₦airaland Forum

Politics can explain many things in Nigeria. It cannot, and should not, be allowed to explain away questions of national security.

That is why the allegations surrounding Senator Shehu Buba Umar deserve a proper examination, irrespective of party affiliation or political sympathy.

No one has said Senator Buba is guilty. He has denied the allegations, and no court has convicted him. If the allegations are false, the appropriate thing is to clear his name.

But if there is credible evidence behind them, then this is not merely a disagreement between politicians. It becomes a matter concerning the integrity of Nigeria's security architecture.

In September 2024, Governor Bala Mohammed petitioned the authorities over allegations that Senator Buba had facilitated and supported banditry, including the registration of a suspected bandit, Abubakar Idris, for the 2024 Hajj. Senator Buba rejected the allegations as baseless and malicious. He explained that he sponsors pilgrims based on recommendations from elders, community leaders and religious figures.

The matter became even more disturbing because the man at the centre of the allegation, Abubakar Idris, was not presented in those reports as an ordinary Hajj pilgrim.

Security reports cited at the time described Idris as a notorious bandit suspected of involvement in banditry and kidnapping activities in Zamfara State. The DSS reportedly arrested him in August 2024 as he was preparing to travel to Saudi Arabia for Hajj and took possession of his passport.

Civil society groups subsequently described Idris as a wanted terrorist and called on the DSS to make public the outcome of its investigation into the allegations surrounding his alleged connection with Senator Buba.

Now here is the part that should concern every Nigerian.

At the time these allegations surfaced, Senator Shehu Buba Umar was Chairman of the Senate Committee on National Security and Intelligence.

That is not an ordinary committee.

It is one of the most sensitive positions in the National Assembly, dealing directly with issues around the nation's security and intelligence architecture.

So, if an allegation that a serving chairman of that committee had any form of relationship with a notorious bandit were ever established to be true, the implications would go far beyond Senator Buba as an individual.

It would raise serious questions about national security.

How did such a relationship exist?

What kind of access did the person have?

What information, if any, could have been compromised?

Were security operations affected?

Could intelligence have reached criminal networks?

Could a person suspected of participating in banditry and kidnapping have gained access to political protection or official channels?

These are not questions that should be answered with political insults.

They require facts.

And that is why I find it difficult to understand why this matter should simply disappear from public discussion.

There were reports that the DSS was investigating the matter. A civil society organisation later called for the findings of that investigation to be made public. Yet Nigerians have not been given a clear public account of what that investigation eventually established.

Now another allegation has surfaced.

But that does not make the older questions disappear.

What exactly was the relationship between Senator Buba and Abubakar Idris?

Who facilitated Idris's registration for Hajj?

Who nominated him?

Why was a suspected bandit from Zamfara registered through the Bauchi pilgrimage system?

Was the DSS investigation concluded?

If it was, what did it find?

Was Senator Buba cleared?

Was anybody prosecuted?

These are simple questions, but they have serious national-security implications.

So what should happen now?

First, the DSS should clarify the status and outcome of its investigation. If an investigation was conducted, Nigerians deserve to know whether it was concluded and what it established. Sensitive intelligence may not be made public, but the existence and conclusion of an investigation should not remain a mystery indefinitely.

Second, the National Assembly should consider an independent review of the matter. This is particularly important because of Senator Buba's position at the time as Chairman of the Senate Committee on National Security and Intelligence. Where a matter touches both a legislator and the country's security architecture, there should be sufficient independence to inspire public confidence.

Third, the relevant Hajj authorities should explain the process through which Abubakar Idris was registered and sponsored. Who nominated him? Who approved the sponsorship? What documentation was presented? Were security checks conducted, and what did they reveal?

Fourth, if the allegations are found to have no basis, the authorities should say so clearly and publicly. Senator Buba should not be left permanently under a cloud of suspicion because an allegation was made and never conclusively resolved.

But if evidence establishes wrongdoing, the law should take its course regardless of who is involved. Political office, parliamentary status or personal connections should provide no shield against accountability.

There is also a broader lesson here.

Nigeria needs a clearer institutional protocol for dealing with allegations that politicians or public officials have links with individuals suspected of terrorism, banditry or organised crime. Such allegations should trigger prompt, impartial investigation, proper documentation and, where appropriate, public clarification.

Anyone who knowingly enables the people responsible for this cannot be treated as merely another political opponent.

Senator Buba has denied wrongdoing. If he is innocent, let a proper investigation establish that and put the matter to rest once and for all.

But if evidence exists that a serving senator, particularly one who was Chairman of the Senate Committee on National Security and Intelligence, had knowingly assisted or maintained a relationship with a notorious bandit, then Nigerians have a right to know the truth.

Not because Senator Shehu Buba should be presumed guilty.

But because if he is innocent, he deserves to be cleared.

And if he is not, Nigeria deserves to know.

Investigate it. Clear the air. Let the facts speak.

That is better for Senator Buba, better for Bauchi and, most importantly, better for Nigeria.

Solomon Dalung Esq.

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1SpA4mVdd6/

The Chief Executive Officer of Data Addicts, John David, popularly known as the Data Guru, has said the company is committed to transforming Nigeria’s technology sector by making data and digital innovation more accessible to individuals, businesses and government institutions.

David said Data Addicts believes technology should be used to solve real-life problems and improve decision-making, while data should be transformed into useful information.

“Technology must serve people. Data should not just be collected; it should be transformed into knowledge, insights and solutions that can improve lives and institutions,” he said.

He said organisations generated huge amounts of data daily but needed the capacity to analyse and use it effectively.

“The future belongs to organisations that understand the power of data,” David said.

The Data Guru also identified the digital divide as a major challenge in Africa, particularly among young people, saying Data Addicts was focused on promoting technology education and access to digital tools.

“There is a huge amount of talent in Africa, particularly among young Nigerians, but many need access to the right knowledge, tools and opportunities,” he said.

On governance, David said reliable data was essential for effective policymaking and service delivery.

“Good governance requires good information,” he said, urging governments to embrace responsible technological innovation, especially as artificial intelligence continues to expand.

He added that Data Addicts was committed to equipping young Nigerians with digital skills, stressing that Africa must move from being a consumer of technology to becoming a creator of innovative solutions.

“We must also be creators, innovators and owners of intellectual property,” he said.

David said the company’s vision went beyond profit, noting that its goal was to promote a culture where technology and data were used to solve problems and empower people.

“The change is bigger than Data Addicts. It is about building a culture where technology solves problems and empowers people,” he said.

He added, “Technology is moving very fast. Our responsibility is to make sure people are not left behind.”


https://thecabal.ng/why-data-addicts-is-making-a-difference-in-tech-industry-data-guru/

BY ANTHONY ADA ABRAHAM

...Dangote Refinery Cannot Become Nigeria’s New Oil Monopoly

Nigeria must stop confusing the existence of a giant refinery with the existence of affordable fuel.

The Dangote Petroleum Refinery and Petrochemicals was welcomed by millions of Nigerians with enormous hope. After years of watching the country spend scarce foreign exchange importing refined petroleum products despite having crude oil in abundance, many Nigerians believed the refinery would finally bring relief to their daily lives.

They expected cheaper petrol. They expected more stable supply. They expected transportation costs to fall, food prices to moderate and businesses to breathe again.

But Nigerians are entitled to ask a simple and uncomfortable question: Where is the promised relief?

The refinery's recent concern over the continued issuance of licences for petroleum-product imports deserves serious scrutiny. If, as the company has argued, its refining capacity is sufficient to meet Nigeria's PMS requirements, why should imported petrol continue to occupy such a significant share of the market?

At the same time, however, Nigeria must be careful not to replace one form of market failure with another.

Dangote Refinery must not become an untouchable monopoly simply because Nigeria desperately needs its refining capacity.

A private business has every right to pursue profit. That is capitalism. But Nigerians also have every right to demand competition, transparency and prices that reflect the realities of their incomes.

If imported fuel can be sold more cheaply under certain circumstances, the government should not shut the door on competition merely to protect a dominant domestic supplier. Conversely, if domestic refining is genuinely more efficient, the refinery should be able to demonstrate that efficiency through competitive pricing rather than through pressure to restrict competitors.

The Nigerian consumer should be the ultimate winner.

The real test of Dangote Refinery is not its size, sophistication or billions of dollars in investment.

The test is what happens when an ordinary Nigerian walks into a filling station.

Can the worker earning a modest salary afford to fill a tank? Can the commercial driver keep operating without constantly increasing transport fares? Can farmers move their produce without diesel and petrol costs swallowing their margins? Can small businesses keep generators running without passing every increase to consumers?

These are the questions that matter.
According to the company's own statement, imported PMS reportedly accounted for approximately 43 percent of fuel supplied into Nigeria in July. That figure should trigger a national conversation, not merely a corporate argument between refinery operators, marketers and regulators.

Nigeria needs to understand why such a large volume of imported petrol remains necessary despite substantial domestic refining capacity.

If Dangote can supply the market competitively, let it compete.

If other marketers can import cheaper fuel, let them compete.

If NNPCL can refine efficiently, let it compete.

What Nigerians do not need is a government-engineered market in which one player is protected from competition while consumers are left to pay the bill.

The Federal Government cannot wash its hands of the fuel crisis.

The removal of fuel subsidy was presented as a painful but necessary reform that would ultimately free resources for development. Nigerians were asked to make sacrifices today for a better tomorrow.

But for millions of citizens, tomorrow keeps moving further away.

A country battling severe poverty cannot casually accept fuel prices approaching levels that consume an enormous proportion of the minimum wage. When transportation becomes unaffordable, food becomes unaffordable. When logistics become expensive, virtually every commodity becomes more expensive.

Fuel is not an ordinary commodity in Nigeria. Fuel is the bloodstream of the Nigerian economy.

Every increase eventually finds its way into the price of food, transport, rent, school fees and virtually every service.

The government therefore has a responsibility to ensure that petroleum-market reforms do not become a mechanism for transferring wealth from struggling Nigerians to corporations, governments and politically connected interests.

NNPCL Must Answer Its Own Questions

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited cannot continue to behave as though Nigerians have forgotten the country's abandoned and dysfunctional refineries.

For decades, Nigerians were told that domestic refining capacity would be restored. Yet the country remained heavily dependent on imported petroleum products.

If Nigeria's refineries had been functional and competitive, they could have provided an important counterweight to any private refinery.

That is precisely why government-owned refineries must be restored to genuine operational efficiency—not as political monuments, but as functioning commercial assets capable of competing in the market.

Nigeria needs multiple strong players, not one dominant player.

A healthy petroleum market should have domestic refineries, private marketers, NNPCL and legitimate importers competing transparently under the same rules.

And What Happened to the Subsidy Savings?

The government owes Nigerians a clearer account of what has been saved, what has been spent and what measurable improvements those savings have produced.

If billions of naira have been allocated to cash transfers and other palliatives, Nigerians deserve transparent evidence of who received the money and how the programmes were independently verified.

Government claims should not end with press conferences.

Publish the data.

Show Nigerians the number of beneficiaries, the criteria used, the states covered and the independent mechanisms used to verify payments while protecting citizens' sensitive personal information.

Transparency is not an insult to government.

It is the price of public trust.

Nigerians Do Not Need Another Monopoly

This is where the Dangote Refinery debate must be separated from personal attacks and corporate politics.

Aliko Dangote has every right to build a profitable business. The refinery is a major industrial investment and Nigeria needs more investments of that scale.

But national gratitude must never become a licence for market domination.

A businessman is expected to protect his investment and make profit. A government, on the other hand, is expected to protect the public interest.

Those responsibilities are different.

If Dangote Refinery wants to dominate the market, it should do so by offering Nigerians the best product at the most competitive price, not by seeking an environment in which competitors are prevented from participating.

And if the government wants Nigerians to embrace deregulation, then it must be prepared to enforce real competition, not selective competition.

Bring Back Relief, Not Just Rhetoric

There is also a legitimate political debate about whether Nigeria should reconsider some form of targeted fuel subsidy or consumer support.

When Atiku Abubakar speaks about restoring fuel subsidy, Nigerians are entitled to debate whether that policy is economically sustainable, fiscally responsible and properly designed.

But dismissing the argument as mere campaign rhetoric would be equally irresponsible.

The real question is simple: What policy will put affordable fuel within the reach of ordinary Nigerians without creating another avenue for corruption and waste?

If a properly designed and transparently managed subsidy mechanism can achieve that objective, the government should not reject the idea simply because the word "subsidy" has become politically toxic.

The Nigerian people are not interested in ideological arguments.

They want affordable transportation.

They want affordable food.

They want businesses to survive.

They want their salaries to mean something again.

The Federal Government, NNPCL, Dangote Refinery and every major player in Nigeria's petroleum industry should understand one thing:

The Nigerian consumer cannot remain the sacrificial lamb in every petroleum-market experiment.

The country cannot move from dependence on imported fuel to dependence on a single dominant domestic supplier and call that economic liberation.

Nor can government continue blaming international markets whenever prices rise while Nigerians receive little relief when global prices fall.

Competition must be real.

Pricing must be transparent.

Government must account for public money.

Domestic refineries must work.

Import licences must be governed by clear, non-discriminatory rules.

And every policy must ultimately answer the question: Does this make life better or worse for the Nigerian who buys the fuel?

If the answer is worse, then the policy has failed regardless of how impressive the refinery, how sophisticated the economics or how loudly government celebrates its reforms.

Nigeria did not build a refinery merely to replace one petroleum gatekeeper with another. Nigerians need a competitive oil market that serves the people, not an industry in which the people exist only to pay the bills.

Anthony Ada Abraham is a Nigerian journalist and social commentator writing from Abuja.

BY ANTHONY ADA ABRAHAM

While growing up, we were taught to work hard to earn scholarships, awards and recognition. We worked hard in school, in our jobs and in our various endeavours because recognition was supposed to be a reward for contribution to society.

So, why has paying for awards and recognition suddenly become the in-thing?

The answer is simple: everybody is looking for the next conduit pipe to milk, and everybody who has done anything remotely reasonable is now a potential candidate for celebration provided they can afford it.

Of late, I have noticed that there are now over a thousand award-giving organisations celebrating people, not necessarily because of their contributions to society, but because they are connected to “big men”, politicians or individuals who can afford to pay for recognition.

Some mainstream media organisations have also joined this disturbing trend, giving awards to people of questionable character simply because they can donate hundreds of millions of naira to support such events.

Of course, there are people who have genuinely contributed to the growth of their industries and the nation and who deserve to be recognised. But the sad reality is that many of those receiving these awards do not merit them.

Speaking to an insider who did not want his name mentioned, I was told that many awards and awardees already have agreements and arrangements on how they want to be recognised. Some even pay to have the award presented or printed exactly the way they want it.

What then is the difference between an award and a purchased advertisement?

There are now international organisations organising awards, not necessarily to celebrate excellence, but to get gratification from the people they are supposedly honouring.

There are individuals who have organised and received more than 200 awards despite having done little or nothing remarkable for society. Some have even been involved in corruption cases with anti-graft agencies, not only in Nigeria but abroad.

Some have perfected this system to the extent of involving international organisations to partner with them, giving the whole arrangement an appearance of credibility.

Let me make it clear: there is nothing wrong with awards coming with financial or other material benefits. Genuine awards can boost the morale of recipients and encourage them to do more. There are top awards in Nigeria and abroad that come with substantial benefits, and they are rightly appreciated because they recognise genuine achievement.

But when recognition itself becomes a commodity for sale, we have a problem.

Awards in Nigeria are gradually making a mockery of the entire idea of recognition. It is becoming similar to what happened to the beauty pageant industry, which was infiltrated and turned into something else, with some organisers allegedly becoming pimps and exploiting young girls who were supposed to be competing for recognition.

Today, the beauty pageant industry has, as we say in local parlance, “Don Cast.”

The next oil well appears to be awards, and if care is not taken, the awards industry is heading in the same direction.

Many people will not be happy with this argument, but somebody has to call some of these people to order — especially mainstream media organisations that now promote awards and honour people of questionable character.

There is nothing wrong with people who are being honoured willingly supporting an event. There is everything wrong when recognition is deliberately monetised and becomes a condition for receiving an award.

An award should represent achievement, contribution, excellence and impact. It should not become another conduit pipe through which money changes hands while society is told that someone has suddenly become an icon.

If we continue down this road, the day will come when the value of an award will no longer be determined by what the recipient has achieved, but by how much he or she can afford to pay.

And when that happens, we would have succeeded in killing the very thing awards were created to celebrate: merit.

Anthony Ada Abraham is a renowned journalist, social commentator and critic who writes from Abuja.


https://thecabal.ng/getting-unmerited-awards-for-financial-gains/

BREAKING!!! All Eyes on Wike and the Judiciary as Tinubu Disqualification Suit Is Suddenly Transferred, Judgment Halted, Case Adjourned Indefinitely


All Eyes On Nyesom Wike And The Judiciary, As Federal High Court Chief Judge Suddenly Transfers A Law Suit Seeking For The Disqualification Of President Bola Tinubu From The 2027 Presidential Election, Over Alleged Discrepancies In His Primary And Secondary School Certificates; Quickly Blocks Judge From Delivering Judgement; Adjourns The Case Indefinitely

There is growing outrage in Legal and Civil Society circles in the country, over the sudden transfer of a suit seeking to disqualify President Bola Ahmed Tinubu from the 2027 Presidential election, over alleged discrepancies in his Primary and Secondary School certificates.

The case was filed by the Centre for Reform and Public Advocacy, at the Federal High Court, in Kano, marked FHC/K/CS/312/2026. It alleges that President Tinubu submitted forged documents to the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, including a Chicago State University Diploma

At the heart of the suit is a Constitutional question on whether the President meets the minimum educational requirement to hold Office. The Plaintiffs argue that President Tinubu claimed to have attended Government College Lagos, but official records show that the School was established in 1974. By his own biography, the President would have completed Secondary School around 1970, four years before the School even existed.

According to the group: “This chronological impossibility, means the President could not have obtained a legitimate Secondary School Certificate from that Institution.”

Nonetheless, Lawyers and Activists have kicked against the decision of the Federal High Court Chief Judge to transfer the suit, describing it as part of a wider plot to frustrate the Court from delivering a fair judgement or delivering judgement at all.

Critics say that moving the case at this stage, without a clear date for hearing, will only delay a matter of urgent public importance, ahead of the 2027 Presidential election.

For many Nigerians, this feels familiar. Similar questions over academic records trailed the 2023 elections. In that cycle, Atiku Abubakar sought and obtained a United States of America, USA, Court order, compelling Chicago State University to release President Tinubu’s records, arguing that the documents could still be used at the Supreme Court of Nigeria, under exceptional circumstances. President Tinubu’s Lawyers then told the USA Court that the release would cause severe and irreparable harm, and that it was a fishing expedition.

The US Judge overruled the objections, stating that, she was only affirming Atiku’s right to access, and not ruling on the merits.

The timing of the latest development makes the new suit even more sensitive, because Presidential Election Campaigns for 2027 have already begun; and any question on eligibility goes to the heart of the ballot. From 1999 to 2023 to 2026, allegations over Certificates have followed the President.

The Constitution requires a Presidential Candidate to have at least a School Certificate or it’s equivalent.

The outside criers are still on this matter of pedigree and ethical integrity while the inner criers too will continue to defend it without telling us the primary and secondary school that our president attended if truly those school really existed for clarity purposes so as to shame we the outside criers or probably those schools are in another PLANENT.
May God heal our land

https://www.facebook.com/share/1C4waYnWKe/

BREAKING: Trump-appointed U.S. Attorney Jeanine Pirro takes action to comply with court orders on the release of…


President @realDonaldTrump-appointed U.S. Attorney, the amazing and no-nonsense Jeanine Pirro (@USAttyPirro), has initiated action in federal court to comply with the @uscourts orders concerning the release of @TheJusticeDept, @FBI, and @DEAHQ records relating to drug-trafficking allegations against Nigerian President Bola Tinubu (@officialABAT).

U.S. Attorney Pirro requested an additional 10 days, but Judge Beryl Howell granted only four additional days, until August 21, noting that this case has already been pending for more than three years.

We deeply appreciate U.S. Attorney #Pirro and the DOJ’s renewed motivation to release these documents, and we agree with Judge Howell. This case has been pending for three years. The time to release the #Tinubu drug-trafficking files is now.
As President #Trump has indicated, our shared interests with #Nigeria do not mean supporting an alleged drug trafficker.

Press and Media: Please send your questions to Renee.hamilton@montagueyork.com

@JDVance @SecRubio @SusieWiles47 @HouseForeignGOP @HouseForeign @SFRCdems @StateDept @AsstSecStateAF @SenateForeign @SenTedCruz @RepBrianMast @SusieWiles @RepGregSteube @RepJames @Jim_Jordan @RepRaskin @FBIDirectorKash @ChuckGrassley @SenatorDurbin @HouseJudiciary @JudiciaryGOP @FoxNews @washingtonpost @joerogan @joeroganhq @seanhannity @IngrahamAngle @chicagotribune @AGToddRokita @GovBraun @tmhuston @INHouseGOP @indgop @SOSDiegoMorales @indystar @JudgeJeanine
https://x.com/batten_von/status/2089711724773462451

1. Whoever was responsible for the hunger in the land.
2. The Edo State Governor, whose ill-advised and insulting outbursts against the Governor of Osun State only provoked resentment and strengthened Adeleke’s support.
3. Whoever authorised the freezing of the Osun State Government’s accounts.
4. Senator Fadahunsi, who reportedly said that Accord Party members should be killed.
5. Hon. Wole Oke, who went everywhere boasting about Tinubu’s name and power.
6. Ero Arike, with her endless rants and curses.
7. Former Governor Gboyega Oyetola, who imposed a not so popular candidate and denied party members the freedom to choose their own flag-bearer.
8. The governors and party leaders who invaded the state as though they had come to conquer its people.
9. Governor Ademola Adeleke’s irrepressible dance steps.
10. Davido and his crowd-pulling magic.
11. Whoever advised the governor to commission numerous projects in the run-up to the election, thereby bringing traditional rulers onto the podium with him and giving his campaign greater visibility and legitimacy.
12. The people of Osun—a determined and fearless people who courageously confronted thugs deployed to seize ballot boxes, even snatching guns and axes from them.
13. The creativity of the people, expressed through their witty, biting and bile-laden campaign songs.
14. Adeleke’s strategists, particularly those who coached and prepared him for the debate, where he exceeded the expectations of many.
15. Adeleke’s top notch media team. Give it to them. They did a good job.

https://vt.tiktok.com/ZSVFT63DT/

Nigerians Deserve To Know: Where Exactly Is This Country Headed?

BY ANTHONY ADA ABRAHAM

"Nigeria is a Muslim country, and if you don’t want to accept a Muslim-Muslim ticket, you should leave Nigeria because it belongs to us."this statement was attributed to Sheikh Yahaya Jingir, speaking to Muslims in a trending video.

There is also a so-called Katsina cleric, Dr. Abdulmuɗallib Triumph, who has been reported to be advocating for Christians to be removed from government and private-sector jobs and replaced with Muslims. Though I've not seen the video, but I'll look for it and hear his drift.
This is a country that is supposed to be secular, where citizens are meant to have equal rights regardless of their religion. I honestly do not understand why the President and those around him appear reluctant to call out statements of this nature and make it clear that religious extremism has no place in Nigeria and possibly arrest offenders no matter who they are?

Just look at what happened recently in Ghana. A cleric made statements that could have inflamed tensions in the country, but the people and authorities stood up against it. He eventually came out publicly to apologise for misleading people. That is what a society serious about preserving peace and stability should do.

https://youtube.com/shorts/TtTI8WZMN2U?si=aGyoqBqBE3nt6HgJ

Even Ibrahim Traoré has openly stated that he would not allow extremists to destabilise his country, yet some of our own clerics appeared deeply offended by such a position.

So, can our government and security agencies deal decisively with individuals who make statements capable of provoking religious tension and conflict? What exactly are they afraid of?

Why are people allowed to make inflammatory statements without consequences when such rhetoric can potentially threaten national unity and public peace?

Or ...and this is an even more troubling question, are some of these actors being encouraged or politically protected because their rhetoric serves certain political interests?

Nigerians deserve to know: What is the plan, and where exactly is this country headed? This can't continue.

©️ Anthony Ada Abraham is a journalist and social commentator writes in from Abuja.

https://kakaakireporters.com/nigerians-deserve-to-know-where-exactly-is-this-country-headed/

South Africa is doing everything possible to clean their global reputation because they are no longer receiving tourists as before.

They paid Trevor Noah to do an advert, but it failed. They announced that South Africa has made visa applications easier for travelers, but that also failed. They announced that South Africa welcomed 5.6 million tourists in six months, but that was not true. Imagine a xenophobic country saying they received 5.6 million tourists in six months🤭😂.

They have now announced that they have reduced visa fees for online travelers. It's now by force?🥱😂. South Africans, this is just the beginning, and with time, you will understand the damage Jacinta has done to your country.

I pray that the March March and looting will continue for the next five years so that investors will leave the country and tourists will completely stop coming to the country.

Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac Flogs EFCC in Court: Judge Orders Commission to Pay ₦2 Million for Unlawfully Freezing Homadil Realty’s Account

Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac and Homadil Realty Limited have secured an important courtroom victory after the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory found that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission unlawfully restricted the company’s bank account.

Delivering judgment on 23 April 2026, Justice M. A. Hassan held that the EFCC exceeded its lawful powers by directing Zenith Bank to continue restricting Homadil Realty’s account without first obtaining the required court order. The matter was decided in Suit No. FCT/HC/CV/830/2025.

The court found that the EFCC could only impose an initial restriction for a limited period and that any continued restriction required judicial authorisation. The Commission instead issued further letters directing that the account remain under a post no debit restriction.

Justice Hassan described the continued restriction as a blatant violation of Homadil Realty’s constitutional right to property and reminded law enforcement agencies that Nigeria is governed by democratic principles and the rule of law. The judgment affirmed that every institution must exercise its powers within the limits established by law.

The ruling assumes even greater significance because the EFCC told the court that its investigation originated from a petition submitted on behalf of Colleen Mero Yesufu concerning Plot 4022 in Guzape and Plots 1861 and 1862 in Katampe. Rebecca’s cross petition has since questioned the roles allegedly played by Colleen Mero Yesufu, Richard John Idakwogi of Rychado Homes Ltd and Samuel I. Chime. When the unlawful freezing of Homadil Realty’s account is considered alongside the repeated criminal, forfeiture and property actions arising from the same dispute, it creates the troubling appearance of a sustained campaign against Rebecca and her company rather than the balanced investigation expected from the EFCC.

The court consequently ordered the EFCC to pay Homadil Realty Limited ₦2 million for gross abuse of power. Zenith Bank was separately ordered to pay the company another ₦2 million for acting on the unlawful directives, bringing the total compensation awarded to ₦4 million.

The judgment is a welcome victory for Rebecca and Homadil Realty and a reassuring reminder that the courts remain a place where rights can be protected and unlawful actions corrected. Rebecca remained composed, trusted the legal process and received a clear judicial affirmation that no institution is above the law.

STATEHOUSE STATEMENT

PRESIDENT TINUBU DIRECTS EFCC TO VACATE THE COURT ORDER FREEZING OSUN GOVERNMENT ACCOUNT

It has come to my notice that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) obtained a court order on August 5, 2026, freezing the accounts of the Osun State Government. I must state that I feel deeply embarrassed not by the EFCC's exercise of its mandate backed by a court order, but by the timing of the agency's action. This is so because every action taken by an institution of State, especially at the Federal level, is always credited to me, as the President, even when I may not have had any prior knowledge of the action.

Since assuming office, I have consistently maintained that anti-corruption and law enforcement agencies must be allowed to discharge their statutory responsibilities independently, professionally, without fear or favour, or political interference. I have therefore deliberately refrained from directing or interfering in the operational activities of the EFCC or any other investigative or prosecutorial agency because I firmly believe that strong democratic institutions, operating within the confines of the law, are indispensable to democratic good governance and the rule of law.

As President, I am committed to allowing institutions of State to function and take any action they consider necessary in the interest of proper governance without the need for any prior approval. Indeed, that is why institutions are set up by law with clearly defined powers. While I am yet to be fully apprised of the facts which informed the action of EFCC in approaching the court to obtain the said order freezing the Osun State Government account, I am not in the slightest doubt that the timing of the action of EFCC is inauspicious, and therefore I feel compelled to intervene.

Osun State is only a few days away from its gubernatorial election. Therefore, nothing ought to be done to give an impression that the EFCC or indeed any other agency of the federal government is being used to interfere with the election.

Based on the foregoing premise, I am duty-bound to issue a directive on this issue in consonance with the overriding public interest in preserving public confidence and the integrity, credibility, and fairness of our democratic process.

Accordingly, I have directed the EFCC to immediately proceed to the court to vacate the order and discontinue whatever action it has instituted against the Osun State Government in this regard.

Long live the Federal Republic of Nigeria.


PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU(GCFR)
ASO ROCK VILLA,
ABUJA
6th AUGUST, 2026







.

Venomous snake found a sleeping porcupine. It wrapped itself around it. It felt warm, safe, perfect. Then, the porcupine woke up. Its sharp quills rose instantly.

The snake felt pain. But instead of letting go, it squeezed even tighter. The tighter it held, the deeper the quills pressed. Still, it refused to release its grip. It believed holding on would somehow make things better.

It didn't. The pain only grew worse. In the end, the snake lost everything. Not because of the porcupine, but because it refused to let go. In psychology, this is called trauma bonding.

Some people stay attached to relationships that keep hurting them. They mistake pain for love, and suffering for loyalty. Remember this: sometimes the strongest thing you can do isn't holding on. It's walking away. Venomous snake found a sleeping porcupine.

BY ANTHONY ADA ABRAHAM

When we advise people to invest in PR for themselves or their businesses, many assume we're only trying to collect their money or sell them something they don't need. But moments like this show why strategic publicity matters.

Ochacho is one of Nigeria's wealthiest real estate entrepreneurs, yet his public image hasn't been managed strongly enough.

Imagine him being stopped at Peller's wedding.

It's not because he isn't successful, but because his brand visibility hasn't been cultivated the way it should be.

Look at people like E-money, Obi Cubana, and others. They intentionally stay in the public eye, regardless of the cost. They understand that relevance is built through consistent visibility.

It's hard to imagine anyone trying to stop Obi Cubana or E-money at such an event because they're constantly in the news and their faces are instantly recognisable.

Money alone isn't always enough, especially in places like Lagos. A strong public image, strategic media presence, and attendance at high-profile events all matter.

In a way, the incident at Peller's wedding has also given Ochacho some publicity. The lesson is simple: success should be matched with visibility to prevent embarrassment.

NB: I remember a close associate of mine who runs a PR agency wanted to manage Ochacho's public image back then. He was doing well and had the capacity, but it seemed that people around Ochacho kept sidelining anyone who genuinely wanted to elevate his brand and give him the visibility he deserved.

Since then, that level of strategic publicity has been missing. For every entrepreneur, publicity isn't optional, it's a necessity. A great business still needs strong visibility to maximise its influence and opportunities.

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1EVoSSPWKV/

FAKE NEWS ALERT: Statement distancing Nigerian Catholics from partisan politics not from Catholic youth group

A statement circulating on social media and attributed to the Catholic Youth Organisation of Nigeria (CYON) did not originate from the association.

The statement, signed “Yours fraternally in Christ” without any named official, claimed to represent the position of Catholic youths on political neutrality and urged church leaders to refrain from partisan political comments.

As fake as the fake bishops. There is nothing like the Catholic Youths Association of Nigeria.

THEY TOOK THE CRY OF NIGERIANS TO THE PRESIDENT. THEY RETURNED WITH AN ANSWER THAT SHOULD WORRY US ALL.

The Catholic Bishops didn't go to Aso Rock seeking contracts.

They didn't go lobbying for appointments.

They didn't go "standing on any mandate."

They went carrying the pain of millions of Nigerians.

They said Nigerians are hungry.

The answer? "There has always been hunger before I was born."

They said the economy is crushing ordinary families.

The answer? "The economy is doing well."

They expressed concerns about public confidence in INEC.

The answer? "INEC is neutral."

They worried about whether the next election would offer a level playing field.

The answer? "Whoever wants power should be ready to wrestle for it."

And immediately, my mind went to Rehoboam.

The people begged him to reduce their suffering.

The elders pleaded with him: "Listen to your people."

His loyalists told him: "Show them who's boss."

He listened to the loyalists.

He ignored the people.

The result?

A kingdom that took generations to build split in a single day.

The people walked away shouting:

"To your tents, O Israel!" (1 Kings 12:16)

Every government should fear one thing more than criticism:

The day it stops listening.

The greatest threat to any president is not the opposition.

It is the army of professional cheerleaders who tell him that everything is working while the people are telling a different story.

A nation cannot be governed by applause.

Propaganda cannot fill empty stomachs.

Slogans cannot reduce the cost of living.

And praise-singers cannot rewrite reality.

History is littered with leaders who mistook loyalty for truth.

May the president never become another Rehoboam, surrounded by people who protect his ego while exposing his legacy.

Because when leaders stop listening, history starts speaking.

Think about it.

Credit: Stephen Ekwenugo

Conspiracy to Defraud Rebecca Godwin-Isaac, Seize Her Family Home and Share the Proceeds: Explosive Petition Names Colleen Mero Yesufu, Richard John Idakwogi of Rychado Homes Ltd, Kabiru Yaro, Abdulrahman Yesufu and Samuel Chime

Cross-petition alleges that criminal and forfeiture proceedings were deployed to remove Rebecca from her completed home, with the EFCC’s forfeiture process reportedly seeking the property for the benefit of Colleen Mero Yesufu while other alleged beneficiaries stood to share in its value or proceeds.

An anti-fraud prosecution becomes deeply troubling when the prosecution’s own charge identifies Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac as the person allegedly duped to pay ₦110 million to Richard John Idakwogi of Rychado Homes , yet places her in the dock while a forfeiture process reportedly seeks to deliver the disputed property’s benefit to a private claimant.

That is the explosive contradiction at the centre of a cross-petition submitted to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC.

The petition alleges a coordinated conspiracy to defraud Rebecca, forcibly take over the completed family house she built at Plot 4022, Guzape, Abuja, and subsequently sell, transfer, allocate or otherwise distribute the property and its proceeds among alleged beneficiaries.

It names Colleen Mero Yesufu, Richard John Idakwogi of Rychado Homes Ltd, Kabiru Yaro, Abdulrahman Yesufu and Samuel I. Chime, among others, and demands an independent investigation into alleged fraud, conspiracy, competing documents, abuse of office and attempts to pervert justice.

EFCC Forfeiture Allegedly Sought for Colleen Mero Yesufu’s Benefit

The petition makes a particularly disturbing claim: that the forfeiture process filed in the EFCC’s name sought an order forfeiting the disputed properties “for the benefit of Colleen Mero Yesufu.”

Colleen Mero Yesufu is not the Federal Government. She is a private claimant in an unresolved civil ownership dispute.

The petition therefore asks why the coercive powers of the EFCC were allegedly being used to obtain possession for the benefit of one private litigant before the civil court determined the genuine owner.

It further demands an investigation into whether Colleen Mero Yesufu, Richard John Idakwogi of Rychado Homes Ltd, Kabiru Yaro, Abdulrahman Yesufu, Samuel Chime and any collaborating officials or intermediaries expected to receive the house, a share of its value, compensation, commission or proceeds after Rebecca’s removal.

The question is devastating:

Was the forfeiture proceeding intended to recover criminal property for the government, or to seize Rebecca’s completed house for Colleen Mero Yesufu and other private interests?

Rebecca Paid, Built and Occupied the House

According to the petition, Richard John Idakwogi of Rychado Homes Ltd identified the property, supplied the documents, delivered possession and received ₦110 million from Rebecca.

Rebecca paid ₦12 million more for economic trees and land clearing before constructing the residence and moving into it with her family.

This is not merely a contest over empty land.

It concerns an alleged attempt to take a completed family house financed, constructed and occupied by Rebecca and her family.

The EFCC’s Own Charge Identifies Rebecca as the Alleged Victim

The contradiction within the prosecution is stark.

According to the petition, Count Seven of the EFCC charge alleges that Richard John Idakwogi of Rychado Homes Ltd fraudulently represented that he was entitled to sell Plot 4022 and thereby duped Rebecca to pay ₦110 million.

That allegation identifies Rebecca as the person allegedly deceived and duped.

Yet Rebecca is being prosecuted alongside the man accused of deceiving her and receiving her money.

If Richard John Idakwogi of Rychado Homes Ltd allegedly defrauded Rebecca, why is Rebecca being treated as his conspirator rather than the alleged victim?

A Title Chain Founded on a Non-Existent Allottee

Both competing ownership chains reportedly originate from Amina Musa Usman, described as the original allottee.

However, the petition states that an earlier investigation by the ICPC initiated by Colleen Mero Yesufu could not establish her existence.

If Amina Musa Usman cannot be authenticated through NIN, immigration, banking, biometric, AGIS and FCTA records, every power of attorney, sale document, caveat and Certificate of Occupancy allegedly derived from her must undergo forensic examination.

The petition consequently challenges Colleen Mero Yesufu and Kabiru Yaro to produce the original title documents, sale agreement, proof of payment, receiving bank account, witnesses and complete transaction history supporting their alleged interest.

Rebecca’s family house cannot justly be seized on the strength of documents traced to an identity that is Non-existent.

Samuel Chime’s Reported Dismissal Deepens the Scandal

Samuel Chime’s alleged involvement makes an independent review even more urgent.

Civil-society organisation HEDA reported that Chime and others were dismissed after an internal investigative panel reportedly found them culpable of receiving bribes to sabotage cases. Separate media reports had earlier reported his suspension over allegations of bribery and compromising prosecutions.

The petition demands disclosure of Chime’s role, the witnesses he contacted, the evidence he selected or excluded, his communications with the nominal complainant and why he allegedly continued appearing around the proceedings after he was dismissed by the EFCC.

A case allegedly shaped by an official reportedly dismissed following bribery and case sabotage findings must be independently reopened and not mechanically continued.

Investigate the Alleged Property Grab Conspiracy

The EFCC must now establish:

Does Amina Musa Usman exist?

How did Colleen Mero Yesufu obtain her alleged title?

What did Kabiru Yaro lawfully acquire and transfer?

What roles did Abdulrahman Yesufu and Samuel Chime allegedly play?

Why did the forfeiture process reportedly seek the property for Colleen Mero Yesufu’s benefit?

And who else expected to receive or share the house and its proceeds?

Rebecca paid for the property. Rebecca built the house. Rebecca occupied it with her family.

She must not remain prosecuted while an alleged plan to seize her home for the benefit of Colleen Mero Yesufu and distribute its value among other private interests escapes equal scrutiny.

The EFCC must investigate the alleged conspiracy, not permit its authority to become the instrument through which Rebecca Godwin-Isaac’s family house is seized and its proceeds shared.

Shelter Award 2026 Opens Nominations to Honour Excellence Across Nigeria's Real Estate Industry


Nominations have officially opened for the Shelter Award 2026, an initiative designed to recognise outstanding individuals and organisations making significant contributions across Nigeria's real estate value chain.
The organisers announced that the awards will celebrate excellence, innovation, integrity and impact within the built environment, honouring professionals whose work continues to shape the real estate industry.

According to Nickolas Bibiem, Executive Producer of the award, he said, nominations are open to a wide range of industry stakeholders, including developers, mortgage institutions, realtors, PropTech companies, facility managers, architects, project supervisors, interior designers, furniture companies, property electricians, ambience and fragrance experts, logistics providers, and other professionals contributing to the sector.

Describing the initiative as a celebration of excellence "from ground to roof," the organisers said the award aims to spotlight the collective efforts of individuals and brands driving sustainable growth and transformation in the real estate industry.

"The Shelter Award 2026 is more than an awards ceremony; it is a platform to recognise and celebrate the individuals and organisations whose dedication, innovation and professionalism continue to transform Nigeria's real estate sector. Every stakeholder, from the foundation to the finishing touches, deserves recognition."

"We are calling on the public and industry players to nominate deserving professionals and brands who have made remarkable contributions to the built environment. Our goal is to inspire excellence, promote integrity, and celebrate those shaping the future of real estate in Nigeria," said Nickolas Bibiem, Executive Producer of the Shelter Award 2026.

Interested members of the public are encouraged to nominate deserving individuals by submitting the nominee's name and professional role via the company's address .

The Shelter Award 2026 is expected to bring together key players in Nigeria's property sector while recognising those setting new standards of excellence across the industry.

COURT TO EFCC: “ARE YOU WITCH-HUNTING?” AS SERIOUS DOUBTS DEEPEN OVER COLLEEN YESUFU’S CLAIM TO PLOTS 1861 AND 1862

After Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac reportedly endured 23 days confined inside her residence and another two days in EFCC custody, the Commission still attempted to keep her detained until October. The court refused, questioned whether the prosecution had become personal and raised the spectre of a witch-hunt.

After 23 days of reported confinement inside her residence and two further days in EFCC custody, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission asked the court to revoke Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac’s bail and keep her detained until 26 October 2026.

Justice Joyce Abdulmalik refused.

In a rebuke that now hangs heavily over the EFCC’s conduct, the judge reportedly asked:

“Don’t you think you are becoming too personal about this case? Are you witch-hunting something?”

The court made it clear that its earlier order was intended only to secure Rebecca’s attendance at trial. It was not permission for the EFCC to retain control of her liberty for another three months.

The judge reportedly noted that Rebecca had not previously caused difficulty in attending the proceedings or shown any unwillingness to face trial.

This was not simply the rejection of another prosecution request.

It was a judicial warning that the EFCC’s conduct was creating the appearance of something far more disturbing than impartial law enforcement.

THE TITLES WERE CONNECTED TO COMPANIES IN WHICH COLLEEN HAD NO CORPORATE INTEREST

The prosecution’s own evidence identified May Estate Agency and Famfam Nigeria Limited as the corporate entities connected to Plots 1861 and 1862.

Colleen Mero Yesufu was not identified as the original allottee of either plot or as the person in whose name the original titles were issued.

The defence position is categorical: Colleen is not, and has never been, a director or shareholder of May Estate Agency, Famfam Nigeria Limited or any of the companies originally connected to the plots.

That fact strikes at the very foundation of her personal claim.

She was not the original allottee.

She was not a director.

She was not a shareholder.

She had no established corporate interest in the companies connected to the titles.

Yet her complaint became the basis for the aggressive deployment of the EFCC against Rebecca.

The central issue cannot be avoided:

How did plots belonging to companies in which Colleen had no directorship, shareholding or corporate interest allegedly become her personal property?

Until that question is answered by clear and credible evidence, Colleen’s claim cannot reasonably be treated as settled fact.

THE MISSING SHAKA BRAIMAH AUTHORISATION DEEPENS THE DOUBT

The prosecution’s witness testified that one Shaka Braimah collected the title documents for the disputed plots from the FCT Department of Land Administration.

The defence maintains that those documents were later handed to Colleen, even though she was not a director or shareholder of the companies connected to the plots.

But the document that should explain Shaka Braimah’s authority cannot be produced.

Abdulhamid Wundil of the Department of Land Administration reportedly admitted under cross-examination that the relevant authorisation letter could not be traced and might have been lost.

That missing document is not a minor administrative error.

It is the document that should reveal which company authorised Shaka Braimah, who signed the authority, what powers were granted to him and how documents belonging to corporate entities allegedly came into Colleen’s possession.

Without that document, a critical part of the chain remains unexplained.

The defence has also raised concerns about a separate company called Fomfam, which it says is not the same legal entity as Famfam Nigeria Limited.

Similar names do not create identical companies. The registration numbers, incorporation dates, directors and shareholders must establish which company is which.

These are fundamental ownership issues. They cannot be buried beneath the power and publicity of an EFCC prosecution.

WHY WAS REBECCA’S LIBERTY PURSUED SO AGGRESSIVELY?

The titles were connected to companies.

The defence says Colleen was never a director or shareholder of those companies.

Shaka Braimah allegedly collected the companies’ title documents.

The authorisation under which he acted cannot presently be found.

The path through which those documents allegedly became the foundation of Colleen’s personal claim remains disputed.

Yet the full force of the EFCC was directed at Rebecca.

She reportedly spent 23 days confined inside her residence while EFCC operatives remained around the property.

She then spent two days in EFCC custody.

Even after producing her before the court, the Commission attempted to keep her detained until October.

This extraordinary pursuit of Rebecca’s liberty, while major questions surrounding the complainant’s alleged ownership remain unresolved, gives undeniable force to the judge’s reported words:

“Are you witch-hunting something?”

The EFCC was expected to investigate every side impartially.

It was expected to scrutinise Colleen’s claimed ownership as rigorously as it scrutinised Rebecca.

Instead, the public witnessed an agency seeking months of continued detention for a woman who had not been convicted, while critical gaps in the complainant’s corporate and documentary connection to the plots remained unanswered.

THE APPEARANCE OF A WITCH-HUNT CAN NO LONGER BE IGNORED

Rebecca has not been convicted of any offence.

Colleen’s personal ownership of the plots has not been finally established by the court.

The defence says Colleen has never been a director or shareholder of the companies originally connected to the titles.

The authorisation under which Shaka Braimah collected the documents cannot presently be produced.

The connection between Famfam Nigeria Limited and the alleged Fomfam entity remains disputed.

Despite all of this, Rebecca reportedly endured 23 days of confinement, two days in EFCC custody and an attempt to keep her detained for another three months.

The court refused.

The judge reportedly described the prosecution as becoming personal and openly questioned whether the EFCC was engaged in a witch-hunt.

Those words cannot be dismissed.

They came from the judge presiding over the case after observing the EFCC’s attempt to extend Rebecca’s detention.

The pattern is now deeply troubling:

The complainant was not the original allottee.

She was not a director or shareholder of the companies connected to the plots.

A crucial authorisation document cannot be found.

Her alleged chain to the titles remains disputed.

Yet Rebecca’s liberty was pursued with extraordinary force.

The EFCC must prove its criminal allegations with credible evidence.

Colleen Mero Yesufu must establish her lawful connection to Plots 1861 and 1862.

Rebecca must be allowed to defend herself without being punished before judgment.

The court alone must determine the truth.

Renewed Xenophobic Violence Raises Alarm Over Safety of Foreign Nationals in South Africa



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pDmWbHmEeDQ?si=jFCu3Lkk0qG9i5IO

Violence fueled by xenophobia has no place in any society. Reports that a group of South Africans stormed a restaurant and attacked a foreign national after accusing him of being "not one of us" are deeply disturbing.

No one should be targeted because of their nationality or place of origin. Authorities must ensure a thorough investigation, hold anyone responsible accountable, and strengthen efforts to protect everyone living within the country's borders. Africa's strength lies in unity, not division.

Beyond the Rescue: Lessons from the Oyo Operation

By Samuel Aruwan

Several months ago, I argued that one of the surest ways to degrade terrorist organisations is to deny them time and space. Terrorist groups thrive when they regroup after setbacks, rebuild their logistics, reconnect with their support networks and resume operations at a time of their choosing. Sustained pressure, driven by credible intelligence and backed by coordinated security operations, leaves little room for such recovery. The Oyo operation lends further weight to that argument.

Available accounts of the rescue of abducted schoolchildren and their teachers from Ansaru terrorists point to an operation that achieved more than the safe return of innocent victims. If those accounts are accurate, the operation offers valuable lessons for Nigeria’s counterterrorism campaign at a time when the country continues to confront multiple security threats across different theatres. More importantly, it shows that success in counterterrorism is rarely accidental. It is usually the product of political direction, timely intelligence and sustained inter-agency cooperation.

The children and their teachers were abducted on 15 May 2026. Following the abduction, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu reportedly directed the immediate mobilisation of all necessary security assets to secure their release. Acting on that directive, Defence Headquarters constituted a Joint Inter-Agency Task Force (JIATF) comprising personnel from the Armed Forces, the Nigeria Police Force, the Department of State Services, the National Intelligence Agency, the Defence Intelligence Agency and the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps.

That decision deserves attention because it reflects an important reality. Successful counterterrorism operations rarely depend on the efforts of a single institution. They are usually the product of political resolve, effective leadership and cooperation among organisations with different but complementary responsibilities. Intelligence agencies gather and analyse information, the Armed Forces apply military power, while law enforcement and other security agencies disrupt the criminal and logistical networks that sustain violent groups. Working within a unified operational framework, these capabilities complement one another and improve the prospects of success.

Available accounts indicate that this thinking shaped the Oyo operation. Rather than rushing into a high-risk assault, the Joint Inter-Agency Task Force reportedly adopted a patient and deliberate approach. Troops advanced into the Oyo National Forest from different directions over several weeks, gradually restricting the movement of the terrorists and denying them freedom of manoeuvre. Persistent Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) reportedly supported the operation, enabling commanders to identify logistics sites, communication facilities and other operational assets while avoiding actions that could endanger the lives of the abducted children and their teachers.

The operation reinforces a lesson that has emerged repeatedly from successful counterterrorism campaigns. The objective is not merely to confront terrorists wherever they are found. It is to remove, step by step, the conditions that allow them to survive. Terrorist organisations depend on safe havens, communication networks, logistics, funding and local support. Once these enablers come under sustained pressure, the organisation itself begins to weaken.

That is why counterterrorism should never be viewed as a purely military undertaking. Military operations remain indispensable, but they are far more effective when supported by timely intelligence, law enforcement measures and close coordination among security institutions. Lasting gains are often achieved not when terrorists are overwhelmed in a single encounter, but when they gradually lose the ability to organise, communicate and sustain themselves.

The reported sequence of events in Oyo suggests that this broader strategy was consciously pursued. While security forces maintained pressure within the forest, other agencies reportedly worked to identify and disrupt the network that supported the terrorists beyond the battlefield. The lesson is clear. Terrorist organisations do not exist in isolation. Behind every terrorist cell lies a network of couriers, financiers, informants, recruiters and suppliers. Weakening that network is often as important as confronting the armed elements themselves.

The Oyo operation reinforces another important lesson. Terrorist organisations are rarely defeated simply because some of their fighters have been neutralised. Many have survived significant battlefield losses only to regroup because the structures that sustained them remained intact. Effective counterterrorism therefore requires an understanding of how such groups survive, regenerate and adapt.

Three pillars sustain every terrorist organisation: leadership, funding and logistics. Leadership provides direction and cohesion. Funding supports recruitment, arms procurement, movement and propaganda. Logistics keep day-to-day operations running by ensuring access to food, fuel, communications equipment, medical supplies and safe routes. As long as these pillars remain intact, even weakened groups retain the capacity to recover.

The lesson is straightforward. Counterterrorism efforts must apply sustained pressure against all three pillars simultaneously. Leadership structures should be disrupted before they can plan or direct attacks. Financial networks must be identified and dismantled to deny terrorist organisations the resources on which they depend. Logistics and supply chains should remain under constant pressure to restrict the movement of personnel, weapons and supplies. Once these pillars begin to crumble, terrorist organisations gradually lose the capacity to organise, recruit, coordinate and sustain violent operations.

Available accounts suggest that this approach shaped the broader Oyo operation. While military formations tightened their grip on the operational area, security and intelligence agencies reportedly moved against individuals suspected of supporting the terrorists. Associates, informants and other facilitators were identified and apprehended, further isolating the group from the networks on which it depended. The cumulative effect was a steady decline in the terrorists’ operational capability, resulting in internal dislocation, defections and, ultimately, the unconditional release of the abducted children and their teachers.

Leadership, funding and logistics, however, do not fully explain the resilience of terrorist organisations. Violent extremist ideology remains one of their greatest strengths. It provides justification for violence, strengthens group identity and sustains recruitment. Where distorted religious teachings converge with ignorance, poor education, weak community structures, poverty and governance deficits, extremist organisations often find opportunities to spread their narratives and replenish their ranks. This should not be misconstrued as an indictment of religion. Rather, it illustrates how extremist elements manipulate religious beliefs to legitimise violence and attract followers.

Military operations can destroy camps and eliminate commanders, but they cannot defeat an ideology through force alone. That task requires credible religious scholarship, strategic communication, quality education, responsible community leadership and sustained efforts to counter extremist narratives before they take root. Counterterrorism is therefore not only a contest of arms but also a contest for hearts and minds.

This also speaks to the central place of intelligence. Intelligence is not limited to locating terrorist camps or tracking suspects. It is equally about detecting emerging threats, identifying early signs of radicalisation and disrupting recruitment networks before they mature into organised terrorist cells. Preventing a terrorist organisation from taking root is invariably less costly than confronting one that has already become entrenched.

Governments must continue to invest in intelligence gathering, intelligence sharing and early warning systems. Communities, traditional rulers, religious leaders and civil society organisations all have important roles to play in identifying suspicious developments before they evolve into major security threats. The earlier security agencies detect emerging risks, the greater the opportunity to neutralise them with minimal loss of life and resources.

The Oyo operation also reinforces the importance of sustaining operational momentum. One recurring weakness in counterterrorism campaigns is the tendency to relax pressure after recording an important success. Terrorist organisations have repeatedly exploited such pauses to recruit replacements, rebuild logistics, restore communication channels and establish new sanctuaries.

Relentless pressure is designed to deny terrorists that opportunity. Counterterrorism is not measured by isolated victories but by the ability to sustain pressure until terrorist organisations lose both the capability and the confidence to regenerate. That requires persistence, discipline and patience. It also depends on the confidence of local communities, whose cooperation often provides the timely intelligence that makes successful operations possible. Where trust exists between communities and security agencies, intelligence flows more freely, operations become more precise and innocent lives are better protected.

The significance of the Oyo operation extends well beyond the successful rescue of the abducted children and their teachers. It offers practical lessons on what can be achieved when political direction, timely intelligence and coordinated security operations come together in pursuit of a common objective. More importantly, it shows that success in counterterrorism is seldom the result of isolated acts of bravery. More often, it is the product of careful planning, sustained pressure and institutions working together towards a common goal.

One of the enduring lessons from the operation is the value of genuine inter-agency cooperation. For years, Nigerians have called for closer collaboration among the country’s security and intelligence agencies. The Oyo operation shows what is possible when coordination, cooperation and collaboration move beyond rhetoric and become part of everyday operations. Each institution performed its statutory role, yet all worked towards a single strategic objective under a unified command. That model deserves careful study.

Nigeria’s security challenges are varied. The threats confronting communities in the North-East differ from those in the North-West, North-Central and parts of the South-West. Yet some principles remain constant. Intelligence must continue to drive operations. Security agencies must share information more effectively. Joint planning should become routine rather than exceptional. Pressure on terrorist groups and their support networks must be sustained until they lose the capacity to regenerate. Operational gains must also be consolidated so that areas recovered at great cost do not again become safe havens for violent extremists.

This achievement should not pass as just another successful operation. It deserves to be documented, studied and institutionalised as a reference point for strengthening Nigeria’s counterterrorism and counterinsurgency doctrine. The lessons from Oyo—from intelligence fusion and unified command to sustained operational pressure and the systematic disruption of terrorist support networks—should shape doctrine, training, operational planning and future campaigns.

There is another misconception that deserves attention. It is sometimes argued that the Nigerian military only began to develop counterinsurgency capabilities after Boko Haram emerged. The historical record suggests otherwise. A more accurate assessment is that, while Nigeria recognised the importance of preparing for irregular warfare decades ago, such capabilities did not always receive the sustained priority and institutional attention they required.

I was reminded of this while reading Lindsay Barrett’s “Danjuma: The Making of a General” (1979), where Barrett recounts that, in August 1963, then Captain T.Y. Danjuma and Captain Sotomi were sent to Fort Bragg in the United States to attend a specialised course titled “Counter-Insurgency and Special Warfare.” The programme included training in infiltration tactics and other aspects of unconventional warfare. Boko Haram did not introduce the concept of counterinsurgency to the Nigerian military. Rather, the insurgency exposed the need to expand, modernise and institutionalise those capabilities across the Armed Forces and the wider security architecture.

Against that background, Nigeria should invest in developing more joint inter-agency task forces with similar capabilities, properly trained, equipped and maintained at a high state of operational readiness. Such formations should be capable of rapid deployment wherever emerging threats require swift, coordinated and intelligence-driven responses. Continuous investment in specialised training, doctrine development and joint exercises will help ensure that the country remains ahead of evolving threats instead of adapting only after they have become deeply entrenched.

Ultimately, military action alone cannot defeat terrorism. None of the essential elements of an effective counterterrorism strategy can succeed in isolation. Political will, capable security institutions, timely intelligence, community support, good governance and sustained efforts to counter violent extremist ideology must reinforce one another. Counterterrorism is not won by a single operation. It is won by building institutions that consistently produce successful operations.

The Oyo operation has provided an encouraging example of what is possible when these elements come together. The challenge now is not merely to celebrate the success but to document its lessons, refine its methods and institutionalise its approach. If that happens, the Oyo operation may ultimately be remembered not only for the lives it saved but also for the contribution it made to strengthening Nigeria’s counterterrorism campaign and safeguarding national security.


Aruwan is a postgraduate student at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

Beyond the Rescue: Lessons from the Oyo Operation

By Samuel Aruwan

Several months ago, I argued that one of the surest ways to degrade terrorist organisations is to deny them time and space. Terrorist groups thrive when they regroup after setbacks, rebuild their logistics, reconnect with their support networks and resume operations at a time of their choosing. Sustained pressure, driven by credible intelligence and backed by coordinated security operations, leaves little room for such recovery. The Oyo operation lends further weight to that argument.

Available accounts of the rescue of abducted schoolchildren and their teachers from Ansaru terrorists point to an operation that achieved more than the safe return of innocent victims. If those accounts are accurate, the operation offers valuable lessons for Nigeria’s counterterrorism campaign at a time when the country continues to confront multiple security threats across different theatres. More importantly, it shows that success in counterterrorism is rarely accidental. It is usually the product of political direction, timely intelligence and sustained inter-agency cooperation.

The children and their teachers were abducted on 15 May 2026. Following the abduction, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu reportedly directed the immediate mobilisation of all necessary security assets to secure their release. Acting on that directive, Defence Headquarters constituted a Joint Inter-Agency Task Force (JIATF) comprising personnel from the Armed Forces, the Nigeria Police Force, the Department of State Services, the National Intelligence Agency, the Defence Intelligence Agency and the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps.

That decision deserves attention because it reflects an important reality. Successful counterterrorism operations rarely depend on the efforts of a single institution. They are usually the product of political resolve, effective leadership and cooperation among organisations with different but complementary responsibilities. Intelligence agencies gather and analyse information, the Armed Forces apply military power, while law enforcement and other security agencies disrupt the criminal and logistical networks that sustain violent groups. Working within a unified operational framework, these capabilities complement one another and improve the prospects of success.

Available accounts indicate that this thinking shaped the Oyo operation. Rather than rushing into a high-risk assault, the Joint Inter-Agency Task Force reportedly adopted a patient and deliberate approach. Troops advanced into the Oyo National Forest from different directions over several weeks, gradually restricting the movement of the terrorists and denying them freedom of manoeuvre. Persistent Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) reportedly supported the operation, enabling commanders to identify logistics sites, communication facilities and other operational assets while avoiding actions that could endanger the lives of the abducted children and their teachers.

The operation reinforces a lesson that has emerged repeatedly from successful counterterrorism campaigns. The objective is not merely to confront terrorists wherever they are found. It is to remove, step by step, the conditions that allow them to survive. Terrorist organisations depend on safe havens, communication networks, logistics, funding and local support. Once these enablers come under sustained pressure, the organisation itself begins to weaken.

That is why counterterrorism should never be viewed as a purely military undertaking. Military operations remain indispensable, but they are far more effective when supported by timely intelligence, law enforcement measures and close coordination among security institutions. Lasting gains are often achieved not when terrorists are overwhelmed in a single encounter, but when they gradually lose the ability to organise, communicate and sustain themselves.

The reported sequence of events in Oyo suggests that this broader strategy was consciously pursued. While security forces maintained pressure within the forest, other agencies reportedly worked to identify and disrupt the network that supported the terrorists beyond the battlefield. The lesson is clear. Terrorist organisations do not exist in isolation. Behind every terrorist cell lies a network of couriers, financiers, informants, recruiters and suppliers. Weakening that network is often as important as confronting the armed elements themselves.

The Oyo operation reinforces another important lesson. Terrorist organisations are rarely defeated simply because some of their fighters have been neutralised. Many have survived significant battlefield losses only to regroup because the structures that sustained them remained intact. Effective counterterrorism therefore requires an understanding of how such groups survive, regenerate and adapt.

Three pillars sustain every terrorist organisation: leadership, funding and logistics. Leadership provides direction and cohesion. Funding supports recruitment, arms procurement, movement and propaganda. Logistics keep day-to-day operations running by ensuring access to food, fuel, communications equipment, medical supplies and safe routes. As long as these pillars remain intact, even weakened groups retain the capacity to recover.

The lesson is straightforward. Counterterrorism efforts must apply sustained pressure against all three pillars simultaneously. Leadership structures should be disrupted before they can plan or direct attacks. Financial networks must be identified and dismantled to deny terrorist organisations the resources on which they depend. Logistics and supply chains should remain under constant pressure to restrict the movement of personnel, weapons and supplies. Once these pillars begin to crumble, terrorist organisations gradually lose the capacity to organise, recruit, coordinate and sustain violent operations.

Available accounts suggest that this approach shaped the broader Oyo operation. While military formations tightened their grip on the operational area, security and intelligence agencies reportedly moved against individuals suspected of supporting the terrorists. Associates, informants and other facilitators were identified and apprehended, further isolating the group from the networks on which it depended. The cumulative effect was a steady decline in the terrorists’ operational capability, resulting in internal dislocation, defections and, ultimately, the unconditional release of the abducted children and their teachers.

Leadership, funding and logistics, however, do not fully explain the resilience of terrorist organisations. Violent extremist ideology remains one of their greatest strengths. It provides justification for violence, strengthens group identity and sustains recruitment. Where distorted religious teachings converge with ignorance, poor education, weak community structures, poverty and governance deficits, extremist organisations often find opportunities to spread their narratives and replenish their ranks. This should not be misconstrued as an indictment of religion. Rather, it illustrates how extremist elements manipulate religious beliefs to legitimise violence and attract followers.

Military operations can destroy camps and eliminate commanders, but they cannot defeat an ideology through force alone. That task requires credible religious scholarship, strategic communication, quality education, responsible community leadership and sustained efforts to counter extremist narratives before they take root. Counterterrorism is therefore not only a contest of arms but also a contest for hearts and minds.

This also speaks to the central place of intelligence. Intelligence is not limited to locating terrorist camps or tracking suspects. It is equally about detecting emerging threats, identifying early signs of radicalisation and disrupting recruitment networks before they mature into organised terrorist cells. Preventing a terrorist organisation from taking root is invariably less costly than confronting one that has already become entrenched.

Governments must continue to invest in intelligence gathering, intelligence sharing and early warning systems. Communities, traditional rulers, religious leaders and civil society organisations all have important roles to play in identifying suspicious developments before they evolve into major security threats. The earlier security agencies detect emerging risks, the greater the opportunity to neutralise them with minimal loss of life and resources.

The Oyo operation also reinforces the importance of sustaining operational momentum. One recurring weakness in counterterrorism campaigns is the tendency to relax pressure after recording an important success. Terrorist organisations have repeatedly exploited such pauses to recruit replacements, rebuild logistics, restore communication channels and establish new sanctuaries.

Relentless pressure is designed to deny terrorists that opportunity. Counterterrorism is not measured by isolated victories but by the ability to sustain pressure until terrorist organisations lose both the capability and the confidence to regenerate. That requires persistence, discipline and patience. It also depends on the confidence of local communities, whose cooperation often provides the timely intelligence that makes successful operations possible. Where trust exists between communities and security agencies, intelligence flows more freely, operations become more precise and innocent lives are better protected.

The significance of the Oyo operation extends well beyond the successful rescue of the abducted children and their teachers. It offers practical lessons on what can be achieved when political direction, timely intelligence and coordinated security operations come together in pursuit of a common objective. More importantly, it shows that success in counterterrorism is seldom the result of isolated acts of bravery. More often, it is the product of careful planning, sustained pressure and institutions working together towards a common goal.

One of the enduring lessons from the operation is the value of genuine inter-agency cooperation. For years, Nigerians have called for closer collaboration among the country’s security and intelligence agencies. The Oyo operation shows what is possible when coordination, cooperation and collaboration move beyond rhetoric and become part of everyday operations. Each institution performed its statutory role, yet all worked towards a single strategic objective under a unified command. That model deserves careful study.

Nigeria’s security challenges are varied. The threats confronting communities in the North-East differ from those in the North-West, North-Central and parts of the South-West. Yet some principles remain constant. Intelligence must continue to drive operations. Security agencies must share information more effectively. Joint planning should become routine rather than exceptional. Pressure on terrorist groups and their support networks must be sustained until they lose the capacity to regenerate. Operational gains must also be consolidated so that areas recovered at great cost do not again become safe havens for violent extremists.

This achievement should not pass as just another successful operation. It deserves to be documented, studied and institutionalised as a reference point for strengthening Nigeria’s counterterrorism and counterinsurgency doctrine. The lessons from Oyo—from intelligence fusion and unified command to sustained operational pressure and the systematic disruption of terrorist support networks—should shape doctrine, training, operational planning and future campaigns.

There is another misconception that deserves attention. It is sometimes argued that the Nigerian military only began to develop counterinsurgency capabilities after Boko Haram emerged. The historical record suggests otherwise. A more accurate assessment is that, while Nigeria recognised the importance of preparing for irregular warfare decades ago, such capabilities did not always receive the sustained priority and institutional attention they required.

I was reminded of this while reading Lindsay Barrett’s “Danjuma: The Making of a General” (1979), where Barrett recounts that, in August 1963, then Captain T.Y. Danjuma and Captain Sotomi were sent to Fort Bragg in the United States to attend a specialised course titled “Counter-Insurgency and Special Warfare.” The programme included training in infiltration tactics and other aspects of unconventional warfare. Boko Haram did not introduce the concept of counterinsurgency to the Nigerian military. Rather, the insurgency exposed the need to expand, modernise and institutionalise those capabilities across the Armed Forces and the wider security architecture.

Against that background, Nigeria should invest in developing more joint inter-agency task forces with similar capabilities, properly trained, equipped and maintained at a high state of operational readiness. Such formations should be capable of rapid deployment wherever emerging threats require swift, coordinated and intelligence-driven responses. Continuous investment in specialised training, doctrine development and joint exercises will help ensure that the country remains ahead of evolving threats instead of adapting only after they have become deeply entrenched.

Ultimately, military action alone cannot defeat terrorism. None of the essential elements of an effective counterterrorism strategy can succeed in isolation. Political will, capable security institutions, timely intelligence, community support, good governance and sustained efforts to counter violent extremist ideology must reinforce one another. Counterterrorism is not won by a single operation. It is won by building institutions that consistently produce successful operations.

The Oyo operation has provided an encouraging example of what is possible when these elements come together. The challenge now is not merely to celebrate the success but to document its lessons, refine its methods and institutionalise its approach. If that happens, the Oyo operation may ultimately be remembered not only for the lives it saved but also for the contribution it made to strengthening Nigeria’s counterterrorism campaign and safeguarding national security.


Aruwan is a postgraduate student at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

VIDEO: Drama As Arrested ‘Phantom’ Council DG Spotted Boarding Private Jet To Abuja

Controversy has trailed the arrest of Adeniyi Adeyemi, the controversial Director-General of the Presidential Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC), described by authorities as a fake Federal Government agency.

Adeyemi, who was picked up in Ibadan, Oyo State capital following a warrant issued by Justice Mohammed Umar of the Federal High Court, Abuja, was spotted boarding a private jet to Abuja in a video seen by Daily Trust on Thursday.

In the clip, Adeyemi, dressed in blue native attire, walked freely surrounded by plain-cloth operatives, one wearing a black fez cap inscribed IRT, the Intelligence Response Team of the Inspector-General of Police, as they exchanged banters.

This came shortly after another video showing him in handcuffs went viral, where he refused to state his name, saying “I have said it several times.”

Adeyemi is being questioned over alleged unlawful operation of an organisation presented as a Federal Government agency and other activities under scrutiny. Watch the video in the comment section.

Here Is The Affidavit Said To Have Been Deposited By The Father Of The Deceased, Mary Habila.

However, my take is this: Every Nigerian deserves answers when a life is lost under circumstances that raise legitimate public concern. This is not about personalities; it is about the integrity of our institutions.

If reports are accurate that Mary Habila served as the Minister’s personal nurse, Nigerians deserve clarification. Was she employed by the Federal Government? If so, under what legal arrangement was a public employee assigned as a personal nurse to a serving minister? Was she officially posted, seconded, or privately engaged? These are legitimate questions about the use of public resources.

Equally puzzling is the affidavit reportedly sworn by her father indicating that the family no longer wishes to pursue investigations. While every family deserves compassion and respect, unexplained deaths do not cease to be matters of public interest simply because relatives prefer burial over further inquiries.

Criminal investigations are not conducted merely on behalf of families; they are conducted on behalf of society. That is why criminal cases are ordinarily prosecuted in the name of the State.

If investigators have reason to believe the death was unnatural or suspicious, then the law should take its course irrespective of public pressure, political influence, or even the wishes of interested parties.

The surest way to end speculation is not through press statements or competing narratives. It is through an independent, transparent investigation whose findings can withstand public scrutiny.

The questions Nigerians are asking are not unreasonable. They are the very questions that strengthen confidence in the rule of law. When institutions answer them openly and professionally, everyone benefits, including those who insist they have nothing to hide.

Solomon Dalung Esq.

https://www.facebook.com/share/1D4jPPtWfD/

WHO IS REALLY THE OPPRESSOR? HOW COLLEEN MERO YESUFU’S CAMPAIGN OF PETITIONS, MEDIA ATTACKS AND STATE PRESSURE HAS TURNED A LAND DISPUTE INTO REBECCA OMOKAMO’S PUNISHMENT BEFORE JUDGMENT

While ownership of Plot 4022 remains before the courts and Rebecca has not been convicted of any offence, Colleen’s side continues to deploy petitions, lawyers, government agencies and damaging publications against a woman reportedly trapped inside the disputed property without basic utilities.

A recent publication presents Colleen Mero Yesufu as a helpless victim and Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac as though she has already been found guilty.
But Nigerians must ask a fundamental question:

Who is truly exercising power over whom?

Colleen’s side has reportedly petitioned the Presidency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, the Nigeria Police Force, the Federal Capital Territory Administration, the Nigeria Immigration Service and several other government institutions.
Her representatives have engaged multiple lawyers and organisations, held press briefings and repeatedly circulated serious allegations against Rebecca. The recent publication itself referred to more than 50 letters allegedly written between 2023 and 2026 in support of Colleen’s position.
That is not the profile of a person without access, influence or institutional support. It reveals the scale of the machinery being deployed against Rebecca.
Meanwhile, Rebecca remains a defendant who has pleaded not guilty and has not been convicted by any court.

A Headline Is Not a Court Judgment

The recent publication repeatedly describes Rebecca as though every allegation against her has been conclusively established. It portrays disputed documents as proven forgeries and presents accusations involving police officers, judges and government officials as settled facts.
That is trial by media.
A criminal charge is an allegation, not a conviction. The courts must determine whether any document was forged, whether any offence occurred and who lawfully owns Plot 4022.
Rebecca maintains that she purchased the property through a chain of transactions, paid substantial consideration, took possession, cleared the land, developed it and made it her residence. Colleen challenges that claim.
The existence of two competing claims is precisely why neither side should be declared the lawful owner through petitions, headlines or enforcement pressure.

The Real Objective Has Been Exposed

One of the most revealing claims in the publication was that the EFCC’s seizure of Plot 4022 had effectively restored a fortune to Colleen and her family.
That statement exposes the central problem.
Was the EFCC acting neutrally to preserve disputed property pending judicial determination, or was its intervention being treated as a means of giving one private claimant practical possession and advantage?
An interim forfeiture or preservation proceeding is not a final judgment awarding the land to Colleen. Yet the operation has been celebrated as though she has already won the property.
That is one side’s desired outcome being presented as justice before the courts have finally determined ownership.

The Court Order That Cannot Be Ignored

On 3 July 2026, the Federal High Court ordered that status quo ante bellum be maintained pending further proceedings.
Before the EFCC operation commenced on 29 June 2026, Rebecca was residing at the property. She had access to water, electricity, cooking gas, her family and her lawyers. EFCC operatives were not stationed inside or around her home.
Rebecca’s family says that following the operation, water, electricity and cooking gas were disconnected, while access to her husband, lawyers and supplies became severely restricted.
Her husband was reportedly allowed only a few minutes to deliver food and power banks after almost two weeks of public pressure.
How can such conditions represent the restoration of the position that existed before the dispute?
A court order must be obeyed according to its substance, not selectively interpreted to preserve an advantage created after an enforcement operation.

When a Land Claim Becomes Human Punishment

Colleen is entitled to pursue her case.
She may present her title documents, challenge Rebecca’s documents and ask the courts to declare her the lawful owner.
But she is not entitled to obtain through institutional pressure, media condemnation or enforcement action what has not yet been finally awarded by a court.
A land dispute cannot justify leaving another woman without water, electricity, cooking gas, normal access to her family or unrestricted access to legal representation.
A forfeiture proceeding cannot become punishment before conviction.
Age, widowhood and emotional appeals may attract public sympathy, but they do not determine legal ownership. Sympathy is not a certificate of title, and repetition does not transform an allegation into a fact.
At present, Rebecca is the woman being publicly branded a criminal before judgment. She is the person whose residence has been occupied by state operatives. She is the person reportedly left without essential utilities and subjected to restricted access.
Yet the public is repeatedly told that only Colleen can be regarded as the victim.

Let the Courts Decide

Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac is not asking to be placed above the law.
She is asking for the law to be applied equally.
Let the prosecution present its evidence.
Let Rebecca defend herself.
Let Colleen prove her title.
Let the courts determine whether the documents relied upon by either side are genuine and who lawfully owns Plot 4022.
But repeated petitions, institutional pressure, damaging publications and dehumanising accusations must not replace judicial determination.
When one private claimant’s campaign is followed by the mobilisation of multiple state institutions, repeated public attacks, the seizure of disputed property and the reported deprivation of another woman’s basic necessities, Nigerians are entitled to ask:

Who is truly being protected, and who is truly being oppressed?

The answer must come from evidence and a lawful judgment.
Not from propaganda.
Not from anonymous accusations.
Not from hunger, darkness or institutional force.

Restore Rebecca’s basic rights. Respect the Federal High Court’s order. End the trial by media. Let the courts determine the lawful owner of Plot 4022.

NO COURT HAS DECLARED COLLEEN MERO YESUFU THE OWNER, YET EFCC SEEKS TO FORFEIT PLOT 4022 “FOR THE BENEFIT” OF HER AND OTHER PRIVATE COMPLAINANTS

Since Colleen’s adverse claim emerged in 2023, the dispute has escalated into EFCC investigations, prosecution, forfeiture proceedings and occupation of Rebecca’s residence. Now, despite a Federal High Court order directing the parties to maintain status quo ante bellum, Rebecca says she remains without water, electricity or cooking gas.

No court has finally determined who owns Plot 4022, Guzape, Abuja.
No final judgment has declared Colleen Mero Yesufu the lawful owner.
No final judgment has extinguished the interest asserted by Mrs Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac.
Yet the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, is asking the Federal High Court to forfeit the disputed property to the “for the benefit” of private complainants, including Colleen Mero Yesufu.
While ownership remains unresolved, Rebecca says she has been left inside the residence without water, electricity or cooking gas.
She cannot cook normally.
She cannot preserve food.
She cannot bathe properly.
Food in her refrigerator and freezer has spoiled.
Her home has become increasingly unhygienic and difficult to inhabit.
This is happening despite a Federal High Court order directing all parties to maintain status quo ante bellum, meaning the position that existed before the confrontation.

EFCC’s Own Filing Reveals the Intended Private Benefit

This is not speculation.
It is contained in EFCC’s Motion on Notice for Final Forfeiture in Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/151/2026.
On page one, EFCC asks the Federal High Court for:
“A final order of this Honourable Court forfeiting for the benefit of the nominal complainants…”
The Commission names Mrs Colleen Mero Yesufu, May Estate Agency Enterprises, Fofam Nigeria Ltd and Adamu Ayeloda Nigeria Enterprises as the nominal complainants.
On page two, the first property listed for forfeiture is:
“Plot No. 4022 Guzape District Cadastral Zone A09, Abuja.”
EFCC further argues that final forfeiture should issue:
“With a direction for the victims’ benefit where the Federal Government is not itself the victim.”
Those are EFCC’s own words.
The Federal Government is not described as the victim.
Private complainants are named as the intended beneficiaries.
Colleen Mero Yesufu is one of them.
Yet no court has declared her the owner of Plot 4022.

A Complainant Is Not an Owner

Colleen asserts a claim to Plot 4022.
Rebecca also asserts an interest in the property.
The court must examine the original allocation, chain of title, payments, transfers, possession, development and authenticity of the documents relied upon by both sides.
Until that process is completed, Colleen remains a claimant, not a court-declared owner.
Calling someone a complainant does not confer title.
Describing someone as a victim does not transfer land.
A complaint is not a judgment.
An allegation is not ownership.
An EFCC investigation is not a conveyance.
The power of the Federal Government must not be used to create the practical result of a land judgment that no court has delivered.

A Troubling Pattern Since 2023

Since that claim emerged, the dispute has escalated beyond an ordinary contest over title.
It has developed into EFCC investigations, criminal allegations, forfeiture proceedings and, most recently, EFCC’s physical intervention at the residence.
Rebecca’s position is that EFCC has treated Colleen’s claim as superior even though her ownership has not been conclusively established by a court and her documents remain subject to judicial scrutiny.
Now EFCC’s own motion says the forfeiture is being pursued for the benefit of named private complainants, including Colleen.
That sequence creates an appearance too serious to ignore.
It creates the appearance that the coercive power of a federal agency is being deployed in a manner that advances one private claimant’s position in an unresolved land dispute.
It does not, by itself, prove a secret agreement or criminal collaboration.
But it demands an independent investigation into the entire relationship between the complaints made, the actions taken by EFCC and the private benefit expressly contemplated in the forfeiture motion.
EFCC must disclose why Colleen was treated as a victim before any court declared her the owner.

Forfeiture Must Not Become Private Conveyancing

EFCC relies on section 17 of the Advance Fee Fraud and Other Fraud Related Offences Act.
That section permits forfeiture where a court is reasonably satisfied that property is unclaimed or represents proceeds of unlawful activity. It also requires notice and an opportunity for persons claiming an interest to show cause.
But section 17 repeatedly states that property is forfeited to the Federal Government of Nigeria.
It does not determine the private ownership of disputed land.
It does not automatically convert a complainant into the owner.
It does not permit forfeiture to become a shortcut around a pending title dispute.
Forfeiture is one legal process.
Compensation is another.
Restitution is another.
Determination of land ownership is another.
These separate processes must not be collapsed into one procedure that manufactures a private winner before ownership has been judicially determined.
If EFCC says Plot 4022 is connected to fraud, it must identify the alleged unlawful activity and prove the connection between that activity and the property.
It cannot simply adopt one claimant’s account, describe that claimant as a victim and seek an outcome expressly intended to benefit her before the court determines title.

The Court Ordered Status Quo Ante Bellum

On 3 July 2026, the Federal High Court ordered the parties to maintain status quo ante bellum pending the hearing and determination of the motion.
Rebecca says the position before EFCC’s intervention on 29 June was clear.
She had water.
She had electricity.
She had cooking gas.
She could cook, preserve food and bathe.
She occupied the residence peacefully.
EFCC operatives were not stationed there.
Yet after the Court made its order, Rebecca says those conditions were not restored.
The operatives remained.
The water remained disconnected.
The electricity remained disconnected.
The cooking gas remained disconnected.
A formal request to Force Legal Services stated that EFCC operatives remained at the property after the order and that the occupants had not been restored to the position that existed before the occupation. It described the situation as an immediate threat to life, health and safety.
A court order is not obeyed merely because lawyers acknowledge it in legal papers.
It is obeyed when conduct on the ground reflects what the Court directed.

Rebecca Is a Human Being, Not Just a Respondent

Sixteen days without water is not property preservation.
Sixteen days without electricity is not investigation.
Sixteen days without cooking gas is not justice.
Leaving a woman unable to bathe does not prove fraud.
Allowing her food to spoil does not establish title.
Keeping her residence in darkness does not protect evidence.
Making her home unbearable cannot determine who owns Plot 4022.
Rebecca is not merely a name printed on the first page of an EFCC motion.
She is a woman living inside the disputed property.
She needs water for drinking, bathing and sanitation.
She needs electricity for lighting, refrigeration, communication and security.
She needs cooking gas to prepare food.
The Constitution protects human dignity and recognises the right of citizens to acquire and own immovable property, subject to lawful judicial processes. (placng.org)
Nothing in EFCC’s forfeiture motion authorises darkness.
Nothing authorises hunger.
Nothing authorises deprivation of water.
Nothing authorises the destruction of human dignity.

EFCC Must Answer

EFCC must explain which complainant is connected to Plot 4022.
It must explain what “for the benefit of the nominal complainants” means in practical terms.
Would the proceeds be paid to Colleen or another complainant?
Could the property itself eventually be handed to a private claimant?
Under what law?
After what determination of ownership?
It must also explain why Rebecca’s utilities and peaceful living conditions have not been restored after the Federal High Court ordered the parties to maintain the pre-dispute position.

Let the Court Determine Ownership

Rebecca is not asking to be placed above the law.
She is not asking that credible allegations be ignored.
She is asking that allegations be proved before they are treated as judgments.
She is asking that ownership be determined before federal power is used for the benefit of private complainants.
She is asking that the Federal High Court’s order be respected in practice.
She is asking for water.
She is asking for electricity.
She is asking for cooking gas.
She is asking to cook, bathe, eat and live safely while the courts determine the truth.
No private claimant should obtain through federal pressure what that claimant has not obtained through a final judgment.
No anti-corruption agency should appear to become an instrument for securing disputed private property.
No forfeiture proceeding should become private conveyancing.
And no woman should be left in darkness and deprivation while another claimant is named among those intended to benefit from the forfeiture of her residence.
The public is entitled to ask:

WHY IS EFCC SEEKING TO FORFEIT DISPUTED LAND FOR THE BENEFIT OF COLLEEN MERO YESUFU AND OTHER PRIVATE COMPLAINANTS BEFORE ANY COURT HAS DETERMINED WHO OWNS IT?

Restore Rebecca’s water.
Restore her electricity.
Restore her cooking gas.
Respect her dignity.
Respect the Federal High Court.
Investigate the pattern since 2023.
Let the evidence be tested.
Let the Court determine ownership.
Not darkness.
Not deprivation.
Not institutional pressure.
Ownership must be determined first.

BREAKING: The Federal High Court in Abuja has ordered the final forfeiture of 48 out of 57 properties worth N212 billion linked to the former Attorney-General of the Federation Abubakar Malami.

Judge Joyce Abdulmalik granted the final forfeiture application filed by the EFCC and dismissed several objections filed by Mr Malami, his family members, and some companies claiming ownership of the properties, saying they all lacked merit.

She held that the issue before the court was not “who owns the property, but how legitimate are the funds used to acquire the properties.”

The properties to be forfeited span Abuja, Kebbi, Kano, and Kaduna states and include luxury hotels, duplexes, plazas, warehouses, shopping units and residential estates acquired over several years.

Below is the full list of the 57 properties, including hotels and luxury homes initially seized by the EFCC through an interim forfeiture order. 48 of them will be handed over to the federal government following today's court ruling.

1. Luxury Duplex at Amazon Street, Plot No. 3011 Within Cadastral Zone, A06 Maitama; File No: AN enhancement 11352, which was purchased in December 2022 at N500, 000, 000.00 (value after enhancement at N5,950,000,000).

2. Two Winged Large Storey Building Situate at No. 3, Onitsha Crescent, Area 11,Garki, Cadastral Zone, A03, Abuja (formerly Harmonia Hotels Limited), FCT, which was purchased Dec. 2018 at N7,000,000,000.

3. Plot 683, Jabi District, Cadastral Zone B04, Comprising of a five storey Building (Now Luxurious Meethaq Hotels Ltd, Jabi with 53 rooms/suites), which was purchased in Sept. 2020 at carcass level at N850,000,000 with additional N300,000,000 to take possession (value after completion N8,400,000,000).

4. Property No. 3130 within Cadastral Zone A04, Asokoro District, FCT, Abuja, Comprising Terraces, purchased in January 2021 at N360,000,000.

5. Property No. 3 Rhine Street, Maitama, Abuja (Meethaq Hotels Limited, Maitama With 15 ROOMS), which was purchased in February 2018 at N430,000,000 (current value after rehabilitation is N12,950,000,000).

6. Plot No. 1241B, Asokoro District Zone (No. 11A Yakubu Gowon Crescent) AsokoroDistrict, which was purchased in July 2021 at N325,000,000.

7. Shop No. C82 Citiscape — Shariff Plaza, Plot 739 Cadastral Zone A07, Aminu Kano Crescent, Wuse Il, FCT, Abuja, which was purchased in March 2024 at N120,000,000.

8. No. 4 Ahmadu Bello Way, Nasarawa GRA, Kano, which was purchased in December 2022 at N300,000,000.

9. Plot 157, Lamido Crescent, Nasarawa, GRA, Kano, purchased in July 2019 with no specific amount stated.

10. A Plaza, Commercial Toilets, Laundering, Warehouse Tanks Adjacent to Birnin Kebbi Market at N100 million.

11. 100 Hectares of l;and Along Birnin Kebbi, Jega Road, which was purchased in 2020 at N100,000,000.

12. Four Bedroom Bungalow Gesse Phase, Birnin Kebbi, which was purchased in 2023 at N101,000, 000.

13. Shops Nos. A36, B3 Vegas Mall, Wuse 2, Abuja, which was purchased in July 2023 at N158,000,000.

14. No. 26, Babbi Drive, Bua Estate, Abuja, purchased in 2022 at N136,000,000.

15. No. 27, Efab Estates Avenue, 5th Avenue, 59th Crescent, Gwarimpa, Abuja, purchased in January 2016 at N120,000,000.

16. Four Bedroom/ 2 Rooms Boys Quarters at No. 10B, Doka Crescent Abakpa GRA, Kaduna, purchased in January 2018 at N40, 000, 000.00.

17. Plot No. 13, Ipent 7 Estate, Karsana District, Abuja, purchased in June 2018 at N85,000,000.

18. A Bedroom Duplex & Boys Quarters at No. 12 Yalinga Street, Off Adetokunbo Ademola Crescent, Wuse Il, Abuja, purchased in Oct. 2018 at N150,000,000.

19. Two Warehouse Shops B40 And B46, Wuse Market, Abuja, purchased in July 2020 at N50,000,000.

20. Twin Houses at Zone E, Apo Legislative Quarters, Cadastral Zone B01, Plot 14014, Gudu District, Abuja, was purchased between February and May 2017 at N250,000,000.

Properties acquired by Khadimiyya for Justice & Development Initiative at the Academic Garden City, Birnin Kebbi, sold by the Federal Housing Authority Mortgage namely.

21, 22, and 23. Nine units of three bedroom, bungalow, three units of two bedroom bungalow, and 5.4 hectares of land, which were purchased between February 2023 and September 2023 at N187,000,000, among other assets listed in the schedule.

RAYHAAN UNIVERSITY, KEBBI STATE

24. Rayhaan University Permanent Site -N56,000,000,000.00

25. Rayhaan University Temporary Site -N37,800,000,000.00

26. Rayhaan University Third Site - N2,450,000,000.00

27. Rayhaan University Vice Chancellor - N490,000,000.0

RAYHAAN AGRO ALLIED FACTORY IN KEBBI STATE

28. Factory Buildings -N4,200,000,000.00

29. Factory Machines and Plants Units -N10,500,000,000.00

30. Factory Mosque - N2,450,000,000.00

31. Rayhaan Mill Staff Quarters - N1,487,500,000.00

32. Rayhaan Bustan Building - N3,150,000,000.00

AZBIR ARENA KEBBI STATE

33. Azbir Hotel - N10,325,000,000.00

34. Printing Press - N1,050,000,000.00

35. Gallery - N581,000,000.00

36. Gardens - N392,000,000.00

37. Mosque - N252,000,000.00

38. Azbir Clothing - N350,000,000.00

39. Azbir Pharmacy and Supermarket - N175,000,000.00

OTHER PROPERTIES HELD IN KEBBI STATE

40. Al-Afiya Energy Tanker Garage opposite Rayhaan University Health Centre, along Sani Abacha Bypass Road, Birnin-Kebbi - N2,450,000,000.00

41. Rayhaan Model Academy -N11,200,000,000.0

42. Rayhaan Primary and Secondary School - N8,750,000,000.00

43. Rayhaan Security House, off Sani Abacha Bypass, Birnin Kebbi - 245,700,000.00

44. Rayhaan Radio along Sani Abacha, Bypass Road, Birnin, Kebbi - N78,750,000.00

45. Uncompleted 2 Storey Complex Plaza located opposite Central Motor Park, (Eastern Park) Birnin Kebbi - N665,000,000.00

46. Amasdul Oil and Gas Ltd filling station Structure along Sani Abacha Bypass, Road, Birnin Kebbi near Jambali Automobile Workshop, Birnin Kebbi - 1,050, 000,000.00

47. Malami Support Organization Building - 210,000,000.00

48. ADC Kadi Malami Foundation Building - N56,000,000.00

49. Abubakar Malami SAN's House GRA - N350,000,000.00

50. Abubakar Malami SAN's House Behind Mobil - N490,000,000.00

51. Abdulaziz Malami (First Son's House) at Gesse Phase II in Birnin Kebbi - N1,659,000,000.00

52. Abiru-Rahman Abubakar Malami (Second Son's House) at Gesse Phase II in Birnin-Kebbi - N2,989,000,000.00

PROPERTIES IN KANO

53. Assets of Zeennoor Hotel at Kabuga Satellite Town, off Gwarzo Road, Kano with 131 rooms - N11,200,000,000.00

54. Zeennoor Mosque at Kabuga, Satellite Town, off Gwarzo Road, Kano - N84,000,000.00

55. Zeennor Old Hotel Building -N280,000,000.00

56. Rayhaan Hotel, Kano Located at Plot 27/28 Opp-Aminu kano Teaching Hospital, Southern Kano (Land And Luxurious Building of more than 50 rooms, with appurtenances- N2,240,000,000.00

57. Rayhaan Gym, Kano House Comprising of a Storey Building Opposite Rayhaan Hotel - N1,225,000,000.00

- Journalist KC

Whoever that is after Gbaja is really cordinating the attack properly with several undeniable evidences.

At the end it’s either the President asks Gbaja to resign or he Manage him till after election and re-appoint another CoS.

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A new investigative report by People's Gazette has made a troubling allegation against the Office of the Chief of Staff to the President. According to the report, an internal memo was used to justify setting aside about ₦54 billion from the Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), relying on a provision of the Petroleum Industry Act that the newspaper argues does not support such a directive. The Presidency has responded that the action was taken on the authority of President Bola Tinubu, but it has not directly addressed the report's claim that the cited legal provision does not authorize the remittance.

This is no longer about personalities. It is about the rule of law.

If the report is inaccurate, then the Presidency owes Nigerians a detailed explanation. It should publish the legal basis for the directive and demonstrate that every kobo involved was handled in accordance with the law.

https://youtube.com/shorts/XsnO2pSt0-8?si=rgNxtkCPvbBzZ4yC

But if the report is accurate, then the implications are profound. No public official, no matter how highly placed, should be able to rely on a legal provision that does not exist or one that has been wrongly interpreted to justify the movement of public funds.

Public money is not personal money.

The Petroleum Industry Act clearly establishes how the NUPRC's funds are to be managed. If there is another law, regulation, appropriation, or presidential power that authorizes this ₦54 billion arrangement, Nigerians deserve to see it. If there isn't, then this matter cannot simply be dismissed with political talking points.

The Presidency's defence appears to be that the President approved the directive. That response raises an even more important constitutional question: can presidential approval override the procedures established by an Act of the National Assembly? That is a legal question that deserves a legal answer, not a political one.

In a democracy, transparency should never be optional. When allegations involve tens of billions of naira belonging to the Nigerian people, silence, deflection, or appeals to authority are not enough.

This administration has repeatedly promised accountability and respect for the rule of law. This is an opportunity to demonstrate that those promises apply equally to everyone in government, regardless of office or influence.

Nigerians should not rush to convict anyone based on a newspaper report alone. But neither should they dismiss serious documentary allegations simply because they involve powerful officials.

The answer is simple: publish the facts, disclose the legal authority relied upon, and let Nigerians judge for themselves.

That is how accountable government works.
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EFCC KNOWS WHAT “STATUS QUO ANTE BELLUM” MEANS, YET 15 DAYS LATER, MRS REBECCA OMOKAMO GODWIN-ISAAC REMAINS WITHOUT WATER, ELECTRICITY, GAS OR FOOD

If EFCC admits the order means the state of affairs before the dispute, why has Plot 4022, Guzape, not been restored, and why is Mrs Rebecca still facing conditions that threaten her life?

Abuja, Nigeria | Monday, 13 July 2026

For fifteen days, Mrs Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac says she has remained inside her residence at Plot 4022, Guzape, Abuja, under conditions no Nigerian should be forced to endure.

No water.

No electricity.

No cooking gas.

No ability to cook.

No ability to eat properly.

No peace.

No certainty about her safety.

Since Monday, 29 June 2026, she says operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, have remained at the property while the basic utilities necessary for human dignity and survival have been disconnected.

What is happening now is no longer merely a land dispute. It is a human ordeal, a rule-of-law crisis and a serious threat to her life, health and safety.

EFCC’s Own Filing Defines the Order

EFCC cannot claim not to understand what status quo ante bellum means.

In the Applicant/Respondent’s Written Address in Support of Motion on Notice for Clarification and/or Variation of the Order of this Honourable Court Made on 3 July 2026, filed in Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/151/2026, EFCC itself addressed the meaning of the phrase.

At page 18, paragraph 3.10, EFCC stated that status quo ante bellum means the “state of affairs existing before the beginning of hostilities” and also the state of affairs before the dispute that gave rise to the application.

At page 17, paragraph 3.7, EFCC also admitted that the operative order of the Federal High Court was that the parties should “maintain status quo ante bellum.”

That admission is crucial.

Before 29 June 2026, was Mrs Rebecca living without water?

Was she living without electricity?

Was her cooking gas disconnected?

Was she unable to cook or eat properly?

Were EFCC operatives stationed at her residence?

Was she living under conditions that threatened her life?

If the answer is no, then the present condition is not the pre-dispute position.

It is the condition created after EFCC’s intervention.

The Contradiction EFCC Must Answer

EFCC knows the order.

EFCC knows the phrase.

EFCC has explained the phrase to the Court.

Yet fifteen days later, Mrs Rebecca says the water remains disconnected, the electricity remains disconnected, the cooking gas remains disconnected, and she remains unable to cook or eat properly in her own home.

This is not merely discomfort.

It is a serious threat to her health, dignity and life.

A forfeiture proceeding is not a licence to degrade a citizen.

A court process is not a licence to starve a woman into submission.

Property preservation must never become human punishment.

Forfeiture Must Not Decide Ownership Before the Court Does

Plot 4022, Guzape, is the subject of competing claims.

Mrs Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac asserts an interest in the property. Hajiya Colleen Mero Yesufu also asserts an adverse claim.

Ownership should therefore be determined by a court of competent jurisdiction, not indirectly decided through pressure, occupation, forfeiture proceedings or conditions that make the home unsafe and unlivable.

If ownership has not been finally determined, no process should be used in a manner that creates a practical transfer of possession, control or advantage before the court decides the lawful owner.

Forfeiture must not become a shortcut for deciding title.

Fifteen Days Is Not Enforcement

Fifteen days without water is not enforcement.

Fifteen days without electricity is not investigation.

Fifteen days without cooking gas is not preservation.

Fifteen days without the ability to cook or eat properly is not the rule of law.

It is cruelty.

It is a threat to life.

Mrs Rebecca has not been convicted of any offence in respect of Plot 4022.

The dispute is before a court.

The Federal High Court has intervened.

Lawyers are making arguments.

Yet the woman at the centre of this ordeal remains without water, electricity, cooking gas and proper access to food.

The court should determine who owns Plot 4022.

Not hunger.

Not darkness.

Not disconnected gas.

Not institutional pressure.

Not conditions that endanger human life.

The Real Pre-Dispute Position Was Simple

Before 29 June 2026, Mrs Rebecca says she was living in her home.

She had water.

She had electricity.

She had cooking gas.

She could cook.

She could eat.

She could sleep in peace.

EFCC operatives were not stationed at her residence.

That was the pre-dispute position.

Any interpretation of status quo ante bellum that leaves her without water, electricity, cooking gas, food, peace and safety is not a restoration of the pre-dispute position.

It is a continuation of the crisis.

The Court Must Not Be Mocked by Conduct on the Ground

A court order is not respected merely by mentioning it in legal papers.

A court order is respected through conduct.

If the Court orders the maintenance of status quo ante bellum, then the reality at Plot 4022, Cadastral Zone A09, Guzape, must reflect the position that existed before the dispute.

The judiciary cannot be reduced to a forum where legal grammar is debated while a citizen remains trapped in darkness, hunger, deprivation and fear for her life.

The Plea Is Simple

Mrs Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac is not asking to be placed above the law.

She is asking that the law be obeyed by everyone.

She is asking that EFCC obey the same rule of law it expects citizens to obey.

She is asking that forfeiture proceedings not be used to determine ownership before the court decides who lawfully owns Plot 4022, Cadastral Zone A09, Guzape.

She is asking for water.

She is asking for electricity.

She is asking for cooking gas.

She is asking to cook.

She is asking to eat.

She is asking to live.

She is asking to be protected from a situation that she says now threatens her life.

She is calling on the Inspector-General of Police, the Attorney-General of the Federation, the National Human Rights Commission, the Nigerian Bar Association, human-rights organisations, civil-society groups, women’s-rights groups, religious leaders, media organisations and all Nigerians of conscience to urgently come to her aid.

This is no longer only a property dispute.

It is now a human emergency.

Restore the water.

Restore the electricity.

Restore the gas.

Let her cook.

Let her eat.

Respect the Federal High Court.

Respect the meaning of status quo ante bellum.

Do not use forfeiture proceedings to decide ownership before the court.

Protect her life.

Because when EFCC’s own filing admits that status quo ante bellum means the state of affairs before the dispute, the public is entitled to ask:

Why is Mrs Rebecca Omokamo Godwin-Isaac still living under the conditions created after the dispute began?

And if the law has spoken, one question remains:

Who is powerful enough to ignore it?

From Nigeria To Taipei: Rabi Maidunama Reflects On An Inspiring Rotary International Convention 2026 Journey


BY ANTHONY ADA ABRAHAM
For Rabi Maidunama, founder of the Maidunama Sickle Cell Foundation (MAISCEF) and a dedicated Rotarian, attending the 2026 Rotary International Convention in Taipei was more than an international trip it was a memorable experience of service, friendship, and global unity.

Her journey began in June 2026 as she joined thousands of Rotarians from around the world for the annual convention in Taipei, Taiwan.

Accompanied by fellow Rotarian and travel partners, Maidunama arrived at the convention venue filled with excitement and anticipation.

"Spotting our Nigerian flag at the convention centre alongside my travel partner, a fellow Rotarian, filled me with immense pride. Arriving at the walkway where all countries with Rotary clubs are represented was a truly unforgettable moment," Rabi Maidunama said.

The convention brought together more than 38,000 Rotarians from across the globe, creating an atmosphere of cultural exchange, networking, and renewed commitment to humanitarian service.

Throughout the event, Maidunama participated in sessions, connected with fellow Rotary members from different countries, and shared ideas on community development, health advocacy, and service above self. The experience also gave her the opportunity to showcase Nigeria's presence on a global stage while learning from successful projects implemented by Rotary clubs worldwide.

Reflecting on the journey from beginning to end, she described the convention as an inspiring reminder that people from different backgrounds can unite through a shared commitment to making the world a better place.
For the MAISCEF founder, the trip was not only about representing Nigeria but also about returning home with fresh ideas, stronger international friendships, and renewed determination to continue serving vulnerable communities, especially those living with sickle cell disorder.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z3V2EN9LWSE?si=ovIl5AXhhaH5GDhd

"Taipei was a beautiful experience. I would describe it as a more expensive version of China. It is a clean, well-organized country with breathtaking mountains, lush green landscapes, friendly people, great tea, and delicious street food."

"One of the biggest challenges was the language barrier. English is not widely spoken, and communication was often difficult. From hotel attendants to taxi drivers and street vendors, very few people spoke English, and most didn't seem concerned about it. They simply live comfortably in their own world, where English isn't a part of everyday life. Thankfully, phone translation apps made communication much easier."

One of the most emotional moments came as they approached the walkway leading to the convention centre, where the flags of every country with Rotary clubs were proudly displayed.

"During my stay, I visited many of Taipei's top attractions, including beautiful temples, Taipei 101, the Sky Garden, vibrant night markets, and enjoyed a variety of local street foods. Overall, it was a memorable and enriching experience that gave me a deeper appreciation of Taiwan's unique culture and way of life."

"This year, we proudly celebrated the second African and the second Nigerian to serve as Rotary International President for the 2025–2027 Rotary year, Rotarian Yinka Hakeem Babalola. Nigerians came together in matching attire to honor and celebrate this remarkable milestone."

As the curtains fell on the Rotary International Convention 2026, Rabi Maidunama left Taipei with lasting memories, valuable connections, and a deeper appreciation of Rotary's global impact ...an experience she says will continue to inspire her humanitarian work for years to come.

From Nigeria To Taipei: Rabi Maidunama Reflects On An Inspiring Rotary International Convention 2026 Journey


BY ANTHONY ADA ABRAHAM
For Rabi Maidunama, founder of the Maidunama Sickle Cell Foundation (MAISCEF) and a dedicated Rotarian, attending the 2026 Rotary International Convention in Taipei was more than an international trip it was a memorable experience of service, friendship, and global unity.

Her journey began in June 2026 as she joined thousands of Rotarians from around the world for the annual convention in Taipei, Taiwan.

Accompanied by fellow Rotarian and travel partners, Maidunama arrived at the convention venue filled with excitement and anticipation.

"Spotting our Nigerian flag at the convention centre alongside my travel partner, a fellow Rotarian, filled me with immense pride. Arriving at the walkway where all countries with Rotary clubs are represented was a truly unforgettable moment," Rabi Maidunama said.

The convention brought together more than 38,000 Rotarians from across the globe, creating an atmosphere of cultural exchange, networking, and renewed commitment to humanitarian service.

Throughout the event, Maidunama participated in sessions, connected with fellow Rotary members from different countries, and shared ideas on community development, health advocacy, and service above self. The experience also gave her the opportunity to showcase Nigeria's presence on a global stage while learning from successful projects implemented by Rotary clubs worldwide.

Reflecting on the journey from beginning to end, she described the convention as an inspiring reminder that people from different backgrounds can unite through a shared commitment to making the world a better place.
For the MAISCEF founder, the trip was not only about representing Nigeria but also about returning home with fresh ideas, stronger international friendships, and renewed determination to continue serving vulnerable communities, especially those living with sickle cell disorder.

"Taipei was a beautiful experience. I would describe it as a more expensive version of China. It is a clean, well-organized country with breathtaking mountains, lush green landscapes, friendly people, great tea, and delicious street food."

"One of the biggest challenges was the language barrier. English is not widely spoken, and communication was often difficult. From hotel attendants to taxi drivers and street vendors, very few people spoke English, and most didn't seem concerned about it. They simply live comfortably in their own world, where English isn't a part of everyday life. Thankfully, phone translation apps made communication much easier."

One of the most emotional moments came as they approached the walkway leading to the convention centre, where the flags of every country with Rotary clubs were proudly displayed.

"During my stay, I visited many of Taipei's top attractions, including beautiful temples, Taipei 101, the Sky Garden, vibrant night markets, and enjoyed a variety of local street foods. Overall, it was a memorable and enriching experience that gave me a deeper appreciation of Taiwan's unique culture and way of life."

"This year, we proudly celebrated the second African and the second Nigerian to serve as Rotary International President for the 2025–2027 Rotary year, Rotarian Yinka Hakeem Babalola. Nigerians came together in matching attire to honor and celebrate this remarkable milestone."

As the curtains fell on the Rotary International Convention 2026, Rabi Maidunama left Taipei with lasting memories, valuable connections, and a deeper appreciation of Rotary's global impact ...an experience she says will continue to inspire her humanitarian work for years to come.