₦airaland Forum

CharlesCNG:
This page will be providing live updates on the **electronic transmission of results for the Ekiti Governorship Election** as polling unit results are uploaded to the **INEC IReV portal**.

As of **4:40 p.m.**, **over 500 polling unit results have already been uploaded to IReV, and the electronic transmission process is expected to gather pace shortly.

From this point, this thread will monitor the uploads as they come in and follow the result trail in real time.

Stay here for updates as the figures begin to build from:

**Polling Unit → Ward → LGA → State**

This is where the real test begins — not rumours, not speculation, but the published result sheets as they appear on IReV.

watch this place for live update.....

For a movement that speaks so often of discipline, purpose, and rescue, the Abuja story around Ireti Kingibe and Aisha Yesufu is revealing in the worst way. Both women are publicly identified with Peter Obi’s political camp. Yet one is in ADC and the other has crossed into NDC to pursue the same FCT Senate space. Yesufu said plainly that she left ADC for NDC because she was following Obi’s leadership, and she declared for the FCT senatorial race on that platform. Meanwhile, Kingibe remains in ADC and had said earlier she would support Obi or whoever won ADC’s presidential ticket.

That is not a small contradiction. It is a leadership x-ray.

Two Obidient queens, two party cards, one leadership problem. Both Ireti Kingibe and Aisha Yesufu are known Peter Obi loyalists, yet one remains in ADC while the other moved to NDC and is chasing the same FCT Senate space. That small Abuja drama says a lot. If Obi cannot keep two of his most visible loyalists under one political roof, how does he hope to hold together a national coalition of governors, senators, regional blocs, and competing ambitions? This is the real weakness of the Obidient movement: plenty of passion, little coordination; plenty of loyalty, weak structure. Everybody says they are following Obi, yet they are following him into different parties. That is not strategy. That is confusion. A man who can inspire people but cannot align them may win applause, but he will struggle to win lasting political order..

When two staunch Obidient queens cannot even march under the same party flag, the problem is no longer the followers alone. The problem is the shepherd who cannot keep his own flock facing one direction.

location and the price, serious potential customer. treat as urgent

In election reporting, speed without verification can mislead the public.

The controversy around the Form EC8A for Koroto Primary Health Centre polling unit, Yankori Ward, Kwali Local Government is a clear example of why Nigeria needs an evidence-based election monitoring system like SmartElectionGuard Pro.

When that EC8A form was uploaded on IReV, our system did not simply “accept” it at face value. It flagged the form for review because there was an apparent alteration in the total votes figure on the numeric entry.

But the same form also contained critical evidence that helps clarify the issue:

The total votes in words was clearly written as “one hundred and twenty one” (121).

The system also captured that most party agents signed the form, including:

PDP, which recorded 71 votes, and

ADC, which recorded 2 votes.

This is why it was totally wrong to state that APC recorded 1,219 votes on that form.

As shown in the video demonstration from our system, SmartElectionGuard Pro captured the form, flagged the inconsistency, and preserved the evidence for review. That is what an evidence-first system is supposed to do.

This is the difference between rushing to judgment and working with traceable election evidence.

SmartElectionGuard Pro does not replace INEC. It does not declare winners.
It is a mirror, not a referee.

What it does is retrieve, store, parse, validate, and present election evidence in a structured way—so stakeholders can verify facts before making claims.

In election matters, commentary should follow evidence—not outrun it.

SmartElectionGuard Pro: Evidence first. Judgment after.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JAYn71G8bRE

In election reporting, speed without verification can mislead the public.

The controversy around the Form EC8A for Koroto Primary Health Centre polling unit, Yankori Ward, Kwali Local Government is a clear example of why Nigeria needs an evidence-based election monitoring system like SmartElectionGuard Pro.

When that EC8A form was uploaded on IReV, our system did not simply “accept” it at face value. It flagged the form for review because there was an apparent alteration in the total votes figure on the numeric entry.

But the same form also contained critical evidence that helps clarify the issue:

The total votes in words was clearly written as “one hundred and twenty one” (121).

The system also captured that most party agents signed the form, including:

PDP, which recorded 71 votes, and

ADC, which recorded 2 votes.

This is why it was totally wrong to state that APC recorded 1,219 votes on that form.

As shown in the video demonstration from our system, SmartElectionGuard Pro captured the form, flagged the inconsistency, and preserved the evidence for review. That is what an evidence-first system is supposed to do.

This is the difference between rushing to judgment and working with traceable election evidence.

SmartElectionGuard Pro does not replace INEC. It does not declare winners.
It is a mirror, not a referee.

What it does is retrieve, store, parse, validate, and present election evidence in a structured way—so stakeholders can verify facts before making claims.

In election matters, commentary should follow evidence—not outrun it.

SmartElectionGuard Pro: Evidence first. Judgment after.

Everyone sees it.
Everyone smells it.

But leadership pretends it’s not there.

Instead of cleaning the wound, they hide it under fine speeches.
Instead of treating the infection, they mask it with announcements.
Instead of admitting the rot, they attack the ones pointing it out.

But here’s the truth:

You cannot spray perfume on decay.
You cannot manage a crisis you refuse to confront.

Every day the black market grows.
Every day stolen kits move further underground.
Every day the true builders of the CNG industry lose faith.

And every day PCNGI’s credibility dies a little more.

A sore ignored does not heal.
It spreads.
It devours.
It exposes.

When the reckoning comes—and it will—
There will be no confusion about where the infection started,
or who stood by and watched it destroy everything.

Fix it now.
Or history will write that you presided not over a revolution—but over a slow, avoidable collapse.

The clock is ticking.
The sore is open.
And this time, it won’t be hidden.

Free Fuel Logistics: Dangote Is Disrupting, Not Dominating:

Dangote Is Disrupting, Not Dominating: Why Free Fuel Logistics Shouldn’t Be Feared


Recent critiques of Dangote Refinery’s offer to provide free fuel logistics nationwide portray it as a veiled move toward monopoly. But this interpretation misses the bigger picture—and risks turning healthy disruption into unfounded suspicion.

Let’s be clear: Dangote is not a monopoly. NNPC Limited still controls over 60% of fuel supply in Nigeria through importation and retail. The downstream market remains crowded with private importers, depots, and retailers. What’s different now is that for the first time in decades, a local refiner with capacity, scale, and strategy is shaking the status quo.

Offering free logistics is not a sinister tactic—it’s a competitive move. In Nigeria’s downstream market, transport costs alone can add ₦30–₦50 per litre to pump prices. Dangote’s initiative aims to cut out that inefficiency, particularly for zones far from Lagos, such as the North and Middle Belt.

Critics claim Lagos already enjoys low logistics costs, so the offer is symbolic. But this overlooks planned pipeline, barge, and rail evacuations that aim to decentralize distribution nationwide. Besides, pricing benchmarks often start in Lagos—so cost efficiency there affects the entire national market.

Let’s also remember: Dangote is not trying to destroy importers—he is offering an alternative to a forex-draining, subsidy-scarred, import-dependent model. For decades, private players and the state coexisted in an unsustainable loop. Now that a Nigerian refinery is producing locally, should we not be rooting for its success?

True competition doesn’t mean protecting inefficiencies. It means raising the bar—and that's exactly what Dangote is doing.

The real concern isn’t market capture. It’s whether we are ready to support a new era where Nigerian fuel is refined, priced, and delivered from within. Instead of shouting monopoly, perhaps we should whisper thank you.

Peter Obi And The Politics Of Portability: A Rolling Stone In Saintly Robes

So, Peter Obi has now joined the same coalition he once sermonized against. The man who sold himself as “different” is now looking more like the political version of a weathercock — spinning with every passing wind of ambition.
They said he was the new breed. A breath of fresh air. But now it’s clear: he’s just another old seed planted in a new pot. And like a rolling stone that gathers no moss, he’s left behind no ideological roots—only campaign billboards and empty WhatsApp broadcasts.
Peter Obi’s political résumé reads like a desperate job-seeker’s CV — tweaked for every opportunity:
🟠 2003: Elected Governor of Anambra State under APGA


🔵 2014: Defected to PDP — and became Goodluck Jonathan’s campaign man


🟢 2019: PDP Vice-Presidential candidate to Atiku Abubakar


🟡 2022: Resigned from PDP, joined Labour Party


🔄 2024/25: Now allegedly cozying up to a “mega coalition” and now joined ADC driven by old forces he once rejected. And may port back to LP.


The same APC he attacked. The same PDP he abandoned. Now, he stretches his hands out to everyone like a beggar in a market square — not for alms, but for ballots.
Obi’s “new Nigeria” slogan is beginning to sound like an Aba trader clearance sale — loud, colorful, but ultimately full of repackaged, expired stock.

His followers may call it “strategy,” but the rest of us call it what it is: political prostitution in designer packaging.

He’s no longer a movement. He’s a man on a moving train — destination: anywhere that will hand him power.
So much for being different.

Like Atiku, Like Peter Obi – The Gospel Of Political Portability
Birds of the same feather don’t just flock together — they defect together.
In the Nigerian political zoo, Atiku Abubakar was long regarded as the undisputed king of party-hopping.
From PDP to ACN, back to PDP, then to APC, and now ADC — the man has changed parties more times than Nigeria has changed fuel prices.

And now? Peter Obi, the self-anointed “different one,” is proving to be just another Atiku in minimalist branding.
Let’s break it down.
🧾 Peter Obi’s Party Timeline:
2003–2014: Governor of Anambra under APGA

2014: Defected to PDP

2019: Became Atiku’s VP candidate under PDP


2022: Jumped ship again, landing in Labour Party


2024/25: Cozying up to the same “mega coalition” that includes the same old recycled elites.ADC

So what makes Obi different?
Is it the softer voice? The quieter deceit? The frequent market visits with camera crews?

Atiku has long preached the gospel of “anywhere the wind blows”. But Obi has now added “with a touch of piety.” They are both pilgrims on a restless quest for power — not principles. One with a loud convoy, the other with a camera-ready backpack.

They wear different robes but serve at the same altar: the Church of Political Prostitution.

Both men have no qualms about romancing the very systems they once blamed. Today’s opponent is tomorrow’s running mate. Today’s evil is tomorrow’s alliance.
So let’s stop pretending.
Peter Obi is no different from Atiku — just better at curating his hypocrisy.
They are twin sons of opportunism, proof that in Nigerian politics, the more things change, the more the defectors remain the same.

The Governorship Election in Anambra State holds today. About 2.8 million voters will throng out in 5,720 Polling Units to exercise their franchise and decide who stays in Light House for the next four years.

One of the 15 Candidates will be trying to outwit the incumbent, APGA's Chukwuma Soludo who is also seeking re-election. The frontrunners are expectedly: Soludo, APC's Nicholas Ukachukwu, LP's George Moghalu, YPP's Paul Chukwuma and ADC's John Nwosu. Two of the fifteen Candidates are females.

This election is the first credibility test for newly-appointed INEC Chair, Joash Ojo Amupitan[i]SAN,[/i] who has pledged a hitchfree, no-server-glitch process. https://smartelectionguardpro.org/

#AnambraDecides2025
#EveryVoteCounts

Firm Develops Real-Time AI System to Boost Election Transparency.
A Nigerian tech company, SoftSmart Enterprise Solutions, has unveiled a real-time AI-powered result collation system aimed at promoting transparency and restoring public trust in Nigeria’s elections.

At a press briefing in Abuja, Mr. Charles Yakubu, Managing Director, described it as a breakthrough in Nigeria’s journey toward credible and verifiable elections.

Powered by Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Optical Character Recognition (OCR), the system automatically captures and validates data from INEC’s Form EC8A on the IReV portal, creating a live public scoreboard within 30 seconds and achieving over 95% accuracy.

Citizens, parties, and observers can now track results in real-time from polling units to LGAs — ensuring visible collation and greater accountability.

A live demo is set for the Nov. 8 Anambra governorship election.

🔗 Read full report on www.nannews.ng

#SmartElectionGuardPro #SoftSmartSolutions #AIForDemocracy #NigeriaElections #ElectionTransparency

Firm develops real-time AI-powered system to enhance election transparency
Technology
By Ijeoma Olorunfemi
Abuja, Oct. 31, 2025 (NAN) A technology company, Soft Smart Enterprise Solutions, has introduced a real-time result collation system designed to promote transparency and restore public confidence in Nigeria’s electoral processes.
The company’s Managing Director, Mr Charles Yakubu, at a news conference in Abuja on Friday described the innovation as a breakthrough in the country’s journey towards credible and verifiable elections.
He said that the system was powered by Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Optical Character Recognition (OCR) technology.
Musa also said that it would automatically capture and process election results from polling units as they were uploaded to the Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) Result Viewing Portal (IReV).
According to him, the technology would instantly extract, validate and upload data from the INEC Form EC8A, the official results sheet from each polling unit to a central database thereby creating a live public scoreboard of results.
“We can go to IReV portal, scrape it, review results and we can actually go there and do what I call a digital ingestion into the database.
“All these make it possible for us to have a live scorecard of elections; everybody is seeing the results collated. Our technology is going to introduce what I call visible collation,” Yakubu said.
He explained that the application used advanced AI to recognize and verify the entries on each EC8A form within 30 seconds, achieving over 95 per cent accuracy.
Yakubu said that the innovation was made possible through advancements in AI and vision technology, particularly Google’s image recognition tools, which enabled near-perfect data capture.
He also said that the system would allow citizens, political parties and observers to track the progress of results from polling unit to ward and local government levels thereby enhancing transparency and accountability.
“When you watch the election night in America, you get a projected winner of an election.
“You don’t have to wait till the end of an election because you know the way the election is going.
“If there is a pattern of voting in a place, the only thing you just want to see is if the pattern has changed and if the pattern is sustained, you can predict percentage scores of candidates,” Yakubu said.
The managing director said the company would demonstrate the technology during the forthcoming Nov. 8 governorship election in Anambra where a live display would show the real-time collation of uploaded results.
He said the innovation would complement INEC’s existing systems, enhance efficiency and strengthen citizens’ trust in electioneering.
Soft Smart Enterprise Solutions is a Nigerian technology company that specializes in AI-driven governance and electoral management systems.(NAN)http://www.nannews.ng
Please help summarize this for Instagram version without removing the key points and the links

Why the Fear of a One-Party State Fades When the Opposition Finds Its Teeth

By One Who Sat in the Back Room and Watched It Unfold

There was a time when the South West turned red. Not with anger, but with the dominance of a single party. The year was 2003, and like a flood without sandbags, the PDP swept through the entire region, leaving only Lagos as the last-standing fortress.

Ogun? Gone. Chief Osoba replaced by Gbenga Daniel.
Osun? Fallen. Chief Bisi Akande dethroned by Olagunsoye Oyinlola.
Ekiti? Conquered. Otunba Adebayo swept aside by Fayose’s populist wave.
Ondo? Taken. Adebayo Adefarati replaced by Olusegun Agagu
Oyo? Lost. The firebrand Lam Adesina undone by Rasheed Ladoja’s ascendance.
It was a political extinction — except for one man.
The man from Bourdillon. The omo olóde ide.
The one they now call President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
And I remember that moment. I was seated in the Surulere Local Government chairman’s office — my friend at the time, close to power, leaned in and whispered:
“Asiwaju has called a meeting. Some say he might defect. If you can’t beat them…”
But he didn’t defect. He didn’t cry. He didn’t beg.
He rallied.
He summoned Osoba, Adebayo, Lam… one by one. Not as casualties, but as comrades. And from the ruins of political defeat, he built a counterforce. Within two cycles, he drove PDP out of the South West — not with tears, but with tactics.
So today, when some in the opposition cry about “one-party state,” I ask:

Are you really being silenced — or have you just not spoken yet?
Have you built? Have you bled? Have you earned your echo?
Opposition is not a sympathy badge. It is not a press release. It is warfare with ballot papers and persistence in defeat. It means rebuilding structures, rekindling alliances, and staying awake while others sleepwalk through pity parties.

President Tinubu didn’t beg for fairness — he built strength.
He didn’t file petitions — he formed coalitions.
He didn’t cry about exclusion — he created a new political map.
The fight for balance in democracy is not the job of the ruling party.
It is the duty of the opposition — to rise, to rebuild, and to roar louder than ever.
So when next someone sighs “we are being erased,” ask them gently:
Or have you just not started showing up properly yet?

A rising wave of concern is building around the Presidential Initiative on Compressed Natural Gas (PCNGI) as industry stakeholders and public accountability advocates begin to question the logic—and outcomes—of Nigeria’s most expensive clean energy reform effort to date.

According to PI-CNG’s own data, over ₦49 billion has been spent distributing 40,000 CNG kits, with a stated objective of reducing transportation costs for the Nigerian people. Each kit, by the program’s own budget, costs roughly ₦1.2 million to deliver.

But a simple question lingers:
Has the cost of public transport changed by even a single kobo?
If ₦49 billion cannot reduce the cost of commuting for Nigerians, then what is the economic—or moral—justification for the new push to distribute 70,000 more kits at a projected cost of ₦70 billion?

This has sparked the launch of the #WhoIsWatchingPICNG campaign—a national call for transparency, impact measurement, and a halt to what many now view as a billion-naira black hole masked as reform.
“We wonder,” says one campaign message, “who really benefits from this waste.”

Who Is Watching Pi-cng

Freedom of Information in Motion: C & L Smart Energy Files Formal Transparency Request Against PI-CNG
Abuja, Nigeria — 25th April 2025

In a decisive move to protect the integrity of Nigeria’s clean energy transition, C & L Smart Energy Solutions has formally filed a Freedom of Information (FOI) request against the Presidential Initiative on Compressed Natural Gas (PCNGI).

The request, filed on Friday, 25th April 2025, and addressed to the Director of Program at the PCNGI Secretariat, was submitted pursuant to Sections 1, 2, and 4 of the Freedom of Information Act, 2011.
It seeks urgent access to critical data relating to:

Distribution records of CNG kits to conversion centers (names, dates, locations, quantities)
Approved lists of centers and approval criteria since 2023
Records of infractions, disciplinary actions, and third-party escalations (e.g., EFCC referrals)
Official grievance and redress procedures
Financial reports on budgeted versus disbursed funds under the CNG subsidy program

C & L Smart Energy asserts that full transparency is necessary to safeguard public confidence, promote fairness among independent operators, and prevent the abuse of public resources within the national CNG rollout.

According to the FOI Act, public institutions must respond within 7 days of receipt of the request—or provide a legally justifiable reason for refusal—failing which the matter can escalate to legal and regulatory enforcement.

This landmark request directly tests the Tinubu's government’s commitment to transparency, accountability, and responsible stewardship of Nigeria’s energy future.

C & L Smart Energy calls on all stakeholders, media houses, civil society organizations, and independent operators to demand full disclosure and to defend the public interest in ensuring that the PI-CNG initiative serves Nigerians fairly and transparently.

When Nollywood meets political naivety, the result is national comedy.

Kenneth Okonkwo’s latest appearance on Channels TV is the kind of political performance best left on a movie set. His claim—that only a northern heavyweight like Atiku can defeat President Tinubu in 2027—isn’t analysis; it’s lazy fiction, penned by an armchair Nollywood analyst mistaking regional myths for political science.

To start, there is no such thing as a single northern voting bloc. That fantasy belongs in a poorly written script, not on a national stage. The so-called “12 million Buharist vote bank” was not transferrable, and certainly not to Atiku. Buhari earned that number through decades of grassroots hustle, not borrowed glory.

Even with that mythical northern clout, Buhari lost in 2003 and 2011 to Presidents Obasanjo and Jonathan, both from the South. If a man who actually had the North couldn’t unseat a southern incumbent, how then does Kenneth believe Atiku—perpetually rejected by even his hometown—can do what Buhari could not?

Kenneth, once Peter Obi’s spokesman, now dances clumsily in Atiku’s corner like a man who changes loyalty the way a confused actor changes costumes—hoping one will finally land him the lead role. His political compass swings wildly, not with principle, but with the desperation of relevance.

He speaks of strategy, yet thinks in stereotypes. He analyses elections the way a child reads fables—believing that geography trumps character, and that recycled candidates inspire revolutions.

Nigeria deserves
Free Fuel Logistics: Dangote Is Disrupting, Not Dominating:

Dangote Is Disrupting, Not Dominating: Why Free Fuel Logistics Shouldn’t Be Feared


Recent critiques of Dangote Refinery’s offer to provide free fuel logistics nationwide portray it as a veiled move toward monopoly. But this interpretation misses the bigger picture—and risks turning healthy disruption into unfounded suspicion.

Let’s be clear: Dangote is not a monopoly. NNPC Limited still controls over 60% of fuel supply in Nigeria through importation and retail. The downstream market remains crowded with private importers, depots, and retailers. What’s different now is that for the first time in decades, a local refiner with capacity, scale, and strategy is shaking the status quo.

Offering free logistics is not a sinister tactic—it’s a competitive move. In Nigeria’s downstream market, transport costs alone can add ₦30–₦50 per litre to pump prices. Dangote’s initiative aims to cut out that inefficiency, particularly for zones far from Lagos, such as the North and Middle Belt.

Critics claim Lagos already enjoys low logistics costs, so the offer is symbolic. But this overlooks planned pipeline, barge, and rail evacuations that aim to decentralize distribution nationwide. Besides, pricing benchmarks often start in Lagos—so cost efficiency there affects the entire national market.

Let’s also remember: Dangote is not trying to destroy importers—he is offering an alternative to a forex-draining, subsidy-scarred, import-dependent model. For decades, private players and the state coexisted in an unsustainable loop. Now that a Nigerian refinery is producing locally, should we not be rooting for its success?

True competition doesn’t mean protecting inefficiencies. It means raising the bar—and that's exactly what Dangote is doing.

The real concern isn’t market capture. It’s whether we are ready to support a new era where Nigerian fuel is refined, priced, and delivered from within. Instead of shouting monopoly, perhaps we should whisper thank you.

Why Defending Iran’s Terror Links Echoes The Pain Of Boko Haram’s Terror
From Tehran to the Lake Chad Basin: Why Defending Iran’s Terror Links Echoes the Pain of Boko Haram’s Terror

In any nation scarred by terrorism, the idea of applauding a known sponsor of violent extremism should raise alarm bells. Yet today, some voices—whether out of ideology or ignorance—are defending Iran’s role in global conflict as if it were heroic resistance rather than what it truly is: state-sponsored destabilization.

Iran is not merely a geopolitical actor. It is a government that openly funds and arms groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, and Islamic Jihad—militias that have killed thousands of civilians, suppressed freedom, and turned children into frontline soldiers. These are not liberation movements; they are war machines, often operating with Iran’s blessing, money, and weapons.

To defend this is no different in spirit from praising those who once enabled Boko Haram—the terrorist group that has ravaged northeastern Nigeria, kidnapped schoolgirls, bombed churches and mosques, and left communities in ruins.

If Nigerians recoil at the thought of a government backing Boko Haram, why applaud Iran for doing the same in other regions of the world?
This is not a call for blind allegiance to any country—it is a call for consistency in condemning terror, wherever it sprouts. No narrative—religious, ethnic, or political—should justify support for regimes that thrive on bloodshed and chaos.
Let’s not dress up terror as resistance. Let’s call it what it is.

Selective Outrage and the Igbo Superiority Complex: A Rejoinder to the CBN ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ Narrative

Every time an Igbo professional is not appointed, promoted, or retained in a federal institution, a predictable cry goes up:
“We are being marginalized.”

But when that same institution is dominated—often disproportionately—by Igbo professionals, as was the case during the tenure of Godwin Emefiele at the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), silence is golden.

Now that the table has turned and some prominent Igbo technocrats have exited the CBN, a new wave of emotional blackmail is flooding public discourse. Accusations of ethnic cleansing, injustice, and Yoruba bias are being thrown around with all the weight of entitlement and none of the weight of logic.

Let’s be clear: the claim of ethnic cleansing is not only irresponsible—it is deeply dangerous.

You Can’t Cry “Injustice” When the Pendulum Swings Away From You

Under former CBN Governor Godwin Emefiele, the staffing architecture of the apex bank was visibly skewed in favour of the Southeast.

Directorates, policy desks, key strategic departments—from Trade and Exchange to Financial Policy to Banking Services—were firmly in the hands of Southeast professionals.

Yet during that era, no petitions emerged from the North, the Southwest, or the South-South crying exclusion. There were no press releases from diaspora groups demanding “regional balance” or threatening political consequences.

Apparently, when the scales tilted in favour of the Southeast, it was seen as merit.
But now that the scales are recalibrating, it has suddenly become marginalization?

That’s not justice. That’s a superiority complex disguised as victimhood.

Blackmail Is Not a Substitute for Merit

Let’s engage the matter on merit.

If someone was removed illegally, let them challenge it in court.
If there were procedural breaches, let the facts emerge.

But to reduce a policy reset at the CBN into a tribal campaign of outrage is not only shortsighted—it’s a betrayal of the very professionalism we claim to champion.

It’s easy to romanticize foreign degrees and past positions. But if every Southeast applicant who scores well in an interview must automatically be appointed—or else it is “bias”—then we’ve turned ethnic loyalty into a right, not a responsibility.

You don’t demand inclusion while undermining institutions.
You don’t fight discrimination by promoting entitlement.

As we say in our land, “The cock that crows the loudest may not be the first to rise.”

The Danger of Emotional Ethnicism

This kind of rhetoric—calling every change “ethnic cleansing” whenever it affects a particular group—does more damage than any policy.

It divides a fragile nation further.
It incites bitterness.
It plants seeds of suspicion.

And worse, it weakens the position of genuinely meritorious Southeast professionals who now face stigma they did not earn.

We must ask:
Is the Southeast asking for equity, or for exception?

Because true equity means sometimes you win, and sometimes you don’t.
Sometimes the appointments favour your zone, and sometimes they don’t.
But you don’t burn down the house because the head of the table was taken from you.

The Hypocrisy of Retroactive Fairness

Where were these diaspora voices when Igbo dominance in top roles at the CBN went unquestioned?
Where were the calls for federal character when departments were loaded with names from one part of the country?

What we are witnessing now is not the defence of fairness—it is the mourning of lost dominance.
It is the reaction of a group that has gotten so used to having its way that anything less than supremacy now feels like subjugation.

And that, sadly, is not the path to national unity.
That is the path to political isolation.

Let’s Defend Institutions, Not Ethnic Power Blocks

Nigerians—of every region—must decide whether we want a country built on merit and institutional credibility, or a country run on the logic of who cried the loudest.

We can’t build a nation by turning every appointment into a tribal scorecard.
We can’t build institutions by attacking every policy we don’t benefit from.
And we can’t keep crying foul every time the spoils are shared differently.

The Southeast has contributed greatly to Nigeria’s progress—and no one denies that.
But it must also learn that a seat at the table is not always a birthright.
Sometimes, it’s another region’s turn.

Let us rise above the politics of perpetual grievance.
Let us defend fairness—not when it suits us, but even when it doesn’t.

Because that’s the only way this fragile union will ever grow strong.

Selective Outrage and the Igbo Superiority Complex: A Rejoinder to the CBN ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ Narrative
Every time an Igbo professional is not appointed, promoted, or retained in a federal institution, a predictable cry goes up: "We are being marginalized."

But when the same institution is dominated—often disproportionately—by Igbo professionals, as was the case during the tenure of Godwin Emefiele, silence is golden.

Now that the table has turned and some prominent Igbo technocrats have exited the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), a new wave of emotional blackmail is flooding public discourse. [/b]Accusations of ethnic cleansing, injustice, and Yoruba bias are being flung about with all the weight of entitlement and none of the weight of logic.
[b]Let’s be clear: the claim of ethnic cleansing is not only irresponsible—it is deeply dangerous.

You Can’t Cry “Injustice” When the Pendulum Swings Away From You
Under former CBN Governor Godwin Emefiele, the staffing architecture of the apex bank was visibly skewed in favour of the Southeast.
Directorates, policy desks, key strategic departments—from Trade and Exchange to Financial Policy, to Banking Services—were firmly in the hands of Southeast professionals.

Yet during that era, no petitions emerged from the North, the Southwest, or the South-South, crying of exclusion. There were no press releases from diaspora groups demanding “regional balance” or threatening political consequences.

Apparently, when the scales tilted in favour of the Southeast, it was seen as merit. But now that the scales are recalibrating, it has suddenly become marginalization?
That’s not justice. That’s a superiority complex disguised as victimhood.

Blackmail Is Not a Substitute for Merit
Let’s engage the matter on merit. If someone was removed illegally, let them challenge it in court. If there were procedural breaches, let the facts emerge. But to reduce a policy reset at the CBN into a tribal campaign of outrage is not only shortsighted—it’s a betrayal of the very professionalism we claim to champion.

It’s easy to[b] romanticize foreign degrees[/b] and past positions. But if every Southeast applicant who scores well in an interview must automatically be appointed or else it is “bias,” then we have turned ethnic loyalty into a right, not a responsibility.
You don’t demand inclusion while undermining institutions. You don’t fight discrimination by promoting entitlement.
As we say in our land, “The cock that crows the loudest may not be the first to rise.”

The Danger of Emotional Ethnicism
This kind of rhetoric—calling every change “ethnic cleansing” whenever it affects a particular group—does more damage than any policy. It divides a fragile nation further. It incites bitterness. It plants seeds of suspicion. And worse, it weakens the position of genuinely meritorious Southeast professionals who now face stigma they did not earn.

We must ask: is the Southeast asking for equity, or for exception?

Because true equity means sometimes you win, and sometimes you don’t. Sometimes the appointments favour your zone, and sometimes they don’t. But you don’t burn down the house because the head of the table was taken from you.

The Hypocrisy of Retroactive Fairness
Where were these diaspora voices when Igbo dominance in top roles at the CBN went unquestioned?
Where were the calls for federal character when departments were loaded with names that came from one part of the country?
What we are witnessing now is not the defence of fairness—it is the mourning of lost dominance. It is the reaction of a group that has gotten so used to having its way, that anything less than supremacy now feels like subjugation.
And that, sadly, is not the path to national unity. That is the path to political isolation.

Let’s Defend Institutions, Not Ethnic Power Blocks
Nigerians—of every region—must decide whether they want a country built on merit and institutional credibility, or a country run on the logic of who cried the loudest.

We can’t build a nation by turning every appointment into a tribal scorecard. We can’t build institutions by attacking every policy we don’t benefit from. And we can’t keep crying foul every time the spoils are shared differently.

The Southeast has contributed greatly to Nigeria’s progress—and no one denies that. But it must also learn that a seat at the table is not always a birthright. Sometimes, it's another region’s turn.

Let us rise above the politics of perpetual grievance. Let us defend fairness—not when it suits us, but even when it doesn’t.
Because that’s the only way this fragile union will ever grow strong.

The long queues of vehicles at stations selling compressed natural gas have become a source of worry to Nigerians using the cleaner fuel.

The PUNCH reports that truck owners now keep vigil at the NIPCO CNG station in Ibafo as they wait in the queue to refill their cylinders.

Commenting on this, a former National Secretary of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, Mr Mike Osatuyi, lamented that vehicles now spend hours in queues to get their cylinders filled with CNG.

While saying this was caused by the limited number of CNG stations, Osatuyi likened the current situation to past fuel scarcity episodes.

Speaking with newsmen recently, he said, “Vehicles often spend hours—and trucks, days—at CNG filling stations due to inadequate service capacity. Specific areas like Zuba-Kubwa Road, Abuja Airport Road, the Mountain of Fire area of Ibafo on the Ibadan Expressway, and the Ibadan Tollgate are just a few examples where users experience long wait times.”

According to him, the “poor and uncoordinated implementation of the CNG initiative has turned it into a national embarrassment despite its noble intent.”

Osatuyi criticised the Federal Government over the inadequate infrastructure that continues to hamper the effective implementation of the Presidential Compressed Natural Gas Initiative, nearly two years after its launch.

The long queues of vehicles at stations selling compressed natural gas have become a source of worry to Nigerians using the cleaner fuel.

The PUNCH reports that truck owners now keep vigil at the NIPCO CNG station in Ibafo as they wait in the queue to refill their cylinders.

Commenting on this, a former National Secretary of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, Mr Mike Osatuyi, lamented that vehicles now spend hours in queues to get their cylinders filled with CNG.

While saying this was caused by the limited number of CNG stations, Osatuyi likened the current situation to past fuel scarcity episodes.

Osatuyi lauded President Bola Tinubu’s initial enthusiasm and patriotic drive to introduce CNG as an alternative fuel source at the beginning of his administration.

He noted that had similar efforts been made two decades earlier, petrol consumption in Nigeria could have been reduced by as much as 50 per cent by now.

Highlighting the numerous benefits of CNG, he said these include economic viability, environmental sustainability, reduced air pollution, lower transportation costs, and improved safety.

A rising wave of concern is building around the Presidential Initiative on Compressed Natural Gas (PCNGI) as industry stakeholders and public accountability advocates begin to question the logic—and outcomes—of Nigeria’s most expensive clean energy reform effort to date.

According to PI-CNG’s own data, over ₦49 billion has been spent distributing 40,000 CNG kits, with a stated objective of reducing transportation costs for the Nigerian people. Each kit, by the program’s own budget, costs roughly ₦1.2 million to deliver.

But a simple question lingers:
Has the cost of public transport changed by even a single kobo?
If ₦49 billion cannot reduce the cost of commuting for Nigerians, then what is the economic—or moral—justification for the new push to distribute 70,000 more kits at a projected cost of ₦70 billion?

This has sparked the launch of the #WhoIsWatchingPICNG campaign—a national call for transparency, impact measurement, and a halt to what many now view as a billion-naira black hole masked as reform.
“We wonder,” says one campaign message, “who really benefits from this waste.”

Under President Bola Tinubu's administration, Nigeria has seen notable growth in its internal revenue generation, with a strong emphasis on reducing dependence on oil revenues. In 2024, the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) exceeded expectations, collecting a record-breaking ₦21.66 trillion, surpassing its target by 111.6%. Non-oil taxes contributed significantly, accounting for 73.4% of the total revenue, marking a pivotal shift in fiscal strategy. The Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) also reported impressive results, with a 90.4% increase in revenue, reaching ₦6.1 trillion, and a peak collection of ₦603.17 billion in October 2024 .

These achievements can be attributed to Tinubu’s fiscal reforms, including the removal of fuel subsidies, stricter tax enforcement, and digital innovations such as the "B'Odogwu" customs clearance system. Additionally, major tax reform bills have streamlined tax administration and improved compliance . These reforms have boosted Nigeria’s fiscal standing, reducing the fiscal deficit from 5.4% of GDP in 2023 to 3.0% in 2024 .

When converted into dollar terms, using an average exchange rate of ₦1580 to $1 in 2024, the total revenue of ₦21.66 trillion equals approximately $13.72 billion. This substantial revenue boost has contributed to improved fiscal stability, though challenges such as high inflation and public discontent remain. Despite these issues, Tinubu’s emphasis on revenue diversification and fiscal discipline is laying a foundation for a more resilient Nigerian economy in the long term .

In the first quarter of 2025, Nigeria's internally generated revenue (IGR) reached ₦6.9 trillion, marking a 40% increase from ₦5.2 trillion in the same period in 2024. This growth is attributed to enhanced fiscal reforms, improved tax administration, and increased automation across government agencies

Nationally, the total IGR in 2024 surpassed ₦20 trillion, a significant rise from approximately ₦12.5 trillion in 2023. This upward trend reflects ongoing efforts to diversify revenue sources and reduce dependency on oil revenues

Tinubu’s Reforms: The Bitter Pill vs the Sugar-Coated Poison Opposition False Narrators (OFNs) peddle lies—even as Nigeria’s economy begins a historic recovery from years of neglect.

The bitter pill saves lives; the sugar-coated poison just sweetens the road to demise. Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, we chose the pill—not the placebo. For decades, Nigeria’s economy bled under lazy governance—fuel subsidies that swallowed trillions, bloated recurrent spending, and half-hearted diversification drives.

Leaders came and went, buying applause with sugar-coated promises rather than facing the political heat of real surgery. Now, some of the loudest critics—Opposition False Narrators (OFNs) like Peter Obi and Professor Pat Utomi—know better, yet bank on public amnesia to recycle the very failed ideas that brought us here.

Tinubu’s reforms are yielding historic results. The glass is more than half full. In 2024, Nigeria posted a balance-of-payments surplus of $6.83 billion, reversing years of deficits. Exports rose, remittances grew by 8.9%, and reserves crossed $40 billion. GDP growth hit 4.6%—our strongest in a decade—while the fiscal deficit fell from 5.4% to 3%. Government revenue surged by 4.5% of GDP, with the FIRS collecting ₦14.27 trillion in H1 2025—a 43% year-on-year leap—while non-oil revenue hit ₦10.64 trillion.

Mining reforms boosted annual revenue from ₦6 billion to ₦38 billion and attracted $800 million in fresh investment. But the OFNs and their media sympathisers, in deliberate, selective amnesia, obsess over the empty part of the glass. They ignore the full part—the revenue gains, fiscal discipline, and growth trajectory—and pretend the inflation challenge is being left to rot.

It isn’t. The very reforms biting today are cushioning tomorrow. President Tinubu isn’t sugar-coating. He’s administering the cure. And in nation-building, as in medicine, the bitter pill hurts—because it heals. You can fake applause, but you can’t fake a cure.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3VY8TOpdCn8

By One Who Owns a Permanent Voter’s Card and Still Pays Attention When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu visited Anambra State recently, two things stood out: the sun was merciless — and so were the barbs flying beneath the surface. On one side stood Professor Charles Soludo, the state’s governor and an economist of global standing.

On the other, hovering somewhere between legacy and liturgy, was Mr. Peter Obi, the self-proclaimed high priest of frugality and public mourning.

Peter Obi speaks like a man permanently stuck in a TED Talk. He has a stat sheet for every problem — dollar rates, tomato prices, the global GDP of Bhutan, and how he once refused to buy a new chair.

If you give him a microphone and 30 minutes, he’ll give you 99 problems and no solution.

Soludo, on the other hand, brings a toolbox. When Tinubu came to Anambra, Soludo didn’t just welcome him with handshakes. He unveiled roads, flagged off projects, and pulled out plans that didn’t come wrapped in slogans.

He didn’t talk about what he would’ve done if he were president. He focused on what he’s doing now as governor — without fanfare, without hashtags, and certainly without yam-selling analogies.

The problem with Peter is that he talks like he was never governor and campaigns like he’s still in school debate club. He mastered the art of diagnosing Nigeria’s illness — and then prescribing distilled water.

Soludo, for all his academic air, gets his hands dirty. Whether you like him or not, drains are being cleared in Anambra — not just in words, but in concrete.

So yes, when these two trade jabs in public or private, remember this: one is telling you what’s wrong, the other is busy fixing it.
One is stuck in the poetry of problems, the other is doing the prose of governance.

And in the end, Nigeria doesn’t need more alarm clocks. We’re all awake now.

What we need is a plumber.

By One Who Knows That No House Falls From the Outside Without Cracks Within a gale is sweeping through Nigeria’s opposition — not the gale of power, but of desertion.
And no party is bleeding faster than the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Every day, a governor jumps ship.
Every week, a senator waves goodbye.
And every month, a former stakeholder becomes a latter-day critic.

Yet the PDP’s first instinct is to blame the weather.
“They are being bought,” they say. “They are being threatened.”
But when your roof keeps leaking, the question is not about the rain — it’s about your roofing sheet.

Let’s speak plainly: what is wrong with the PDP is the PDP.
It is not Bola Tinubu. It is not the APC.
It is not gale, wind, thunder, or political harmattan.

It is the simple fact that a party once described as the largest in Africa now behaves like a ship without a compass — and worse, without a captain.

Leadership is the first casualty.
The PDP has not had a moral centre since Goodluck Jonathan conceded defeat.
The party has drifted from one court case to another, with chairmen fighting like village kinsmen over a chieftaincy title — each faction more concerned with ownership than direction.

When history offered the PDP a golden moment — a chance to learn from its loss in 2015 and rebuild — it chose instead to pretend nothing happened.
Like a man who wakes up in a burnt house and still searches for the TV remote.

By 2022, as the APC wrestled with fuel queues and Naira redesigns, the PDP had a golden opportunity to present a credible, united front.
Instead, it stumbled into an ethnic war zone of its own making, mishandled zoning, insulted its Southern base, and handed the Labour Party an emotional advantage it never paid for.

And at the centre of this chaos is one man: Alhaji Atiku Abubakar — the perennial contestant, the familiar face on the wrong side of history.
Atiku’s insistence on being the “last man standing” has become a bulldozer that crushes internal consensus.
Rather than groom successors, he declares himself the only saviour left — like a prophet who refuses to leave the pulpit even as the congregation dwindles.

This is not ambition.
It is addiction.

And now, the party groans.
Governors leave — not because the APC is perfect, but because the PDP has lost its flavour.
People do not eat saltless stew twice, no matter how nostalgic they are about the recipe.

What the PDP needs now is not a press statement.
It needs a mirror.
It needs to look at its old mistakes: alienating the South, ignoring youth, mishandling internal democracy, running campaigns like inheritance.

Opposition is not a title.
It is a discipline.
It requires strategy, humility, and reformation — none of which the PDP has shown since 2015.

So let the gale of defection blow.
Let the rats flee.
But when the house collapses completely, let no one blame the storm.
The termites were already inside.

Criticizing reforms without offering alternatives is like breaking a farmer’s hoe and refusing to bring a seed. What are you planting—hope or hunger? Do you want to replant corruption through subsidy? Do you want to water inflation with the poisoned well of a fake exchange rate? If you cannot sow an idea, then stop plucking the harvest of complaints.

For eight years, Nigeria groaned under the weight of economic bandages—subsidies that gulped trillions, a dual exchange rate that turned the Central Bank into a bazaar, bloated recurrent spending, and policies that pretended to feed the poor while fattening the corrupt. Now, reforms are biting, yes—but they are cutting the cancer, not scratching the itch.

The Opposition False Narrators (OFNs) love to play prophets of doom. They are quick to point at the fire, but where is their water? Do they want to fan the flames of subsidy again? Do they want to pour petrol back into the dual-rate bonfire that enriched a few and robbed millions? If you cannot quench the fire, then stop pretending to be a firefighter.

The facts are stubborn. Nigeria has moved from deficits to a balance-of-payments surplus. Revenue has leapt—₦14.27 trillion collected in just half of 2025, a 43% increase. Non-oil revenue is surging, mining is up sixfold, foreign reserves are recovering, and GDP growth hit 4.6%—our best in a decade. These are the shoots of reform. Painful to plant, yes, but plentiful to harvest.

Critics want the harvest without the seedtime. They want the crown without the cross. But the laws of reform are as old as Scripture: “Those who sow in tears will reap with songs of joy” (Psalm 126:5). Nigeria is sowing through subsidy removal, naira unification, and fiscal discipline.
The harvest is not yet in full bloom—but it is coming. And when it comes, history will not remember the noise of the empty barrels. It will remember the courage of those who sowed when the soil was hard.

The Green Shoots Are Here
For the first quarter of 2025, Nigeria recorded a staggering ₦5.17 trillion trade surplus — a 51% leap from the previous quarter’s ₦3.42 trillion. This isn’t just a statistic. It’s a watershed moment that signals real economic healing.

What’s driving it?

Nigeria exported ₦20.6 trillion in goods—led by ₦12.95 trillion in crude oil and ₦7.64 trillion in non-oil exports like cocoa and sesame seeds. Meanwhile, imports dropped by 7% to ₦15.42 trillion, easing pressure on foreign reserves.

Investor confidence is back.
The naira gained 7%. Foreign investments are flowing again. Like a tree that finally bears fruit after years in the sun, Nigeria is drawing global attention once more.

What it means:

Strengthened foreign reserves.

A diversified economy finally taking root.

New opportunities in infrastructure, agriculture, and energy.

This is not a fluke — it’s the result of bold reforms, steady hands, and a clear economic direction.

The days of scraping by are fading. Nigeria is rising — and the world is watching.

Let’s get something straight: I am a Nigerian. I do not hate Iran. I do not hate Islam. In fact, I come from a family where both faiths—Islam and Christianity—are deeply respected and practiced. But what I do detest, and will always speak against, is the deception and destruction wrapped in the garments of clerical authority, as personified by Iran’s ruling regime.

To equate criticism of the Iranian government with hatred for Islam or Iranians is intellectually lazy and morally dishonest. Iran, under its current leadership, does not represent Islam. It represents a political ideology that exports extremism, funds terror networks like Hezbollah, props up war criminals in Syria, arms Houthi rebels, and empowers destabilization across the Middle East. This is not piety. This is weaponized religion used to serve geopolitical ambition.

Nigerians who are critical of Iran are not misguided or “idiotic”—they are awake.
We have seen what religious extremism has done to our own country through Boko Haram. To support a government that champions similar methods abroad is not “resistance,” it’s reckless sympathy.
Islam, at its heart, teaches peace, justice, and submission to the will of God—not the will of political ayatollahs.

To call out the Iranian regime is not to hate Islam; it is to defend it from those who use it as camouflage for cruelty.

So no, I don’t hate Iran. But I do hate oppression, extremism, and the global trail of violence that this regime continues to sponsor. And every Nigerian of conscience should too.

Talkers Stir Emotions, Leaders Solve Problems — The Benue Lesson Peter Obi and the angry mob Missed

In moments of national tragedy, especially one as painful as the recent Benue massacre, the country needs cool heads and steady hands—not microphones seeking applause.

Peter Obi and the angry mob did not miss the chance to speak loudly about the killings in Benue, but they missed the opportunity to show leadership. And that’s the difference between problem talkers and problem solvers—between emotional opportunism and strategic governance.

There is a deep, complex, and painful history in Benue. It’s not just about bandits or terrorism. It’s about tribal identity, religious tensions, land disputes, and years of unresolved grievances between herders and farmers. Anyone who understands the dynamics of the region knows that solutions don’t come in tweets or rushed condolence visits—they come from intelligent, coordinated intervention, quiet diplomacy, local trust-building, and federal alignment.

President Tinubu may not be loud about Benue, but he knows better than to play politics with blood.
His style—whether you agree with it or not—is to let intelligence guide response, not media headlines. That’s what problem solvers do: they diagnose before they prescribe.

Peter Obi, and the angry mob on the other hand, rushes to every microphone after every tragedy, not to propose structural solutions, but to restate the obvious and posture for empathy.

Leadership is not emotional theater; it is actionable strategy.
Benue doesn’t need political tourists. It needs sustained federal-local synergy, security reforms, land-use mediation, and community-based peace building.

If Peter Obi and the angry mob wants to be taken seriously, they must learn to move from commentary to capacity.

Talking About Peter Obi Isn’t Fear—it’s The Forensic Audit Of A Failed Illusion

Talking About Peter Obi Isn’t Fear—It’s the Forensic Audit of a Failed Illusion
Peter Obi’s supporters love to say, “If he’s not a threat, why do you keep talking about him?” But let’s set the record straight: this isn’t fear—it’s a necessary post-mortem.
In 2023, Nigerians were desperate. Youths were angry, tired, and fed up with the system. And into that vacuum stepped Peter Obi, wrapped in borrowed robes of humility and competence. He was packaged like a miracle drug. But what we got was a placebo—a shiny label with no substance.
Now, the dust has settled. The youth are wiser. The emotion has cooled. And those of us asking questions are not afraid—we are holding the receipts.
You can't sell a product that failed in 2023 and expect no feedback. In fact, the scrutiny is just beginning. As 2027 approaches, every word, every move, and every policy dodge will be dissected.
And yes, Obi will be discussed—because he asked to lead a nation of over 200 million people. That comes with eternal inspection.
If Obedient want silence, here’s a simple strategy: find a candidate with substance, not just sentiment. Stop recycling a man who built his 2023 run on vibes, hashtags, and unverifiable claims.
2027 will not be about volume—it will be about value. Not emotion, but execution.
You don’t get to fool the people twice. The illusion is over. The audit has just begun.

Let’s get something straight: I am a Nigerian. I do not hate Iran. I do not hate Islam. In fact, I come from a family where both faiths—Islam and Christianity—are deeply respected and practiced. But what I do detest, and will always speak against, is the deception and destruction wrapped in the garments of clerical authority, as personified by Iran’s ruling regime.

To equate criticism of the Iranian government with hatred for Islam or Iranians is intellectually lazy and morally dishonest. Iran, under its current leadership, does not represent Islam. It represents a political ideology that exports extremism, funds terror networks like Hezbollah, props up war criminals in Syria, arms Houthi rebels, and empowers destabilization across the Middle East. This is not piety. This is weaponized religion used to serve geopolitical ambition.

Nigerians who are critical of Iran are not misguided or “idiotic”—they are awake.
We have seen what religious extremism has done to our own country through Boko Haram. To support a government that champions similar methods abroad is not “resistance,” it’s reckless sympathy.
Islam, at its heart, teaches peace, justice, and submission to the will of God—not the will of political ayatollahs.

To call out the Iranian regime is not to hate Islam; it is to defend it from those who use it as camouflage for cruelty.

So no, I don’t hate Iran. But I do hate oppression, extremism, and the global trail of violence that this regime continues to sponsor. And every Nigerian of conscience should too.