Just like her boss, Hafsat M. Baba, Commissioner for Women Affairs and Social Development has no problem whatsoever spewing divisive accusations.

https://twitter.com/HafsatMohBaba/status/1097525680307429376?s=19

Imagine such stupid talk

Tribalism will not solve the matter at hand but create more problems and i hope APC will call her to order.

Apc wants to play tribal politics but Nigerians are wiser.


Cleverly aka Ngeneukwuenu was the one promoting Ipob election boy cott until the boycott was cancelled then he dabbled back into Yorubas shouldn't vote for Atiku because of Osibanjo their son.

All these shows that Apc are more interested in dividing Nigerians instead of uniting them but their plans will fail.


As for the idiotic woman there, she can roast in hell

Bigot fools everywhere.


I no blame una. Na the brainless cows from among my people that voted the ethnic bigot in 2015.

So much enemity


So much pretence


The best way forward is to go our separate ways

We are too diverse to progress as an entity

This is the only area Buhari administration has done well... Reminding us that this country is a British mistake

She spoke the truth:

Clerverly:
She spoke the truth:

She spoke what shallow minded people can feed on

Supported.

South easterners, you guys have sow a lot of seed of discord.

Northerners are now avoiding us. Most of my northern friends on facebook are now saying ATIKU IS AN IPOB AGENDA IMMEDIATELY IPOB CALLED OF THE ELECTION BOYCOTT

Clerverly:
She spoke the truth:

Is this the bitterness you will pass unto the twins ?

KadunaMafia:
Apc wants to play tribal politics but Nigerians are wiser.


Cleverly aka Ngeneukwuenu was the one promoting Ipob election boy cott until the boycott was cancelled then he dabbled back into Yorubas shouldn't vote for Atiku because of Osibanjo their son.

All these shows that Apc are more interested in dividing Nigerians instead of uniting them but their plans will fail.


As for the idiotic woman there, she can roast in hell

You are very discerning. You've kept close tabs on the brainless APC zombies. These APC cockroaches keep taking beatings from Nigerians, as their propaganda keeps faillng like packs of cards.

The zombirudeen mor0ns promoted boycott it failed. In fact more people rushed to get their voters cards. Anambra has 2.2 million voters about 2.1 million collected their PVC. It is unprecedented. Everyone is ready for dumbohari this time. My cousin flew in from Vegas 2 weeks ago, after postponement he refused to go back. He'll be here till Saturday.

These zombies tried to play Ibo Vs yoruba but we reminded them, Booharri had chosen Igboland running mates twice yet failed to get Ibo votes, instead they voted OBJ and Yard auda who are non Igbos. Bad market na bad market, no matter how you package am.

KillTheZombies:


You are very discerning. You've kept close tabs on the brainless APC zombies. These APC cockroaches keep taking beatings from Nigerians, as their propaganda keeps failing like packs of cards.

The zombirudeen mor0ns promoted boycott it failed. In fact more people rushed to get their voters cards. Anambra has 2.2 million voter's, about 2.1 collected their PVC. It is unprecedented

They zombies tried to play Ibo Vs yoruba but we reminded them, Booharri had chosen Igboland running mates twice yet failed to get Ibo votes, instead they voted OBJ and Yard auda who are non Igbos. Bad market na bad market, no matter how you package am.

Who promoted BIAFRA OR DEATH FROM 2015-2018?

This is to show you the kind of terrorists at the helm of affairs in Kaduna....

She is not wrong. Prof. Okechukwu Ibeanu actually wrote a book on restoration of Biafra. For someone who doesn't believe in this country, should not hold a sensitive position.

is she wrong

ashacot:


Who promoted BIAFRA OR DEATH FROM 2015-2018?

Totem pole zombie, shut the fuccck up and do a better job in your propaganda agenda. Na shoe you dey shine for BMC office.

People in public offices should desist from making such divisive comments for crying out loud! This is how they instigate hatred among Nigerians.

dhuthraki:
She is not wrong. Prof. Okechukwu Ibeanu actually wrote a book on restoration of Biafra. For someone who doesn't believe in this country, should not hold a sensitive position.

Nothing concerns the so called Biafra with Nigerian elections!

hate speech from APC apologist

dhuthraki:
She is not wrong. Prof. Okechukwu Ibeanu actually wrote a book on restoration of Biafra. For someone who doesn't believe in this country, should not hold a sensitive position.

Where in this research did he state that he doesn't believe in this country? And how can you term someone like this a 'Biafra Apologist'

BIAFRA SEPARATISM CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES AND REMEDIES / OKECHUKWU IBEANU, NKWACHUKWU ORJICHIJIOKE, K. IWUAMADI

EXECUTIVE SUMMARYere is a gap in the narrative around the renewed agitation for Biafra. Most analyses of the issue are mono-dimensional, reecting one bias or the other. Furthermore, many studies on the subject are historically selective, placing overwhelming emphasis on the period since 1999, thereby presenting an incomplete picture which neglects the links between the current agitation for Biafra and the previous experiences dating to colonial times. Moreover, there has not been a satisfactory attention paid to discussion of the governance issues that are at the heart of the renewed separatist agitation. ere is therefore the need for a systematic inquiry to understand why the agitation has persisted, nearly 50 years after the end of the Nigerian civil war, the implications of the agitation, and ways it can be addressed. is study is designed as a knowledge building eort to analyze the various elements and dynamics driving the uprising, its potential risks, and possible intervention to address them. e main objectives of this study are: a) to explain why there is a resurgence of the agitation for an independent Biafran state; b) to analyze the elements driving the renewed agitation; c) to explore the role of Igbo leaders in the agitation; d) to examine the consequences of the recurrent agitation for Biafra; and e) to suggest measures and actors that could help in addressing the agitation.e data used in this study were collected from four dierent sources, namely documentary sources (desk review), opinion survey using a questionnaire, interviews, and reports in newspapers. Data collection from documentary sources involved mapping and evaluation of the relevant literature on Nigerian politics and society particularly those relating directly to the Biafran war, its onset, termination, and post-war peace building. Documentary data were complemented by questionnaire-based survey of 121 respondents, purposively selected to reect the various sections of the society such as Biafra supporters, community leaders, community members, and professionals. e survey was carried out in ten locations across the South East, namely Aba, Asaba, Awka, Enugu, Mbano, Nsukka, Owerri, Okigwe, Onitsha, and Umuahia (ten copies of questionnaire were sent by email to some Biafra supporters residing in Finland). Additional data were derived from interviews with key informants, drawn from among former Biafran soldiers, Biafra supporters, academics, security agents, and media practitioners. Finally, a content analysis of reports of three daily newspapers for the period – January 2010 to June 2015 was conducted.To understand why agitation for a separate state of Biafra has been persistent, this study reviewed existing analyses. It found that extant explanations for the recurrent agitation for Biafra fall into three main strands: 1) those that focus on ethnic divisions and competition, 2) those that focus on economic frustrations, and 3) those that focus on state-society relations. Ethnicity based explanations perceive agitation for Biafra as a response to the failure of the Igbo elite to capture federal power, and “a bid for re-inclusion by political actors excluded from power.” Analyses focusing on economic frustration see the agitation as a struggle by young people expressing resentment over their deteriorating material condition. Lastly, the state-society relations perspective interprets the agitation as a “confrontation between state-led nationalism and state-seeking nationalism.”
iiWhile existing explanations for the recurring agitation for Biafra are not necessarily wrong, this study notes that they are limited in three important ways. Firstly, by placing overwhelming emphasis on the period since 1999, they present an incomplete picture of Biafra separatism that neglects the links between the current agitation for Biafra and the previous experiences dating to colonial times. Secondly, the ethnic competition argument, in particular, is overly elite-driven, neglecting the perspectives and autonomous actions of the masses. irdly, as much as the economic frustration explanation of Biafran separatism appears interesting, its claims are not necessarily supported by empirical data.Drawing on the evidence from the literature, this study suggests that what ties all the existing explanations together is the level of feeling of collective victimization in separatist movements. e study conceptualizes the Biafra separatist agitation as interactions between inclusion and collective victimization. It proposes that during periods when there is a high feeling of collective victimization and low sense of inclusion, separatist agitation tends to be high. Conversely, periods of high sense of inclusion and low feelings of collective victimization see low levels of separatist agitations. e study further suggests that what can be called Critical Moments (CM) constitute the nodal points for understanding this constantly swinging balance between inclusion and victimization. CM could be social events or actions of “historic” individuals or groups. Elections stand out among Critical Moments in separatist agitations, especially in a state-dominant, ethnically divided country like Nigeria because they congeal all the hopes and fears of group that perceive themselves as collectively victimized. Other Critical Moments would include recurrent events in which members of a group suer personal loss or death, even if isolated.To further elucidate its theoretical framework, this study make a distinction between “Push Separatism” and “Pull Separatism”. e former is associated with a feeling of not being wanted, while the latter is related to a feeling of being dierent. e study notes that the desire for exit in the two are quite dierent - while push separatism is driven by a feeling of necessity, pull separatism is driven by a feeling of freedom. In other words, push separatism arises from a sense of being expelled, while pull separatism arises from internal propulsion to leave. e study therefore argues that push separatism is highest in situations of high feelings of collective victimhood and each Critical Moment conrms the perception of being unwanted.Based on available evidence in the literature, this study argues that feelings of collective victimization is critical in the Biafra separatist agitations. e study presents evidence which connects recurring separatist agitation to the Biafran war of 1967-1970, especially, to the following: 1) the grievances that led to the outbreak of the war, 2) grievances arising from how the war was fought, and 3) grievances emanating from how post-war settlement was implemented. at body of evidence strongly suggests that developments that occurred before, during and after the Biafran war engendered particularly deep grievances which have created a sense of communal suering and collective victimhood among the Igbo. As the study shows, three major factors have helped to sustain and reinforce this sense of victimhood, namely: 1) certain policies and actions of the Nigerian government which are perceived to disadvantage the group, 2) acts of violence seen to be targeting the group, and 3) the rhetoric of the Igbo elites as well as those of other Nigerians.
iiiIn analyzing the response of the Igbo to alleged victimization, this study argues that the Igbo elite have historically responded to the perceived victimization of the group in two principal ways: by advocating for either more inclusion or for more separation. e inclusivist approach represents the attitude of the Igbo elite who see greater political, economic and social inclusion of the group as the most eective way of addressing the group’s victimization. By contrast, radical-separatists hold that a sovereign, independent state of Biafra is the only solution to the victimization of the Igbo. While separatists agree on secession as is the only solution to Igbo victimization, they dier on how this is to be achieved. ey propound three possible routes to sovereignty namely, armed secession, civil disobedience and more lately, referendum.How then has the increasing tendency towards radical-separatism in the South East zone impacted on the region and the Nigerian society, in general? is study proposes several fundamental consequences of recurring Biafra agitation. Firstly, because of the frequent demonstrations by pro-Biafra activists and the clashes between them and the security agencies, economic activities are often disrupted in locations where these protests frequently occur. In addition to disruption of economic activities, pro-Biafra protests have a tendency to discourage investments in the South East. irdly, the recurring agitation for Biafra has specic regional and national security implications, including the chances that mobilization of potential protesters could escalate armed violence and worsen the existing levels of insecurity. At the national level, recurring agitation for Biafra can intensify existing security challenges, such as attacks on Igbos in Northern Nigeria and clashes between Igbo communities and Fulani herdsmen in the South. Fourthly, as the activities of the pro-Biafra movement intensify and widen, the capacity of the security agencies to handle the movement in a peaceful and professional manner might tend to decline, resulting in serious human rights violations. Fifthly, the intensication of the activities of radical-separatist groups such as MASSOB and IPOB has a cultural dimension which involves an increasing break down of existing forms of inter-generational relationships. One immediate consequence of this development might be further fragmentation of the Igbo society, which could make social consensus and cohesion dicult to achieve. Finally, the recurring agitation for Biafra has serious implications for political stability and democratic consolidation. With separatist agitations simmering in other parts of Nigeria, the persistence of the agitation for Biafra could become a rallying point for groups questioning the Nigerian project. Biafran separatism can produce a snowball eect – motivating group after group to demand for greater autonomy or separation.is study maintains that mitigating the negative consequences of the recurring agitation for Biafra requires well thought conict resolution strategy. However, the current government’s strategy for dealing with the Biafra separatist movement which focuses mainly on police action has not been very useful in addressing the problem. Against this backdrop, this study proposes the following measures to address the agitation:1. e Nigerian government should establish an independent commission of inquiry to conduct a transparent, comprehensive, and impartial investigation into alleged unlawful killings and other human rights abuses of Biafra supporters.
iv2. e Nigerian government should prosecute without delay and in accordance with international fair trial standards all those implicated in the killing and abuse of Biafran supporters.3. e Nigerian government should conduct quick, open and fair trial of Biafra agitators in detention.4. e Nigerian government should set up a high-level Peace and Reconciliation Commission to engage with pro-Biafra groups with a view to devising an eective approach to the resolution of the agitation for Biafra.5. To support the process of reconciliation, the Nigerian government should tone down its threats of use of force against pro-Biafra protesters, apply force with utmost restraint and only in extreme situations, and prosecute violent protesters according to the due process of law.6. Igbo leaders who support separation should tone down their rhetoric.7. e governments and leaders of the ve South East states should establish an economic revitalization scheme that would complement the interventions by the federal government and other stakeholders. As a rst step in this direction, platforms on which South East leaders could meet and undertake consultation, such as the South East Governors’ Forum, South East Legislators’ Forum, and the South East Traditional Rulers Council, should be established, revived or strengthened. Furthermore, promising economic initiatives, such as the South East Nigeria Economic Commission (SENEC), should be revisited and actualized. e governments of the South East states should as a matter of urgency come up with realistic job creation plans, including measures geared towards improving the investment climate of the region to attract private sector enterprises.8. Nigeria’s development partners should issue public and private statements denouncing excessive use of force against and human rights abuses of Biafra supporters, and call on the Nigeria government to hold abusive security agents accountable.9. Nigeria’s development partners should provide targeted funding and technical assistance to support initiatives aimed at improving the economic conditions in the South East and addressing the grievances of pro-Biafra groups

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/312129707_Biafra_Separatism_Causes_Consequences_and_Remedies

ashacot:
Supported.

South easterners, you guys have sow a lot of seed of discord.

Northerners are now avoiding us. Most of my northern friends on facebook are now saying ATIKU IS AN IPOB AGENDA IMMEDIATELY IPOB CALLED OF THE ELECTION BOYCOTT

anybody can claim to be igbo here on nairaland
doesnt make you one

KillTheZombies:


Totem pole zombie, shut the fuccck up and do a better job in your propaganda agenda. Na shoe you dey shine for BMC office.

SOUNDING LIKE A LITTLE CHILD AS ALWAYS.

nairalandankrah:


anybody can claim to be igbo here on nairaland
doesnt make you one

I AM MORE IGBO THAN YOU CAN EVER BE BUT NOT AS POLITICALLY GULLIBLE LIKE YOU LOTS DISPLAY HERE.

APC does not mean well for the unity of Nigeria. Buhari does not have the capacity to unite us and his followers are making things worse. Kaduna today is more divided because of Elrufai and the likes of Hafsat. Nepotism and cronyism reign in Nigeria.

Useless tribal and religious bigot

dhuthraki:
She is not wrong. Prof. Okechukwu Ibeanu actually wrote a book on restoration of Biafra. For someone who doesn't believe in this country, should not hold a sensitive position.

She is yelling Arewa Arewa and you are against those shouting Biafra.

Why is everyone scared of Biafra,make una let them go na!

ashacot:


I AM MORE IGBO THAN YOU CAN EVER BE BUT NOT AS POLITICALLY GULLIBLE LIKE YOU LOTS DISPLAY HERE.

mr political elite,i greet you
i guess your name is Garba chima.
no wonder you cant speak the igbo language fluently without mixing it with English.

yours is a case of mistaken identity so i 4give you

She's right.


Did you guys notice how ipod dogs switched to supporting INEC the moment they realized the stupid man in charge of logistics is an ibo man?

Awon okoros are confused and cheap in their way of reasoning.

Is there any tribe that's more decisive than the ibo?

Caseless:
She's right.


Did you guys notice how ipod dogs switched to supporting INEC the moment they realized the stupid man in charge of logistics is an ibo man?

Awon okoros are confused and cheap in their way of reasoning.

Is there any tribe that's more decisive than the ibo?

Sad how the same people who started blackmailing Amina went quiet immediately it was one of theirs. Such dishonesty is worthy of an in-depth research.

This is love speech according to buhari, osibanjo and el-rufai....
A commissioner.....waste of viable post.

She deserve to be stoned to death for this statement.