₦airaland Forum

OMG!!!.... God will deliver us from sudden death

jksxxxx:
Internet banking is old school.wre ever u re just login to quickteller.com den register input ur ATM card details Dats all ...u can ask ur bank to enable d service for ur card

Thanks bro

Pls, how can I transfer money from one bank account to another on mobile phone... God bless as you contribute politely..

shachris03:
na just mouth dem dey make sha. If we lose the jobs, you lose your company. you can't threaten us on our own soil.

Seconded

In 2003 when he broke ranks with his fellow
Southwest governors and declined to form an
ethnically motivated political and electoral alliance
with former president Olusegun Obasanjo, few people
knew what really motivated Bola Ahmed Tinubu,
who was at the time Lagos State governor. When the
alliance blew up in the faces of the Alliance for
Democracy (AD) governors who blundered into it, it
was suggested that Asiwaju Tinubu was prescient. It
was obvious he could not trust Chief Obasanjo whom
he considered adept at ambushing friends and
enemies alike and skillful in seeking advantage over
them, often unscrupulously. But there was a second,
perhaps more potent, reason for balking at the deal
with the former president. Asiwaju Tinubu was
naturally uninterested in any alliance not anchored
on ideas. Allying with Chief Obasanjo simply
because he was Yoruba, especially one who neither
approximated nor projected Yoruba worldview and
values, was to him ignoble.
In retrospect, Asiwaju Tinubu served notice early in
the day what kind of politics he wished to play, and
what kind of person he liked to be thought of. His
ideas might not possess Aristotelian streaks, but he
was passionate about them, and he took inordinate
risk imbuing them with life. He was not afraid to walk
alone, nor be pilloried fairly or maliciously, and he
seemed to take pleasure in risking everything he had
for the sake of causes, and if it came to that, persons,
he believed in. But he took care to outlive the enemy
rather than hug reckless martyrdom. He of course
recognised he was not always right, but he seemed at
peace with himself even when he was wrong.
Sometimes brusque, sometimes combative, a little
obtruding and consciously ruthless, he was in equal
measure humane, farsighted, sacrificial and
thoughtful. He in fact seemed to have built his
political career on a curious amalgam of virtues and
vices that made him one of the most loathed and
loved, but more accurately paradoxically indefinable,
person in politics today.
Twelve years after he defined his place as a huge risk
taker in politics, and after more than a decade of
plotting and scheming, envisioning and
practicalising, Asiwaju Tinubu has worked himself
into a central position as an ideologue, kingmaker
and democrat to whom, more than anyone, the
country owes both the deepening of its democracy
and the dramatic electoral overthrow of the Goodluck
Jonathan government. He could have shortsightedly
entered into the unwholesome and opportunistic
electoral arrangement with Chief Obasanjo in 2003,
and settled any discussion as to what kind of man he
was. And in 2007, he could also have accepted the
government of national unity offered by his close
friend and former Katsina State governor, the late
Umaru Yar’Adua. But on both occasions, his
instinctive understanding of the value of opposition
politics, his unstated belief in the superiority of his
ideas, and his charismatic independence, even
aloofness bordering on isolation, compelled him into
a different political trajectory.
That trajectory has taken him through a roller coaster
of emotions, plucked him from the politics of one
state — Lagos — and hopped, stepped and jumped
him via regional politics of the Southwest, and
landed him smack in the coveted middle of national
politics, as tactician, strategist and kingmaker. Now,
even his enemies, of whom there are hundreds, will
respect him though they continue to loath him.
Asiwaju Tinubu’s success and prominence in politics
must, however, be properly contextualised. In the
2015 polls, he was simply well positioned. Dr
Jonathan had worked up the electorate into a fever
over his poor handling of national affairs, including
unemployment, Chibok schoolgirls abductions,
declining economy, corruption and many
debilitating and vexatious policies. A change had
become desirable by as early as 2013. Gen Buhari,
the APC candidate had also recognised the
limitations of his politics of exclusion and non-
compromise, and had risen astronomically in the
stock of the electorate to achieve cult following. And
the world itself, especially the great powers and
superpowers, had become quite fed up with the
mediocrity in Nigeria. The conditions were ripe for
change, and it required someone of uncommon
perception, vision and courage to midwife it.
Nigeria was fortunate that the ripe conditions were
met by one man (or what a great wit poignantly and
cryptically describes as ‘cometh the hour, cometh the
man’), Asiwaju Tinubu, who showed fierce
determination and character in 2003, reinforced that
character and self-belief in 2007, expanded his
horizon from thence onward, and in 2011 began to
envision the kind of alliances and friendship across
ethnic groups, regions and religions that were
necessary to change the old order. While still
confined to his Lagos State as a lone survivor of the
Obasanjo Tsunami, and whereas the All Nigeria
Peoples Party (ANPP) controlled more states than his
Action Congress (AC), he began to act and speak as
the national opposition, unafraid he could be crushed
by a dominant Abuja and a domineering and
unsparing President Obasnjo.
Not only did he succour former Plateau State
governor, Joshua Chbbi Dariye, who was unlawfully
impeached and hunted by both President Obasanjo
and a colluding PDP in 2006, he also lent a helping
hand to former Oyo State governor, Rashidi Ladoja,
who had also come under President Obasanjo’s
impeachment axe in the same year. To underscore the
fact that his political convictions were not a fluke, he
was to later extend the same assistance to the
impeached Governor of Adamawa State, Murtala
Nyako. An incurable believer in presidentialism and
its undergirding principle of federalism, Asiwaju
Tinubu gladly reached out as a champion of the
constitutional doctrine of the separation of powers to
anyone oppressed. It was no surprise that he took
active interest in the electoral processes of Southwest
states, including the South-South state of Edo; nor
was it also surprising that many ambitious politicians
saw him as a reliable friend and bulwark in the fight
for electoral probity. He fought to reclaim Ekiti,
Osun, Ondo and Edo States; and by the next round of
polls in 2011, he offered more than an arm and a leg
to claim Ogun and Oyo States.
Between 1999 and 2011, it was clear to every
observer that the presidency meddled in the affairs of
the National Assembly, thereby robbing Nigeria of
one of the main legs for the sustenance of democracy.
In particular, Chief Obasanjo meddled actively in the
legislature, enthroning and dethroning at will. Even
out of power, in 2011, he still attempted to enthrone
Hon Mulikat Adeola-Akande as the Speaker. By that
time, however, Asiwaju Tinubu’s Action Congress of
Nigeria (ACN) had come of age. Brushing aside the
sentiment of zoning and ethnicity, and recognising
that his party held the ace in the Southwest, and also
aware that he needed to stamp his authority on the
democratic process, he forged an alliance with other
independent forces within and outside the House of
Representatives to elect a Speaker of their choice,
Aminu Tambuwal.
It took enormous courage to embrace a prescient
choice that at face value seemed to disadvantage the
Southwest to which the PDP had zoned the position.
But needs must when the devil drives, and Asiwaju
Tinubu shut his eyes, steadied his nerves and bit the
bullet. The recriminations that followed were
fearsome and unrelenting for more than four years. He
was blamed for every problem in the region, and in
particular for Dr Jonathan’s deliberate and
orchestrated marginalisation of the Yoruba. The grey
hairs and hot blood of the Afenifere and Oodua
Peoples Congress (OPC) respectively assailed him,
and propped up the Teflon Olusegun Mimiko of
Ondo State as the new rallying point for the Yoruba.
They are now all silent, their last hoary gasp made
when Oba Rilwan Akiolu of Lagos took the Igbo in
Lagos to task.
It is not clear at what point Asiwaju Tinubu began to
entertain the thought of winning the centre,
especially because he had unsuccessfully tried to
forge a winning alliance both in 2007 and 2011 for
that purpose. But after seeing the political spinoff
from his fortuitous backing of Hon Tambuwal for the
position of Speaker, and considering the doors it
opened to the North, and the fact that many
permutations suddenly became appealingly possible,
a fresh and more vigorous attempt to form an alliance
looked realistic. The Yoruba organisation, Afenifere,
bitterly opposed the ACN, denounced Asiwaju
Tinubu, and blamed him for all the region’s woes.
Undeterred, however, a new broad-based alliance,
which took advantage of the estrangement of some
five or seven PDP governors, was formed a year after
in 2012. But notwithstanding the flourish and
excitement with which the new party called APC
presented its roadmap and manifesto, few knew that
barely two years later, they could sweep so
dramatically and grandly into power.
If Asiwaju Tinubu dreamt of winning the presidency
for the APC, he did not speak it confidently. There
were the structure and organisation of the gangling
and unsteady party to contend with, as many old
party hands resisted new ones. There were also
contentious primaries to overcome, not to talk of the
more volatile election of a presidential candidate.
Indeed, every prognostication was unfavourable, with
many analysts, including former Aviation minister
Ebenezer Babatope, swearing that sooner or later the
new party would implode. Surprisingly, perhaps also
to the party’s leaders, the party held together. It also
became clear that the driving force was Asiwaju
Tinubu, who worked tirelessly and imaginatively to
keep the new alliance going. Even if he could not get
the ultimate prize of the presidency for the APC, he
thought, the party could at least rise to become a
strong and powerful opposition with expanded reach.
A number of Southwest groups, including Afenifere,
accused him of helping the North to enslave the
Yoruba, but he forged on nonetheless.
Any astute politician who studied the statistics of the
2011 polls would know it is sentimental nonsense to
speak of enslavement. Dr Jonathan himself had to
forge an alliance between at least four geopolitical
zones to win in 2011. No northern or south-western
politician could win the presidency without a strong
alliance. A smart politician would appreciate that Dr
Jonathan’s policies had alienated the North. It was,
therefore, ready for an alliance. The Southwest,
notwithstanding the outlandish conclusions of the
Afenifere, was also frustrated and alienated, and was
ready for a deal. If no other zone embraced the
change mantra, four zones already implicitly did.
Having secured the friendship of the North, instead of
hating and preaching to them like the Afenifere did,
Asiwaju Tinubu managed to finally cobble together a
winning alliance and formula which even the
controversy over the presidential running mate could
not scupper.
Two final factors seal the reputation of Asiwaju
Tinubu. Not only was he ready to work with difficult
politicians like Chief Obasanjo, whose crippling
conservatism and meddlesomeness many Nigerians
resented, since 1999 he had imbibed the Obafemi
Awolowo and Ahmadu Bello culture of leadership
recruitment, building young men and women whom
he unleashed on the country as future leaders, while
also reconciling with his powerful detractors to the
point of even describing Chief Obasanjo
incredulously as the navigator. Those future leaders
sometimes disagreed with him, and even took
advantage of his liberal spirit and forbearance, but he
seemed to have an uncanny appreciation of their
limitations and thus readily accommodated or
overlooked their foibles.
He may not be president-elect or vice president-elect,
but the role he played in deepening democracy,
sustaining and nurturing the culture of opposition,
and strategising the defeat of the PDP, have all raised
his profile sky-high. Like the APC, his main
challenge will be how to manage both his success
and new profile. Two years after its formation, the
APC won the presidency even before it had time to
solidify its structure and reinforce its raison d’etre. It
is, after all, clear that the party has many tendencies,
and its core values may seem even tenuous and
fragile, especially seeing how a mixed multitude had
flocked into its membership in the past months.
Asiwaju Tinubu himself, the man with the
onomatopoeic Borgu (kwara State) traditional title of
Jagaban, is not the most patient of men when it comes
to running with a vision; but while he is doubtless a
progressive, he appears more pragmatic than
philosophical, more practical than an ideologue.
The APC is a young party, undoubtedly precocious.
But it is also brash and to some extent inexperienced.
It needs time to establish itself and concretise its
philosophy and traditions. Asiwaju Tinubu is tarred
with the same brush. Though he sometimes sounds
eclectic, his ideas are nonetheless still in formation.
But much more challenging to him is that not being
president or vice president, and being consumed by a
gripping vision for the seemingly impossible, he
must now watch how his party and other elected
officials would run with the vision. He will assume
that everyone has cottoned on to the vision; but
more, he will squirm and writhe in anxiety from a
point (which point?) in the scheme of things that
posterity will place him. For someone so enormously
endowed, but one also abounding in his own
idiosyncratic shortcomings, his greatest battles may
be ahead of him: not battles of strategising and
winning elections; but battles of sustaining the lofty
height he has climbed as a person and politician, and
turning the APC into a more cohesive, disciplined
and philosophical organisation, one capable of both
midwifing the change the country yearned for when it
voted Gen Buhari and developing Nigeria into a
developmental tiger far surpassing those of Asia.


247nigerianewsupdate.co/apc-and-the-tinubu-phenomenon/

Seven hundred people are feared dead after a fishing
boat packed with migrants trying to reach Europe capsized
off Libya, the UNHCR said Sunday.
Spokeswoman Carlotta Sami told the Skytg24 news
channel that only 28 people had survived the shipwreck.
The survivors indicated there had been more than 700 on
board, she said.

Its not as if baba forced president Goodluck to knee down, the president only felt its necessary to knee so he did while David cameron does not see any big deal in kneeling down so he did not... Kilo wa fa ejo

Destiny4fame:
.....woooow..I agree wit U...

Seconded

Seriously thinking how will I pay this loan ooo, I don't want to be a corrupt leader but I must I pay this loan.... How I go take do am now

garlicrey:
pls add me to the group

Your number?

Text JOIN to 141
Dial *123*133# to check your mb

How does that affect PMS price

Kennethco:
kul.....drop ur whatsapp number

07065326736

Originalsly:
No problem with all these quotes about giving and one believing in them. My problem is how can you preach and practice this half of tithing and totally ignore the other half which is about how it should be used?

Do u need to care about the usuage?? It depends on the church anyways.. We know how we do things in anglican

EroticAngelina:
weird.. are u using any cream that has onions or what?

Oya mi lenu ooo

Kennethco:
anybody going for medicine and surgery here?

Yea

Lol

Wanna seek the opinion of my fellow nairalanders. My bro just secured a well paid job for his wife but she insists on being a full house wife.. What do u think my bro can do?

ChildofChukwu:

[quote author=englishmart post=31334136][b]tell him the truth, he won't do anything....
Seconded

confirm wahala.....

Proverbs 3:9 - Honour the LORD with thy
substance, and with the firstfruits of all thine
increase:

Pls, when are we gonna start waec 2014