₦airaland Forum

They are even scooping groundnut oil .. and this is a place they have the country leaders coming from


I laugh

Look at them scooping fuel people that their brothers are presidents and finance leaders


Elections have consequences

Hausa chased the ch>news out that shows people that are business oriented

Yes! People with mercantile culture do not fight each other. The Hausa and Kanuris of the far North as well as the Igbo people, have similar values in that respect. Yes we may not have the same religion but we trade together. The other group, who I have learnt is happy that the Chinese would take over the "unfair advantage" of Igbos (instead of working hard) do not have it. Yes their women work harder than their men. Maybe it is their failures in business, that they take that frustration against Igbos. They even accuse Igbos of "buying up their lands" and "displaying arrogance"

Anyways, from this responses, is clear that a Northerner would have none of their shenanigans against Igbos. If you feel Igbos are "cheating you", what stops you from creating your own ecosystem as the Igbos? Why this bitterness to the extent of allying with the Chinese against your supposedly compatriots? That is how bad it is. These days, what they do is to make list of some companies and claim that the Igbos are not at all into business. All what the Igbo know how to do is "trading" They are also not educated (according to them). Well Igbos had long overtaken them in education and an average uneducated Igbo is more quick-witted and intelligent than those they parade as educated among them. How do you convince me, that an educated person would support failure because of tribal loyalty? They even brought tribalsm to the Church. Oh I just remember, that is the area, they dominate, churches and Igbos are often their target because they know we are over 96% Christians.

I have a colleague from South Sudan and he told me that there are lots of Nigerians in their country. Many of them are traders and some these days are opening churches. I instantly assumed the parts of Nigeria, the traders and church owners would come from. You wont see Igbos complain bitterly of how billions of their hard earned monies are given out to their churches as tithes or contributions as these bitter souls complain of Igbos "cheating them" They have become really desperate and yes dangerous these days. It is also suspected that these fires - never ending fires on Igbo owned shops in their own parts of Nigeria could well be arson. But the weird thing is that after those fires(yes could be arson), igbos still manage to bring back their businesses. Not all though. A reason, Igbos tend to survive in spite of all these is the Igbo sense of communal support which they lack. You may think they just target Igbos - hell no! They still go after themselves and could even pull the other down over similar reasons. Igbos do have people like that, but it is considerably less.

So let them support Chinese businesses and hope to punish Igbos because they cannot compete; they failed woefully to develop their own supply chain system etc. They are fine to dominate churches and rip many Igbos off even though no less than a third of them are Muslims. Igbos, Hausas, Kanuris, Chinese, Akans, Gujaratis, Bamilekes etc are people with cultures that encourage the development of capital. These people (some of them though) on the other had deceive themselves that they are even better than Igbos in business just as they deceive themselves that Igbos are uneducated/less sophisticated. I even saw a list of some companies, and the creator, likely from that part of Nigeria, listed some companies and concluded that Igbos are just traders and nose makers. I saw the list and the first thing I notice is a deliberate designation - Delta/Edo-- I instantly knew such a person was up some mischief, though it no longer surprises me. He/She did that because it would be too much to add people from my axis of Igbo land, who have done quite well in business (corporate wise) in the list of Igbos. That would be too much for them. Hence they made that distinction. Did you also notice that this version of "divide and rule" now pervades their political thoughts and calculations? How would they propose regions with the aim of keeping Igbos divided while in their own areas, they are kept together and even Akoko Edo people- who are not Yorubas - yes they are not Yorubas are lumped to their proposed region? The weird proposal by these people does not end here. They even asked that Ohaji/Egbema be lumped to a "Southern region", the same politics of cutting Igbo land to size. This is no longer 1967 to 1970, when they did their worst or in 1976, when Justice Mamman Nasir, divided Ndoki people into the old Imo and Rivers states with some of them eventually lumped to what became Akwa Ibom.

So the attacks on Igbo interests isn't just over the alleged Igbo cheating. Or even Igbos allegedly committing crimes or whatever. It is far broader than that and it dates to 1951. Many Igbos have now realized how hateful and bitter these people are. A people that would even transfer their dislike to their people born of Igbo mothers. Not all though, but we are currently seeing some trends. Nothing even surprises me. Anyway, there is still some hope that Nigeria would survive. They miscalculated and assumed that the Northerners just join them in this project of hate of theirs. The only problem Igbos have with the Northern people is religion. Apart from that, we get along. And this is exactly the point the Northerner was hammering on. This is not a fringe opinion. Most Northerners appreciate Igbos when in comes to business and that relationship have added value to their own communities. I just wonder if these other people would learn. But I doubt. It is culturally rooted and they have a very strong culture


Osita Mordi


https://www.facebook.com/share/p/19YCawvxBd/

This is post by Facebook and that is why the screenshot are there ...

showboy2301:
Are you on your monthly cycle? Because you guys have started behaving like desperate house wives now.

There is a lesson Yoruba businesspeople can learn from the strong sense of commercial solidarity often seen among Hausa traders and business communities in Northern Nigeria: protecting local enterprise and supporting one another can strengthen an entire economy.

As Muhammad Ali Musa rightly asked, if Igbo traders are allegedly selling at higher prices, why can't other entrepreneurs travel to China, import goods and sell cheaper? That is competition!

Igbo entrepreneurs invest across Nigeria, establish businesses, employ people and build properties. Rather than seeing them as threats, Lagos should recognise the economic value they bring.

If Hausa and Northern business communities can demonstrate solidarity in protecting their commercial interests, Yoruba entrepreneurs should also embrace productive competition, strategic cooperation and business development.

You don't defeat a competitor by destroying his business because of his ethnicity. You defeat him by offering better prices, better products and better service.

The goal should be to build businesses, not destroy them out of envy. Nigeria prospers when every ethnic group has the freedom to succeed.

#FairCompetition #ProtectLocalBusinesses #OneNigeria

There was a time when military power appeared to determine everything. A powerful nation could mobilise its superior army, navy and air force, defeat a weaker opponent and dictate the terms of the peace.

That era is increasingly becoming history.

History provides several examples.

Britain once possessed an enormous global empire and one of the world's most powerful militaries. Yet Britain eventually faced difficult and costly wars against determined nationalist and insurgent movements. From the Boer War to the Malayan Emergency and the post-war conflicts surrounding decolonisation, military superiority did not automatically translate into uncomplicated political victory.

France experienced something similar in Algeria. France possessed a sophisticated military and had enormous resources at its disposal, yet the Algerian War became a prolonged political and military struggle that ultimately ended with Algerian independence in 1962.

France also suffered a major strategic setback during the Suez Crisis of 1956, when Britain, France and Israel invaded Egypt but withdrew under intense international pressure. Superior military capability could not overcome the wider diplomatic and geopolitical realities.

China provides another interesting example.

China fought Vietnam in 1979 with a much larger military, but the conflict did not produce the kind of overwhelming, permanent victory that traditional military calculations might have suggested. China withdrew after weeks of fighting, while Vietnam remained in control of its territory.

Then came the modern era.

The United States went into Afghanistan with overwhelming technological and military superiority. Yet after almost two decades, America withdrew in 2021 and the Taliban returned to power.

In Iraq, the United States rapidly destroyed Saddam Hussein's conventional military forces in 2003. But the initial battlefield victory was followed by years of insurgency and instability.

Russia's war in Ukraine has provided another powerful lesson. Russia entered the conflict with a much larger military and significant resources, yet Ukraine has continued to resist and the conflict has become a prolonged war rather than the quick campaign many initially expected.

The lesson from all these conflicts is important:

Winning battles is not necessarily the same as winning wars. And winning a war militarily is not necessarily the same as achieving the political objective that started the war.

Modern warfare has changed.

Drones, precision missiles, cyber operations, intelligence networks, economic warfare, social media and satellite technology have transformed the battlefield. A relatively small force can impose significant costs on a much larger military.

Guerrilla warfare has also changed the equation. A weaker opponent does not necessarily need to defeat a superpower in a conventional battle. Sometimes its objective is simply to survive, continue fighting and make the cost of victory unacceptable.

This is why Afghanistan, Algeria, Vietnam, Iraq, Ukraine and numerous other conflicts matter.

The world has entered an era in which military superiority remains extremely important, but converting that superiority into a decisive and lasting political outcome is becoming increasingly difficult.

The United States, Russia, China, Britain and France remain major military powers. Their armies, navies, air forces and nuclear capabilities are formidable.

But modern warfare has demonstrated something that previous generations sometimes underestimated:

A powerful military can destroy an army. It is much harder to destroy an idea, an insurgency, a national identity or the political will of a population.

The age of easy victories by great powers is therefore largely behind us.

In the 21st century, winning the battle may be easier than winning the war—and winning the war may still be easier than securing a lasting peace.

Technology is everywhere today, but getting the right technology can sometimes be a headache.

You may need a laptop but don't know which specification is right for you. A company may need computers for its staff, software for its operations, cybersecurity protection or a complete IT setup. A school may need dozens of systems for a computer laboratory or CBT centre.

This is where the idea of a Tech Concierge Service comes in.

Think of it like having a technology partner you can call and say, “This is what I need. Help me find the right solution.”

That is the space MENXTT Technology NG is gradually occupying.

According to Mr. Nwosu, Co-Founder of MENXTT Technology NG, the company's philosophy is not simply about selling technology.

«“We don't just want to sell you a laptop and disappear. We want to understand what you need the technology for, your budget and what you expect the device or solution to do. Then we help you make the right choice.”»

That, in simple terms, is what a Tech Concierge does.

At MENXTT, the customer can come with a need rather than a specific product. The team can help identify the appropriate laptop, desktop, smartphone, tablet, software or IT solution, source it, configure it where necessary and provide support after the purchase.

For individuals, that could mean helping a student choose an affordable but capable laptop, helping a professional find a powerful machine for work or helping someone replace an old device.

For businesses, it could involve supplying laptops and other equipment for staff, setting up software, providing cybersecurity solutions, upgrading systems, handling repairs and helping with ongoing technical support.

For schools and institutions, MENXTT can assist with computers, CBT centres, IT laboratories, software and other technology requirements.

Nwosu says the company's goal is to make technology less complicated for customers.

«“Technology can be confusing because there are so many products and specifications out there. Our job is to listen first. We want to understand the problem you are trying to solve and then recommend the technology that makes sense for you.”»

This approach is particularly useful in a market where buying the cheapest product does not necessarily mean getting the best value.

A good technology partner should consider reliability, performance, warranty, suitability, future needs and after-sales support—not just the price.

That is where MENXTT wants to make a difference.

From laptop and smartphone procurement to software, cybersecurity, repairs, upgrades, IT support and business technology solutions, MENXTT is positioning itself as a technology partner that customers can rely on before, during and after the purchase.

In other words, MENXTT wants customers to stop worrying about “What exactly should I buy?” and start having a conversation about “What problem are we trying to solve?”



«“Our job is to simplify technology. Whether you are buying one laptop for yourself, equipping a school, setting up an office or looking for technology solutions for your business, we want to be the people you can call and say, ‘This is what I need. Help me sort it out.’”»

That is the idea behind MENXTT Technology NG as a Tech Concierge — technology advice, sourcing, solutions and support, all from one trusted partner.

MENXTT TECHNOLOGY NG

Phone/WhatsApp: 0814 090 2614
Email: info@menxtt.com.ng

Nationwide delivery available.

Yoruba can't claim anywhere they can't claim Badagry or Tapa in Lagos or even Egun side

madridguy:
Are you Yoruba? Only Yorubas can claim anywhere in their land.

A new look at child nutrition data from the 2024 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) presents an interesting picture of where children under five are experiencing better growth outcomes across Nigeria.

The states with the lowest rates of stunted growth are concentrated largely in the South-East and South-South, suggesting that children in these regions are generally recording better growth outcomes than many of their counterparts elsewhere in the country.

At the top of the list is Rivers State, with a stunting rate of just 12 per cent, followed by Anambra at 13 per cent. Edo records 14 per cent, Enugu 15 per cent, while the Federal Capital Territory has 16 per cent.

Imo records 17 per cent, while Abia comes in at 20 per cent. This is particularly significant because four South-East states — Anambra, Enugu, Imo and Abia — appear among the 12 states with the lowest reported stunting rates.

Nigeria's states with the least stunted growth among children under five

1. 🟤 Rivers — 12%
2. 🟢 Anambra — 13%
3. 🟤 Edo — 14%
4. 🟢 Enugu — 15%
5. 🟠 FCT — 16%
6. 🟢 Imo — 17%
7. 🟣 Lagos — 17%
8. 🟣 Ekiti — 17%
9. 🟣 Ogun — 18%
10. 🟢 Abia — 20%
11. 🟤 Delta — 20%
12. 🟤 Cross River — 21%

🟠 North Central | 🟣 South West | 🟢 South East | 🟤 South South

The regional pattern is difficult to ignore. Four of the five South-East states represented in the data — Anambra, Enugu, Imo and Abia — are among the states with the lowest stunting rates nationally.

When this is combined with the strong performance of Rivers, Edo, Delta and Cross River in the South-South, particularly the Niger Delta, the broader Southern picture becomes even more notable.

It is therefore reasonable to say that South-Eastern and Niger Delta states are among the parts of Nigeria recording the strongest child-growth outcomes, based on the reported stunting figures.

However, it is important to be precise. A low stunting rate does not automatically mean that children in a state are literally "the best fed" in Nigeria. Stunting measures chronic growth failure and is influenced by nutrition, healthcare, sanitation, maternal health, household conditions and other factors.

Nevertheless, the numbers provide a strong basis for asking why children in these states appear to be doing better.

For the South-East, the performance of Anambra, Enugu, Imo and Abia deserves particular attention. Policymakers across the region should see the figures not merely as something to celebrate, but as an opportunity to identify the social, economic, cultural, healthcare and food-related factors helping children achieve healthier growth.

The same applies to the Niger Delta, where Rivers leads the entire country on this list at 12 per cent, with Delta and Cross River also performing relatively well.

The lesson for Nigeria is simple: where children have consistent access to adequate and nutritious food, quality maternal and child healthcare, clean water, sanitation and supportive living conditions, their chances of healthy growth improve.

The next step should be to understand what these better-performing states are doing right — and how those lessons can be replicated in parts of Nigeria where childhood stunting remains a much bigger challenge.

Source: 2024 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), figures as presented by StatiSense.

The Osun State police command has arrested two ritualists, from the arrest, some female body parts were found with them. The Osun state police spokesman said: at about 9:30pm.. a distress call was made by A hotel management where they had lodged. The management said a girl screamed twice and after that, no noise was heard again from the room. According to them the scream was like a girl calling for help.

According to the management when the guys were about going, they were asked to be escorted back to the room to see if everything was fine and why the girl they came with wasn't leaving with them.

The ritualist said everything was fine and the girl was resting in the room, that she was going to be out.But the hotel management insisted, even though they tried to escape , the hotel management were smart enough to had locked the premises and pinned them down. That was when they were able to gain access in the room and saw a pool of blood with some body parts removed from the lifeless female body which they tried escaping with in a bag, the spokesman said.

That was when the distress call was made and the police force took emergency response, and they were arrested.

During some further investigation by the police, it was found that the names of the apprehended criminals are Ayodeji Saheed and Tunde Obadimeji who both confessed saying its not the first time they are committing such and that they have killed more than 70 girls. They specialized in getting female parts and one Abefe Sadiq pays them for each parts. #600:000:00 Six hundred thousand naira. for one girl killed for him ?

They were asked further how they get these girls

"getting the girls was so easy" "we lure them with money and fancy things"

They went further saying that "girls of this days are easily lured with those things" All they need to do is to get or rent a fancy car with cash they would spend on the girls, and that is all


https://x.com/i/status/2080607745418416574

Why disturb us...Hausa and Fulani are one...bound by their islam ....

It's Igbo kid ...

Meet Cynthia Onwuchuruba.

Meet Cynthia Onwuchuruba.

She teaches Mathematics to dropout children in Igbo and Pidgin English, ensuring that every child gets an education regardless of their background. She's a First Class Mathematics graduate of UNIZIK.

Let's retweet to celebrate her! ❤️

But BAT claimed Lagos ....so if he can, then anyone can

madridguy:
Chukwuebuka or Amarachi belongs to the East, If you like spend 1000 years in Lagos, you don't belong to Lagos.

I am from Iragbiji, Osun state and I will never claim Lagos State or any other state except Osun state.

Educare Earns Prestigious International Recognition from the International STEM Olympiad, Rome

Educare has been honoured with a special recognition award from the International STEM Olympiad in Rome, a significant milestone that underscores its growing impact on education and innovation.

The recognition celebrates Educare's commitment to leveraging technology to transform learning while empowering young learners to excel on the global stage. Through its continued investment in cutting-edge educational solutions, Educare is equipping children with the knowledge, skills, and confidence needed to compete and succeed internationally.

Speaking on the achievement, the organisation reaffirmed its commitment to advancing educational technology and creating opportunities for more children to showcase their talents in global competitions.

As Educare continues its mission, it remains focused on building world-class technology that powers education and inspires the next generation of innovators, problem-solvers, and global achievers.

The Jos North Judgment Is a Win for Inclusion — Lagos and the Rest of Nigeria Should Take Note

A recent judgment by a Plateau State High Court may have done more than resolve a dispute over an indigene certificate; it may have opened an important conversation about what it truly means to belong in Nigeria.

The court ruled that Fatima Baba Akawu, a Hausa woman born and raised in Jos North Local Government Area, is entitled to be recognised as an indigene of the area and issued an indigene certificate. The case arose after the local government reportedly declined her application because of her ethnic background. In delivering judgment, Justice C. Donglong granted all the reliefs sought by Fatima and her father, Baba Alhaji Akawu.

Beyond the legal victory for one family, the decision speaks to a larger issue that affects millions of Nigerians: should a person's sense of belonging be determined solely by ancestral origin, or should birth, upbringing, and lifelong contribution to a community also matter?

For many Nigerians, the answer seems obvious. If you are born in a place, grow up there, attend school there, pay taxes there, build relationships there, and contribute to its development, that place is home.

This is particularly relevant to Lagos State. Lagos is perhaps Nigeria's most diverse state, home to people from every corner of the country. Generations of Nigerians have been born and raised in Lagos, knowing no other home. Yet many still find themselves classified as "settlers" because their parents or grandparents originated elsewhere.

The principle affirmed by the Jos North judgment offers a path toward a more inclusive future. It suggests that citizenship and belonging should not be viewed only through the lens of ethnicity, but also through the realities of people's lives and their connection to the communities in which they live.

Many countries around the world have embraced this principle. In the United States, a person born in the country is automatically a citizen regardless of the ethnic origin of their parents. The same applies in Canada and several other nations where birth and residence help define belonging and access to opportunities. While Nigeria's constitutional framework and historical realities are different, these examples demonstrate that modern societies are strongest when they foster inclusion rather than exclusion.

Recognising people born and raised in Lagos as indigenes would not diminish the history or cultural heritage of the state's indigenous communities. Rather, it would acknowledge the unique character of Lagos as a state built by generations of Nigerians from different backgrounds working together to create Africa's largest commercial hub.

At a time when the country faces numerous social, economic, and political challenges, fostering a stronger sense of belonging among all citizens can only strengthen national unity. The dream of one Nigeria becomes more meaningful when every Nigerian feels accepted and valued in the place they call home.

The Jos North judgment is therefore more than a court decision. It is a reminder that unity is not built through exclusion but through inclusion, fairness, and equal recognition. As Nigeria continues its journey toward greater cohesion, policymakers, traditional institutions, and citizens alike should reflect on the broader message emerging from this case: that a person's identity should not be limited by where their ancestors came from, but enriched by where they were born, raised, and have chosen to contribute.

If Nigeria is to fulfil the promise of true federalism and national integration, then every child born and raised in a community—from Jos to Lagos, from Kano to Port Harcourt—should have the opportunity to proudly call that place home, not merely in sentiment, but in law and in practice. That is the spirit of one Nigeria.

A new report by Rome Business School Nigeria says weak infrastructure, poor storage systems and rising economic pressure are reshaping how Nigerians eat, spend and survive.

Nigeria’s food sector, valued at over $233 billion, is facing mounting pressure from infrastructure gaps, rising costs and changing consumer behaviour, according to a newly released research report by Rome Business School Nigeria.

The report, titled “The Food Sector in Nigeria: Consumption Patterns, New Business Models, and Emerging Opportunities,” highlights growing concerns over food losses, affordability challenges and inefficiencies across the country’s supply chain despite significant investment opportunities within the sector.

According to the findings, Nigeria loses nearly 50 percent of its perishable food production annually, amounting to approximately 35 million metric tons of food waste each year. The resulting economic losses are estimated at between ₦3.5 trillion and ₦5 trillion annually, largely due to inadequate cold storage facilities and post-harvest inefficiencies.

Researchers warned that the consequences extend beyond economics, affecting household nutrition, food prices and access to basic food supplies for millions of Nigerians.

The report comes as Nigeria’s population continues to grow beyond 230 million people, with projections suggesting the country could reach nearly 400 million consumers by 2050, increasing demand on already strained food systems.

Despite these challenges, the study notes that the sector continues to evolve rapidly. Nigeria’s foodservice industry is projected to expand from $12.37 billion in 2026 to $21.38 billion by 2031, driven by urbanisation, changing lifestyles and the increasing popularity of food delivery platforms and quick-service restaurants.

Digital transformation is also reshaping the industry, with more than 60 percent of informal food vendors now reportedly using mobile payment systems, helping to integrate small businesses into the digital economy.

One of the report’s major findings centres on the rise of sachet-based consumption, which researchers describe as a reflection of worsening affordability pressures. Many households now spend up to 70 percent of their income on food, leading consumers to rely heavily on single-serve packaging for essential products.

Speaking on the findings, Olakunle Asummo, General Manager, Rome Business School Nigeria said Nigeria’s food consumption patterns reflect broader economic realities.

“What is happening in Nigeria’s food system goes beyond consumption trends. It reflects how people adapt to economic pressure while still participating in a rapidly modernising economy. You see premium dining experiences growing on one side, while sachet-based affordability dominates on the other,” he said.

The report also identifies cold chain infrastructure as one of Nigeria’s biggest untapped investment opportunities, estimating the sector could be worth $10 billion. Technologies such as solar-powered storage and smart cooling systems are already showing potential to significantly reduce post-harvest losses.

Commenting on the social implications of food system failures, Sam Igwe Okoh, Head of Academics, Rome Business School, Nigeria said access to food remains closely linked to quality of life.

“Food is not just a commodity; it is a measure of quality of life. When systems fail, ordinary families bear the burden through higher prices, reduced nutrition and limited access,” he noted.

Offering a broader perspective, Antonio Ragusa, the Founder and current Dean of Rome Business School (RBS) said Nigeria’s long-term economic resilience will depend on how effectively critical sectors such as food are strengthened.

“Nigeria possesses enormous potential, but unlocking it requires investment in infrastructure, innovation and human capital capable of transforming challenges into long-term opportunities,” Professor Ragusa stated.

The report further identified unreliable electricity, poor road networks, insecurity in farming regions and fragmented regulation as major barriers affecting growth within the food ecosystem.

Researchers recommended increased investment in cold chain logistics, agri-tech, cloud kitchens, financing systems and stronger public-private partnerships to improve efficiency across the food value chain.

While warning of serious structural challenges, the study concludes that Nigeria’s food economy remains one of Africa’s most promising investment destinations, driven by population growth, urbanisation and increasing digital adoption.

The report ultimately argues that Nigeria’s food sector is not in decline, but in transition with the future likely to depend on how quickly the country addresses infrastructure gaps and improves food accessibility for its growing population.

https://techandbiz.com.ng/2026/05/25/nigeria-losing-up-to-%e2%82%a65-trillion-annually-to-food-waste-as-new-research-warns-of-deepening-crisis/

Founder and President of Coscharis Group, Cosmas Maduka, has revealed plans to spend the next several months in Japan to work closely with an Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM) company reportedly acquired by the group — a move observers say could have long-term implications for Nigeria’s industrial and automotive sectors.

The development has sparked discussions around the strategic importance of OEM ownership and how deeper participation in global manufacturing value chains could strengthen local industry and job creation.

OEMs are companies responsible for producing components or specialised parts used in another company’s finished products. Across the automotive industry, manufacturers depend heavily on OEMs for critical systems and parts ranging from electronics and braking systems to engine components and safety technologies.

Industry analysts note that if effectively integrated, OEM capabilities could position companies to supply components to multiple automobile brands under contractual arrangements, potentially expanding market access beyond domestic operations.

For automotive firms, OEM partnerships often influence production efficiency, maintenance standards, and availability of replacement parts. Consumers also tend to associate OEM components with factory specifications and compatibility standards during repairs and servicing.

Supporters of the move argue that increased involvement in manufacturing and component production could help reduce reliance on imports while encouraging industrial growth within Nigeria.

Commenting on the development, proponents described the initiative as a bold step toward deeper participation in global manufacturing ecosystems and expressed optimism that potential success could create employment opportunities and stimulate economic activity locally.

While details surrounding the OEM acquisition, including operational scope and expected outputs, remain limited, the reported decision by Maduka to spend extended time in Japan has been interpreted as an indication of direct oversight and long-term commitment to the project.

If successful, analysts say the initiative could strengthen Nigeria’s position in automotive value chains and contribute to broader conversations around industrialisation, technology transfer, and local manufacturing capacity.

The development comes as African businesses increasingly seek to move beyond distribution and retail models toward ownership within production and supply chain networks.

ABIA CELEBRATES A LIVING LEGEND: GOVERNOR ALEX OTTI HONOURS OBI OF ONITSHA IN GRAND DISPLAY OF IGBO UNITY AND CULTURAL PRIDE




In a grand display of unity, culture, honour, and leadership, the Governor of Abia State, His Excellency Dr. Alex Otti, OFR, hosted a magnificent royal banquet in celebration of the 85th birthday of one of the greatest traditional rulers in Igbo land, His Royal Majesty, Igwe Alfred Nnaemeka Achebe, CFR, Agbogidi, the revered Obi of Onitsha.

The historic event was more than a birthday celebration; it was a powerful symbol of the enduring bond among Ndi Igbo across state boundaries. From Anambra to Abia, the gathering reflected the shared heritage, brotherhood, and collective pride of the Igbo nation. It was a moment that reminded all present that Igbo unity remains unshaken, deeply rooted in culture, respect for tradition, and the honour of exceptional leadership.

https://etimesafrica./2026/05/16/abia-celebrates-a-living-legend-governor-alex-otti-honours-obi-of-onitsha-in-grand-display-of-igbo-unity-and-cultural-pride/

Igwe Alfred Achebe, the Agbogidi of Onitsha Kingdom, stands as one of the most respected monarchs in Nigeria and Africa. Renowned for his wisdom, humility, intellect, dignity, and unwavering commitment to peace and development, the revered monarch has spent decades promoting good governance, education, cultural preservation, and national unity. His reign has elevated the prestige of the Onitsha Kingdom globally while serving as a shining example of visionary traditional leadership.

Governor Alex Otti’s decision to celebrate the Obi of Onitsha in Abia State speaks volumes about his leadership style , one rooted in inclusiveness, respect for elders and institutions, and a deep appreciation for Igbo heritage. The event showcased Governor Otti as a bridge-builder who understands the importance of strengthening ties among the people of the South-East while promoting the values of honour, excellence, and cultural identity.

The colourful banquet was filled with warmth, royalty, and cultural pride as dignitaries, traditional rulers, leaders, and admirers gathered to pay tribute to a living legend whose life continues to inspire generations.

Indeed, this celebration will remain a remarkable chapter in the story of Igbo solidarity — a proud reminder that the strength of Ndi Igbo lies in unity, mutual respect, and the celebration of excellence wherever it is found.

Happy 85th Birthday to His Royal Majesty, Igwe Alfred Nnaemeka Achebe, CFR, Agbogidi, Obi of Onitsha, Anambra State !

https://etimesafrica./2026/05/16/abia-celebrates-a-living-legend-governor-alex-otti-honours-obi-of-onitsha-in-grand-display-of-igbo-unity-and-cultural-pride/

The reported entourage accompanying Donald Trump on a high-stakes visit to China reads less like a political delegation and more like a boardroom of global economic powerhouses.

From Elon Musk and Tim Cook to Jensen Huang, Larry Fink and executives from Boeing, Goldman Sachs, Visa, Qualcomm, Citigroup, and Mastercard, the message is unmistakable: global diplomacy today is deeply tied to economic strategy, technology dominance, trade expansion, and investment negotiations.

Whether or not every name on the list officially participated, the symbolism itself matters. It reflects how major global powers increasingly approach international diplomacy — not merely as political engagement, but as a direct extension of economic competition, industrial strategy, and technological influence.

Modern superpowers no longer travel alone. They travel with their industries.

The presence of technology giants, semiconductor executives, financial institutions, manufacturing leaders, and defense officials in the same delegation underscores a critical global reality: economic strength has become the new language of geopolitical influence. Nations that dominate artificial intelligence, chips, finance, aerospace, cloud infrastructure, and digital payments increasingly shape the future of global power.

This is where many African nations must begin to confront difficult but necessary truths.

Too often, presidential trips across parts of Africa are criticised for being crowded with political loyalists, ceremonial aides, personal associates, and “hangers-on” who contribute little strategic or economic value to international engagements. Citizens regularly question the outcomes of these expensive trips when there are no major investment deals, technology partnerships, industrial agreements, export opportunities, or infrastructure commitments to show afterward.

The uncomfortable reality is that global diplomacy has changed, but many African political systems still operate with outdated habits.

In today’s world, countries are no longer judged by the size of their delegations, but by the value their delegations bring to the table. When presidents travel with innovators, industrialists, technology founders, energy experts, manufacturers, financiers, and export leaders, they create opportunities for real economic negotiations. When they travel mainly with political jobbers and protocol entourages, the trips often become symbolic exercises with little measurable national impact.

Africa must begin to understand this reality urgently.

The continent cannot continue speaking about industrialization, digital transformation, artificial intelligence, trade expansion, and economic diversification while failing to place serious economic actors at the center of international diplomacy. Every foreign trip should function as a strategic business mission designed to attract capital, secure partnerships, open markets, strengthen technology transfer, and create jobs back home.

The benefits of economically-driven diplomacy are enormous. Strategic delegations can unlock billions in foreign direct investment, improve infrastructure financing, strengthen fintech ecosystems, attract manufacturing opportunities, and accelerate digital economy growth. Countries like China and the United States understand that government and business must often move in alignment to advance national interests globally.

However, there are also risks. Excessive corporate influence in diplomacy can blur the line between public interest and private profit. Governments must ensure that economic partnerships remain transparent, competitive, and beneficial to ordinary citizens rather than a select elite.

Still, the broader lesson remains undeniable.

The world has entered an era where diplomacy is increasingly driven by economics, technology, energy, artificial intelligence, and industrial competitiveness. Nations are competing not only through military strength or political influence, but through innovation ecosystems and strategic economic alliances.

For Africa to compete seriously on the global stage, state visits must evolve beyond protocol and politics. Presidential travel should no longer be treated as ceremonial tourism for political associates, but as a platform for national economic advancement.

The future belongs to countries that understand that power today is not only political — it is technological, financial, industrial, and deeply connected to the quality of the people sitting at the negotiation table.


https://etimesafrica./2026/05/14/presidential-trips-should-be-economic-missions-not-ceremonial-convoys/

🇳🇬 LITERACY RATES BY ETHNIC GROUP IN NIGERIA (MEN VS WOMEN)

Percent distribution of literate men and women (ages 15–49)

Ethnic Group — Men | Women
1 Igbo — 74.2% | 73.1%
2 Edo — 74.2% | 59.5%
3 Yoruba — 70.3% | 56.8%
4 Tiv — 68.4% | 37.4%
5 Ijaw — 63.3% | 47.7%
6 Ibibio — 57.7% | 62.1%
7 Hausa — 42.0% | 22.7%
8 Kanuri — 40.8% | 21.7%
9 Fulani — 26.2% | 13.8%
10 Other Ethnic Groups — 53.7% | 40.1%

Southern ethnic groups (Igbo, Yoruba, Edo) generally record higher literacy rates, particularly among women. In contrast, Northern groups (Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri) show lower overall literacy levels and wider gender gaps.

#Statisense
(MICS 2021)

If you travel across Igbo land, one thing becomes very clear: development is not concentrated in one place. It is spread out—almost evenly—between cities and villages. Places like Onitsha, Aba, and Nnewi are known commercial hubs, but what is even more interesting is how even many villages show signs of modern living that would normally be expected only in urban centers.

In my view, this didn’t happen by accident or through centralized planning. It is largely the result of a deeply rooted culture of enterprise and responsibility. Igbo people tend to see business not just as a way to survive, but as something to grow, pass on, and expand. A young person can start as an apprentice in Aba, build experience, and eventually establish a business that grows into something much bigger. That cycle repeats across generations, and over time it shapes entire cities.

But beyond the cities, there is something even more powerful: the strong emotional and cultural connection to home. Many Igbo people working in places like Lagos or even outside Nigeria do not detach from their roots. Instead, they actively invest back home. It is common to see someone build a modern house in their village even while they are still working in the city. Others contribute to boreholes, schools, churches, or road projects. Over time, these individual efforts accumulate and transform rural communities into surprisingly developed spaces.

To me, this “home investment culture” is one of the most defining features of Igbo development. Town unions, family meetings, and age grades make it even stronger by organizing people into collective action. What one person cannot do alone, many people achieve together. This is why some villages today have tarred roads, electricity extensions, internet access, and buildings that rival those in cities.

I also think this practice serves a deeper purpose beyond physical development. It creates a safety net. No matter where someone ends up in life, there is always a functional home base to return to. This became especially important in historical moments like the aftermath of the Nigerian Civil War, when rebuilding required strong community ties and personal resilience.

More importantly, it preserves identity. When people continuously invest in their villages, they are not just building structures—they are keeping family history, culture, and belonging alive. Without that, development would be incomplete because people would become disconnected from where they come from.

In my opinion, this pattern of development is both a strength and a responsibility. It spreads progress beyond cities, strengthens communities, and keeps culture intact. But it also depends on continued participation. If people stop investing back home, the balance could shift, leading to overcrowded cities and weakening rural areas.

Ultimately, what stands out is this simple idea: for many Igbo people, development is not only about where you live and work, but also about where you come from. Home is not an afterthought—it is part of the system.

AN OPEN LETTER TO MY IGBO BROTHERS AND SISTERS
Written in grief, in solidarity, and in truth
Stockholm, Sweden — April 2026


My Dear Igbo People,

Before I write a single word of politics, I must speak of blood. My father’s eldest sister was Margaret Anyansi — Aunt Maggie. She had five sons. Five young Igbo men who came into this world full of life and left it hollowed out by a war that should never have been fought the way it was. Four of them fought for Biafra. Four of them carried that war home inside them and never recovered. The fifth, the eldest, watched his brothers break apart one by one — and broke with them. Their mother, Aunt Maggie, eventually gave up on living. An entire male line. Gone. And they were my cousins. My blood.

Do not ever — not once — call me anti-Igbo again. I will not accept it. I will not dignify it with patience. The Anyansi name is written into my grief. The Nigeria-Biafra war did not happen to someone else’s family. It happened to mine. The wounds are not abstract to me — they are ancestral, they are personal, and they are permanent.

I lost five cousins to that war. I will not lose a generation of Igbo people to a man who has already robbed them.

I write this letter because I stand with you. Because the southeast of Nigeria has waited long enough. Because your turn is not a favour to be granted — it is a political reality that the rest of Nigeria must confront. And it is a reality that Bola Ahmed Tinubu is actively working to deny you.
Let us speak plainly about what has been done to Nigeria — and to you in particular. Thirteen billion dollars in public contracts and financial arrangements have flowed in the direction of Gilbert Chagoury — a man with a Swiss money laundering conviction on his record, a man identified in U.S. federal reports for alleged ties to Hezbollah financing. This is not rumour. This is documented. This is on the public record. And the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has placed his own son, Seyi Tinubu, on the board of this man’s corporate interests.

Thirteen billion dollars. Let that figure sit with you. Do you know what thirteen billion dollars means for the southeast? For Enugu, for Anambra, for Imo, for Ebonyi, for Abia? That is infrastructure. That is hospitals with functioning equipment. That is power plants that actually generate electricity. That is roads that do not swallow vehicles. That is universities that can pay their lecturers. That is a generation of Igbo children who do not have to leave home to survive.

Instead, what does the administration offer you? What is the response to your suffering — to your fuel queues, your darkened towns, your shuttered businesses, your brilliant children schooling by candlelight? Rice. Cooking oil. City Boy branding. Seyi Tinubu and the City Boy Movement, distributing bags of rice in communities hollowed out by the very policies his father has implemented. The audacity is staggering. The insult is beyond comprehension. It is a slap in the face of every Igbo man and every Igbo woman — and they expect you to clap.
They gave you rice and cooking oil in exchange for thirteen billion dollars to a convicted money launderer. That is what your loyalty has been worth to this administration.

And the sycophants from within our communities — I say this with sorrow, not contempt — who have chosen comfort over conscience, who have traded political access for moral authority: they will answer for it. History is unforgiving to collaborators. The Igbo people are not a people who forget.

Now I speak to the future. A federal court in the United States, under the authority of Judge Beryl Howell, has ordered the release of sealed FBI and DEA files relating to the sitting Nigerian president. These files exist. That order exists. The deadline is June 2026. The world is watching. The truth, buried for decades under layers of legal manoeuvring and political protection, is finally moving toward the light. A man with sealed heroin-related charges — charges now ordered open by a federal judge — cannot be allowed another term in Aso Rock. Not while your communities suffer. Not while your money goes to Lebanese boardrooms.

The political arithmetic of 2027 is not complicated. The southeast is Nigeria’s most educated bloc, its most entrepreneurially productive, its most globally connected diaspora. You have the intellectual capital, the economic energy, and the moral authority. What you have lacked, historically, is unified political will at the presidential level. 2027 is your moment. Do not squander it on a man who has already shown you exactly who he is.
Wake up. Unite. It is your turn. Demand an Igbo president in 2027.

I am Kio Amachree. I am Ijaw. I am from the Niger Delta. My family and yours have not always been on the same side of history — and I say that honestly, because real solidarity does not require the erasure of hard truths. But on this, we are aligned: Nigeria cannot continue under the weight of this corruption. The south must stand together. The minorities and the majority of the southeast must find common cause. And the Igbo people, who have sacrificed more than almost any other group in the making and remaking of this nation, deserve to lead it.
I lost cousins — Anyansi men, Igbo men — to a war fought over the right to determine your own destiny. Let their deaths mean something. Let the broken heart of Aunt Maggie mean something. Let the silence of those five graves mean something. Do not hand your political future to the man who is robbing your present.

The diaspora is watching. The international community is watching. The courts are moving. The documents are coming. And when they arrive, every vote cast in support of this administration will need to be explained.

I ask only this: be worthy of what your people have endured. Vote with your conscience, not with a bag of rice.
In solidarity and in truth,

Kio Amachree

President, Worldview International
Political Commentator & Diaspora Activist
Stockholm, Sweden
This letter may be freely shared, republished, and distributed without alteration.

In a groundbreaking development that promises to reshape the educational and human capital landscape of Nigeria’s South East, Sterling Bank has pledged ₦60 million exclusively for prize money for the 2027 South East Maths Olympiad. Beyond mere awards, this initiative is set to reinforce the region’s legacy of academic brilliance and ignite a new era of STEM participation, skills development, and quality labour.

For decades, the South East has been Nigeria’s intellectual heartbeat, consistently producing highly literate, scientifically inclined minds. From the post-independence scientific pioneers of the 1960s to contemporary innovators, the region has demonstrated a remarkable capacity for problem-solving, analytical thinking, and technological advancement. The 2027 Maths Olympiad builds upon this heritage, providing a structured platform for young learners to develop both academic excellence and life-transforming skills.


https://techandbiz.com.ng/2026/03/17/%e2%82%a660-million-sterling-bank-boost-for-south-east-maths-olympiad-catalyzing-stem-excellence-and-transforming-human-capacity-in-nigeria/

The costliest misreading in war is rarely about weapons.
It is about endurance — the enemy’s tolerance for pain and their capacity to widen the battlefield.

In the current Middle Eastern confrontation, the United States and Israel appear to be confronting the consequences of such a miscalculation. Iran was never assumed to be weak by serious military planners. Its missile program, proxy networks, and asymmetric warfare capabilities have been studied for decades. What seems to have been underestimated, however, was not Iran’s ability to retaliate — but the scale of disruption it could generate after being struck.

The expectation in many Western strategic circles was that any confrontation with Tehran could be limited and contained. Retaliation might occur, but it would remain manageable, localized, and largely confined to traditional military targets.

Instead, the conflict has evolved in ways that expose a far more complex reality.

The strategic assumption that technological superiority could contain escalation is now being tested by a different form of warfare — one designed to spread instability across economic, political, and infrastructure networks rather than just the battlefield.

This is where the miscalculation appears most visible.

Powerful military states tend to evaluate threats through measurable variables: missile range, payload capacity, radar coverage, interception systems, and air-defense networks. These are tangible factors that can be modeled and controlled.

But countries that have spent decades under sanctions and strategic pressure often operate differently. Their response is not simply about military victory. It is about expanding uncertainty across multiple systems simultaneously.

Iran’s response appears to have followed precisely this pattern.

Rather than confining retaliation to conventional battlefield exchanges, the conflict has spilled into a wider regional ecosystem — ports, airspace, shipping corridors, energy infrastructure, and commercial hubs. Drone operations, missile strikes, and proxy actions have widened the theatre of instability, forcing governments across the Gulf to confront vulnerabilities that were previously underestimated.

Reports circulating in security circles suggest that even sophisticated detection systems have been tested. The destruction of advanced radar infrastructure in Bahrain has raised alarm about the resilience of Western-built surveillance networks in the region.

For Gulf states that depend heavily on American security guarantees, these developments have created a sense of unease. Many governments in the region had long assumed that the United States’ military presence would serve as an unbreakable shield against escalation. The widening scope of attacks has instead raised difficult questions about whether that shield is as absolute as once believed.

But the unfolding dynamics go beyond Iran alone.

Behind the scenes, another geopolitical layer appears to be influencing the conflict — the quiet involvement of major global powers with their own strategic grievances against Washington.

Russia, still locked in confrontation with the West following the war in Ukraine, has strong incentives to see American influence stretched across multiple fronts. Analysts believe Moscow may be providing Tehran with indirect support, including intelligence inputs, satellite-based battlefield awareness, and technological assistance that enhances Iran’s ability to navigate modern surveillance systems.

For Russia, the Middle East confrontation offers an opportunity to impose strategic pressure on the United States without engaging in direct conflict. After years of sanctions, military aid flowing to Kyiv, and Western political pressure over Ukraine, Moscow now finds itself in a position to quietly return the favor.

In geopolitical terms, it is a form of strategic payback.

China’s role is more cautious but still significant. Beijing maintains deep economic ties with Iran and has increasingly positioned itself as a diplomatic and technological partner for countries seeking alternatives to Western influence. While China avoids overt military involvement, technology transfers, infrastructure cooperation, and intelligence collaboration could quietly enhance Tehran’s resilience under pressure.

Together, these relationships are reshaping the strategic balance in subtle ways. Iran is not operating entirely in isolation. It is part of a wider geopolitical environment where rivals of the United States are willing to provide varying degrees of support, even if discreetly.

Meanwhile, the financial cost of the conflict for Washington continues to rise.

Sustaining missile defense systems, naval deployments, air patrols, and emergency security operations across the Middle East is extraordinarily expensive. Estimates circulating among defense analysts suggest the United States may be spending close to a billion dollars per day maintaining the current posture of deterrence and response across the region.

Such expenditures accumulate rapidly in a conflict that shows no immediate signs of stabilization.

Yet the most profound consequences are not purely military or financial.

They are structural.

Once conflict spreads beyond military targets and reaches the infrastructure that supports everyday life — shipping routes, oil terminals, airports, data centers, and global supply chains — it stops behaving like a limited war.

It becomes an economic and geopolitical shockwave.

Few places illustrate this vulnerability more clearly than the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most sensitive maritime chokepoints. Nearly a fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas supplies pass through this narrow corridor. Even minor disruptions in the area send immediate ripples through global energy markets.

Recent instability has already forced adjustments in tanker movements and insurance calculations for shipping companies operating in the region. For energy markets and global commerce, uncertainty alone can be as disruptive as physical attacks.

At the same time, the broader geopolitical landscape is revealing additional strains.

Europe, heavily involved in supporting Ukraine’s war effort, has transferred significant military equipment and financial resources to Kyiv. Many European governments now face reduced stockpiles of certain military assets, forcing them to reconsider defense readiness while still depending heavily on the protective umbrella of NATO.

Critics argue that this dynamic has exposed Europe’s continuing reliance on American strategic power. The continent’s ability to independently project military strength has diminished in recent years, raising uncomfortable debates about whether NATO’s collective defense guarantees are more political than practical in complex multi-front crises.

Attacks on Western-linked facilities in parts of the Middle East have only intensified these discussions. They serve as reminders that alliances built during the Cold War now face a radically different strategic environment where adversaries exploit gray zones, proxy warfare, and economic pressure rather than conventional invasion.

All of this returns to the original miscalculation.

The expectation was never that Iran could defeat the United States or Israel in a conventional military confrontation. That was never the issue.

The real question was whether Iran could force the consequences of war to spread far beyond the battlefield.

Whether it could transform a targeted strike into a regional economic crisis, an alliance stress test, and a global energy disruption.

And whether other global powers — particularly Russia and China — might quietly amplify those consequences for their own strategic advantage.

In modern geopolitics, superiority in weapons does not always determine the outcome of conflict.

Sometimes the decisive factor is who can force the other side to absorb the longest chain of consequences.

And in that respect, the current confrontation suggests that Iran may not have been underestimated in terms of its military arsenal.

It may have been underestimated in terms of how far it could stretch the battlefield itself.

Mr. Akin was the Head of Operations at First Bank for 6 years. He felt his salary couldn’t support his desired lifestyle. He then teamed up with armed robbers to rob his branch. He provided them with key information about the bank—that it opened for a few hours on Saturday and only two guards worked on Sunday. He also gave them the vault room details.

One robber entered on Saturday, hid in the ceiling via the bathroom, and was locked inside when the bank closed. On Sunday morning around 4 a.m., he opened a secret exit door. Then three more robbers entered while the two guards were deep asleep. They looted huge amounts of naira and foreign currencies from the vault using Mr. Akin’s instructions, then escaped the same way.

On Monday, the vault was found empty. Police were called and the branch was closed. Duty guards were arrested. All staff were investigated and banned from leaving town. Police searched homes quietly, starting from the GM.

When they reached Mr. Akin’s house, he resisted and called his manager who said his own house had already been searched. Police entered and found large sums of cash—naira and dollars—and arrested him. He confessed fully and gave the robbers’ details.
He has been sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment.

SPY Nigeria!

https://web.facebook.com/share/p/1CU7LXf9B6/

MEET THE TWO NIGERIAN UNIVERSITY VICE CHANCELLORS IN THE UK:

1. Professor David Uzo Mba, Vice Chancellor of Birmingham City University, UK.
2. Professor Charles Egbu, the vice chancellor of Leeds Trinity University, United Kingdom (UK).

also we have this pretty lady of Niger Deltan Origin...

Nigeria is preparing to make a bold intellectual statement on the global stage as a team of exceptionally brilliant and confident young girls — proudly of Igbo cultural heritage — gets set to represent the country at the prestigious World Schools Debating Championship (WSDC) in Kenya later this year.

Recognised as the world’s largest and most competitive debating tournament for secondary school students, the championship attracts participants from over 85 countries annually, assembling some of the sharpest young thinkers across continents. It is a global arena where ideas clash, perspectives evolve, and future leaders are forged.

The 2026 edition is historic. For the first time in 15 years — and only the second time ever — the championship will be hosted on African soil, in Kenya. The symbolic return of the competition to Africa adds deeper meaning to Nigeria’s participation, especially with a delegation that reflects the intellectual vibrancy of the South-East.

These young debaters earned their place through the highly competitive Nationwide Inter-Secondary School Debate Competition, organised in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Education. From a nationwide pool of outstanding students, they distinguished themselves through razor-sharp reasoning, articulate delivery, and an unmistakable command of complex global issues.

Their emergence is not just a personal victory; it is a proud cultural and national moment. Rooted in a tradition that values scholarship, expression, and resilience, these Igbo Nigerian daughters now stand ready to channel that heritage into global discourse.

As they prepare to step onto the world stage, they carry more than prepared speeches and rebuttals. They carry the hopes of a nation, the intellectual strength of their community, and the confidence of young African girls determined to compete — and excel — among the very best in the world.

Nigeria will be watching as they raise the green-white-green high in Kenya — poised, prepared, and ready to show that excellence speaks with clarity, courage, and conviction.

BrickandLace:
We are not afraid. When you have invested a lot in a project , it's hard to say goodbye.
Yoruba have put a lot of sweat and blood in the one Nigeria project.
But it's not working and we prefer to grind it out than just hands off like that

Yoruba are also the only thing holding this contraption together. We don't want you to come and blame us later if your rising sun doesn't rise or Arewa fails woefully.

So if you're looking for someone to help you scatter it for you, it's not likely to be Yoruba

Invested a lot... Wow ! Yoruba man and excuses

To be honest ..having travelled to all parts of southern Nigeria... Do you know that Yoruba twins and villages are the .oat backward in southern Nigeria... Remove Lagos that was developed by all Nigerians

Go to your Yoruba villages and see backwardness ! And yet you still say One Nigeria favours you

It's the Igbo that one Nigeria favour... They are scattered all over the nations and remitting money home but yet they still want to have their own country ...