1960s because they were Igbo. Even people who were merely light-skinned were at risk of violence in Lagos markets, because to be light-skinned was to be mistaken for Igbo.

Almost every Nigerian ethnic group has a grouse of some sort with the Nigerian state. The Nigerian state has, by turns, been violent, unfair, neglectful, of different parts of the country. Almost every ethnic group has derogatory stereotypes attached to it by other ethnic groups.

But it is disingenuous to suggest that the experience of every ethnic group has been the same. Anti-Igbo violence began under the British colonial government, with complex roots and manifestations. But the end result is a certain psychic difference in the relationship of Igbo people to the Nigerian state. To be Igbo in Nigeria is constantly to be suspect; your national patriotism is never taken as the norm, you are continually expected to prove it.

All groups are conditioned by their specific histories. Perhaps another ethnic group would have reacted with less concern to the Oba’s threat, because that ethnic group would not be conditioned by a history of being targets of violence, as the Igbo have been.

Many responses to the Oba’s threat have mentioned the ‘welcoming’ nature of Lagos, and have made comparisons between Lagos and southeastern towns like Onitsha. It is valid to debate the ethnic diversity of different parts of Nigeria, to compare, for example, Ibadan and Enugu, Ado-Ekiti and Aba, and to debate who moves where, and who feels comfortable living where and why that is. But it is odd to pretend that Lagos is like any other city in Nigeria. It is not. The political history of Lagos and its development as the first national capital set it apart. Lagos is Nigeria’s metropolis. There are ethnic Igbo people whose entire lives have been spent in Lagos, who have little or no ties to the southeast, who speak Yoruba better than Igbo. Should they, too, be reminded to be ‘grateful’ each time an election draws near?

No law-abiding Nigerian should be expected to show gratitude for living peacefully in any part of Nigeria. Landlords in Lagos should not, as still happens too often, be able to refuse to rent their property to Igbo people.

The Oba’s words were disturbing, but its context is even more disturbing:

The anti-Igbo rhetoric that has been part of the political discourse since the presidential election results. Accusatory and derogatory language – using words like ‘brainwashed,’ ‘tribalistic voting’ – has been used to describe President Jonathan’s overwhelming win in the southeast. All democracies have regions that vote in large numbers for one side, and even though parts of Northern Nigeria showed voting patterns similar to the Southeast, the opprobrium has been reserved for the Southeast.

But the rhetoric is about more than mere voting. It is really about citizenship. To be so entitled as to question the legitimacy of a people’s choice in a democratic election is not only a sign of disrespect but is also a questioning of the full citizenship of those people.

What does it mean to be a Nigerian citizen?
When Igbo people are urged to be ‘grateful’ for being in Lagos, do they somehow have less of a right as citizens to live where they live? Every Nigerian should be able to live in any part of Nigeria. The only expectation for a Nigerian citizen living in any part of Nigeria is to be law-abiding. Not to be ‘grateful.’ Not to be expected to pay back some sort of unspoken favour by toeing a particular political line. Nigerian citizens can vote for whomever they choose, and should never be expected to justify or apologize for their choice.
Only by feeling a collective sense of ownership of Nigeria can we start to forge a nation. A nation is an idea. Nigeria is still in progress. To make this a nation, we must collectively agree on what citizenship means: all Nigerians must matter equally.

Source:
www.olisa.tv/2015/04/10/chimamanda-adichieoba-lagos/

OdenigboAroli2:
good morning to you

michelz:
The words of Oba Akiolu will be remembered even in 20 yrs to come whether Nigeria exists or not. It will be passed down from fathers to Children,and it will shape the way Yorubas see Igbos,and vice versa...Except...

ControlX:
A few days ago, the Oba of Lagos threatened Igbo leaders. If they did not vote for his governorship candidate in Lagos, he said, they would be thrown into the lagoon. His entire speech was a flagrant performance of disregard. His words said, in effect: I think so little of you that I don’t have to cajole you but will just threaten you and, by the way, your safety in Lagos is not assured, it is negotiable.
There have been condemnations of the Oba’s words. Sadly, many of the condemnations from non-Igbo people have come with the ugly impatience of expressions like ‘move on,’ and ‘don’t be over-emotional’ and ‘calm down.’ These take away the power, even the sincerity, of the condemnations. It is highhanded and offensive to tell an aggrieved person how to feel, or how quickly to forgive, just as an apology becomes a non-apology when it comes with ‘now get over it.’
Other condemnations of the Oba’s words have been couched in dismissive or diminishing language such as ‘The Oba can’t really do anything, he isn’t actually going to kill anyone. He was joking. He was just being a loudmouth.’

Or – the basest yet – ‘we are all prejudiced.’ It is dishonest to respond to a specific act of prejudice by ignoring that act and instead stressing the generic and the general. It is similar to responding to a specific crime by saying ‘we are all capable of crime.’ Indeed we are. But responses such as these are diversionary tactics. They dismiss the specific act, diminish its importance, and ultimately aim at silencing the legitimate fears of people.

We are indeed all prejudiced, but that is not an appropriate response to an issue this serious. The Oba is not an ordinary citizen. He is a traditional ruler in a part of a country where traditional rulers command considerable influence – the reluctance on the part of many to directly chastise the Oba speaks to his power. The Oba’s words matter. He is not a singular voice; he represents traditional authority. The Oba’s words matter because they are enough to incite violence in a political setting already fraught with uncertainty. The Oba’s words matter even more in the event that Ambode loses the governorship election, because it would then be easy to scapegoat Igbo people and hold them punishable.

Nigerians who consider themselves enlightened might dismiss the Oba’s words as illogical. But the scapegoating of groups – which has a long history all over the world – has never been about logic. The Oba’s words matter because they bring worrying echoes of the early 1960s in Nigeria, when Igbo people were scapegoated for political reasons. Chinua Achebe, when he finally accepted that Lagos, the city he called home, was unsafe for him because he was Igbo, saw crowds at the motor park taunting Igbo people as they boarded buses: ‘Go, Igbo, go so that garri will be cheaper in Lagos!’
Of course Igbo people were not responsible for the cost of garri. But they were perceived as people who were responsible for a coup and who were ‘taking over’ and who, consequently, could be held responsible for everything bad.

Any group of people would understandably be troubled by a threat such as the Oba’s, but the Igbo, because of their history in Nigeria, have been particularly troubled. And it is a recent history. There are people alive today who were publicly attacked in cosmopolitan Lagos in the 1960s because they were Igbo. Even people who were merely light-skinned were at risk of violence in Lagos markets, because to be light-skinned was to be mistaken for Igbo.

Almost every Nigerian ethnic group has a grouse of some sort with the Nigerian state. The Nigerian state has, by turns, been violent, unfair, neglectful, of different parts of the country. Almost every ethnic group has derogatory stereotypes attached to it by other ethnic groups.

But it is disingenuous to suggest that the experience of every ethnic group has been the same. Anti-Igbo violence began under the British colonial government, with complex roots and manifestations. But the end result is a certain psychic difference in the relationship of Igbo people to the Nigerian state. To be Igbo in Nigeria is constantly to be suspect; your national patriotism is never taken as the norm, you are continually expected to prove it.

All groups are conditioned by their specific histories. Perhaps another ethnic group would have reacted with less concern to the Oba’s threat, because that ethnic group would not be conditioned by a history of being targets of violence, as the Igbo have been.

Many responses to the Oba’s threat have mentioned the ‘welcoming’ nature of Lagos, and have made comparisons between Lagos and southeastern towns like Onitsha. It is valid to debate the ethnic diversity of different parts of Nigeria, to compare, for example, Ibadan and Enugu, Ado-Ekiti and Aba, and to debate who moves where, and who feels comfortable living where and why that is. But it is odd to pretend that Lagos is like any other city in Nigeria. It is not. The political history of Lagos and its development as the first national capital set it apart. Lagos is Nigeria’s metropolis. There are ethnic Igbo people whose entire lives have been spent in Lagos, who have little or no ties to the southeast, who speak Yoruba better than Igbo. Should they, too, be reminded to be ‘grateful’ each time an election draws near?

No law-abiding Nigerian should be expected to show gratitude for living peacefully in any part of Nigeria. Landlords in Lagos should not, as still happens too often, be able to refuse to rent their property to Igbo people.

The Oba’s words were disturbing, but its context is even more disturbing:

The anti-Igbo rhetoric that has been part of the political discourse since the presidential election results. Accusatory and derogatory language – using words like ‘brainwashed,’ ‘tribalistic voting’ – has been used to describe President Jonathan’s overwhelming win in the southeast. All democracies have regions that vote in large numbers for one side, and even though parts of Northern Nigeria showed voting patterns similar to the Southeast, the opprobrium has been reserved for the Southeast.

But the rhetoric is about more than mere voting. It is really about citizenship. To be so entitled as to question the legitimacy of a people’s choice in a democratic election is not only a sign of disrespect but is also a questioning of the full citizenship of those people.

What does it mean to be a Nigerian citizen?
When Igbo people are urged to be ‘grateful’ for being in Lagos, do they somehow have less of a right as citizens to live where they live? Every Nigerian should be able to live in any part of Nigeria. The only expectation for a Nigerian citizen living in any part of Nigeria is to be law-abiding. Not to be ‘grateful.’ Not to be expected to pay back some sort of unspoken favour by toeing a particular political line. Nigerian citizens can vote for whomever they choose, and should never be expected to justify or apologize for their choice.
Only by feeling a collective sense of ownership of Nigeria can we start to forge a nation. A nation is an idea. Nigeria is still in progress. To make this a nation, we must collectively agree on what citizenship means: all Nigerians must matter equally.

Source:
www.olisa.tv/2015/04/10/chimamanda-adichieoba-lagos/

Sibrah:
When the Yorubas were agitating for a break off of western region in '1957, what was the reaction of the Igbos?
Did Yorubas collective promise to remain in Nigeria should Biafra break off?
How did the Yorubas promoting selfishness of the colonial master.

Godwin10123:
Obviously u have a problem!

OdenigboAroli2:
dangote, with all his billions of dollars does not own a single house or factory in the east of Nigeria, now imagine that.

geoworldedu:
how do Igbos see themselves?

BuddahMonk:
At the bolded, nobody is responsible for that but the Vultures here in the South who keep fighting internet wars on behalf of their masters.