₦airaland Forum

When Nigerians watch a president sign a bill, a governor announce a policy or a minister unveil a major project, it often appears that the decision was made by a single individual.

The reality is usually far more complicated.

Behind nearly every major government decision lies a network of advisers, political allies, party leaders, financiers, technocrats, lobbyists and power brokers who help shape outcomes long before they become public. Analysts describe these actors as the invisible hands of governance, people who may never appear on a ballot paper yet often wield enormous influence.

Key points

Major political decisions are often influenced by networks beyond elected officials.
Governors, party leaders, advisers, financiers and interest groups can shape policy outcomes.
Many of the most influential actors operate outside formal government structures.
For decades, Nigerians have debated the existence of a “cabal” or inner circle around those in power. While the term is often used loosely, political experts agree that informal influence networks exist in virtually every administration. The difference is that these networks rarely appear in official government charts.

One of the most powerful groups in Nigerian politics is often state governors. Beyond running their states, governors frequently control party structures, influence candidate selection and shape national political negotiations. Their collective influence can affect everything from cabinet appointments to legislative priorities.

Political financiers also play a significant role. Elections are expensive, and candidates often depend on wealthy supporters, business interests and political sponsors. Critics argue that these relationships can create expectations of access and influence once governments take office.

Then there are advisers and aides. While ministers and elected officials receive public attention, many policy ideas are developed by technical experts, consultants, chiefs of staff and trusted confidants who work behind closed doors. These individuals often determine which information reaches decision-makers and which proposals gain traction.

Interest groups also matter. Business associations, professional bodies, labour unions and industry organisations regularly lobby government officials in pursuit of policies that benefit their members. Research shows that organised groups often enjoy formal and informal channels through which they influence policy discussions.

Traditional rulers and religious leaders continue to hold substantial influence as well. Although many avoid overt political involvement, their endorsements, opinions and community standing can affect political calculations, especially during elections and periods of national tension.

The digital age has introduced another class of power brokers. Social media influencers, political strategists and online campaign networks increasingly shape public opinion and political narratives. Governments now pay close attention to online conversations because they can influence public perception and electoral outcomes.

Perhaps the most important question is whether this hidden influence strengthens or weakens democracy.

Supporters argue that experienced advisers, experts and stakeholders help leaders make better decisions. Critics counter that decisions made through informal networks often reduce transparency and leave ordinary citizens excluded from the process. Studies on Nigerian governance have repeatedly highlighted how patronage networks, elite bargaining and informal relationships can shape public policy outside public scrutiny.

As for many Nigerians, the challenge is not simply who holds power, but who influences those who hold power.

The names on election ballots may change every four years, but the networks operating behind the scenes often endure far longer.

Understanding those networks may be the key to understanding how Nigeria is really governed.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/who-really-influences-government-decisions-in-nigeria/

Atiku Abubakar has another chance to achieve what has eluded him for years: winning Nigeria’s presidency.

But if the former vice president is serious about defeating President Bola Tinubu in 2027, the question is not simply whether he remains popular.

The harder question is whether Atiku can build the electoral coalition needed to turn that popularity into 25 per cent support across at least two thirds of Nigeria’s 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory, while also finishing ahead of every other presidential candidate.

The numbers from 2023 offer both a warning and a reason for Atiku’s supporters to remain hopeful.

In the 2023 presidential election, Tinubu received 8,794,726 votes. Atiku came second with 6,984,520, while Peter Obi recorded 6,101,533 and Rabiu Kwankwaso received 1,496,687.

The gap between Tinubu and Atiku was therefore about 1.81 million votes.

On paper, that gap does not look impossible to close.

But there is a major problem with simply adding opposition votes together.

Atiku cannot assume that every Obi or Kwankwaso voter will automatically transfer support to him.

That is where the 2027 battle becomes much more complicated.

The 2023 numbers tell the real story

Atiku’s 6.98 million votes were heavily concentrated in northern states.

He won states including Gombe, Kaduna, Katsina, Kebbi, Osun, Sokoto, Taraba and Yobe, according to the final results.

But he performed poorly in several major southern battlegrounds.

In Lagos, for example, Atiku received just 75,750 votes, while Tinubu and Obi were separated by only a few thousand votes, with Obi narrowly ahead.

Atiku also struggled in Ogun, Oyo, Ondo, Rivers and several other southern states.

That matters because a presidential candidate cannot rely on one region to satisfy Nigeria’s constitutional spread requirement.

Tinubu’s 2023 victory was also built on a geographically broader coalition. He won Lagos, much of the South-West, several northern states and the Federal Capital Territory.

Atiku therefore needs more than additional northern votes.

He needs to expand.

The opposition’s biggest problem is still the opposition

This is probably the single biggest obstacle facing Atiku.

The 2023 election demonstrated what happens when the anti-APC vote is divided among several major candidates.

Atiku finished second.

Obi finished third.

Kwankwaso finished fourth.

Together, the three opposition candidates collected more than 14.5 million votes, substantially more than Tinubu’s 8.79 million.

That does not mean Atiku would have won if those votes had been combined.

But it demonstrates the enormous electoral weight sitting outside the APC camp.

The challenge is converting that weight into one coherent political machine.

That task has already proved difficult.

Atiku and Obi have explored cooperation with other opposition figures, but attempts to create a single opposition structure have repeatedly encountered disagreements over leadership, party platforms and who should ultimately carry the presidential ticket. Recent reporting indicates that Atiku and Obi’s camps have not been prepared to simply abandon their own presidential ambitions in favour of a consensus candidate. (The Times⁠)

That is a serious problem for Atiku.

Every major opposition candidate who remains on the ballot creates the possibility of another split.

Atiku has one advantage he did not have in 2023

The political environment is different.

In 2023, Tinubu was challenging an incumbent government.

In 2027, he is defending one.

That changes the nature of the election.

Tinubu’s government is now responsible for the economic and security record Nigerians will judge at the ballot box.

His administration’s removal of the petrol subsidy and currency reforms have fundamentally changed Nigeria’s economy. The government argues that the reforms were necessary to stabilise the economy and attract investment, while critics point to the enormous pressure they placed on household incomes.

Reuters reported this month that economic hardship and insecurity remain major concerns for voters, with public sentiment heavily influenced by the cost of living and safety.

For Atiku, that creates an obvious political opportunity.

He does not necessarily have to convince Nigerians that he is perfect.

He needs to convince enough voters that the alternative to Tinubu would produce better results.

But incumbency is a powerful weapon

This is where the mathematics becomes less comfortable for Atiku.

Tinubu controls the federal government.

The APC also has governors, lawmakers, political structures and established networks across the country.

Those structures matter during elections.

The president has already secured the support of a substantial portion of the political establishment, while opposition figures are still negotiating alliances and campaign structures.

Recent political developments show the contrast.

While APC governors have been publicly rallying around Tinubu’s re-election effort, opposition figures continue to negotiate how best to challenge him.

That gives Tinubu an organisational advantage Atiku must overcome.

Then there is the South-West problem

Tinubu’s strongest structural advantage remains his political base in the South-West.

The president won Lagos, Ogun, Oyo and Ondo in 2023, although the margins varied significantly.

Atiku cannot afford to write off the region.

But defeating Tinubu in the South-West will be exceptionally difficult.

For Atiku, the realistic objective may therefore not be to dominate the region but to reduce Tinubu’s margins while maximising votes elsewhere.

Every vote that Tinubu fails to accumulate in his strongest states becomes important when the national contest is close.

The North is not automatically Atiku’s

Another dangerous assumption would be that Atiku owns the northern vote.

He does not.

The 2023 election proved that.

Tinubu won several northern states, while Kwankwaso dominated Kano with nearly one million votes.

Atiku won other northern states, sometimes narrowly.

That means the northern electorate is competitive rather than permanently attached to one candidate.

The emergence of new alliances could further change that calculation.

Atiku’s decision to run under the African Democratic Congress has also changed the political structure around him. His reported pairing with former Rivers governor Rotimi Amaechi gives the campaign a prominent southern figure, potentially helping Atiku address one of his biggest weaknesses: the perception that his political strength is concentrated in the North.

But a ticket is not the same thing as an electoral coalition.

It still has to produce votes.

The Obi factor could decide everything

If Peter Obi remains a serious presidential contender, Atiku’s path becomes considerably harder.

This is not because Obi necessarily needs to defeat Atiku.

He simply needs to retain enough voters to prevent Atiku from consolidating the anti-Tinubu vote.

The 2023 results demonstrate why.

Obi won the South-East overwhelmingly and performed strongly in parts of the South-South and North-Central.

In Lagos, he also finished narrowly ahead of Tinubu.

Those are votes Atiku desperately needs if he wants to close the gap.

But the political relationship between the two camps remains complicated.

Attempts to construct a united opposition have continued, yet disagreements over the presidential ticket have made a complete merger difficult.

If Atiku and Obi both run competitive presidential campaigns, Tinubu benefits from the split.

If one eventually steps aside for the other, the electoral calculation changes dramatically.

That is why the opposition’s final arrangement may be more important than today’s opinion polls.

Can Atiku actually win?

Yes.

Full story here: https://yaroinsider.ng/can-atiku-defeat-tinubu-2027-numbers-political-obstacles/

Norway’s King Harald V has died at the age of 89, bringing an end to one of the longest and most respected royal reigns in modern Europe. The Norwegian Royal Palace announced that the monarch passed away peacefully on Friday morning at Oslo University Hospital after a period of declining health.

His death marks a historic turning point for Norway, where Harald spent more than three decades on the throne and became one of the country’s most trusted public figures. Crown Prince Haakon has automatically succeeded him and is expected to reign as King Haakon VIII.

The palace confirmed that King Harald died at 6:35 a.m. local time after being hospitalized earlier this month. In recent weeks, officials had disclosed that the king’s condition had become increasingly serious while he received treatment for a blood-related illness and bacterial infection.

Born on February 21, 1937, Harald was the first royal heir born in Norway in nearly six centuries. His early life was shaped by World War II after Nazi Germany invaded Norway in 1940. As a young child, he spent part of the war years in exile in Sweden and the United States before returning home following the conflict.

Harald became king in January 1991 following the death of his father, King Olav V. During his reign, Norway experienced major economic growth, international prominence and social change. Although the Norwegian monarch’s role is largely ceremonial, Harald became widely admired for his steady leadership during national crises and for modernizing the monarchy while preserving public trust.

One of the defining moments of his personal life came long before he took the throne. Harald fought for years to marry Sonja Haraldsen, a commoner, despite opposition from royal circles. Their eventual marriage in 1968 was seen as a significant step toward a more modern monarchy and helped strengthen public support for the royal family.

Throughout his reign, Harald earned a reputation for promoting unity, tolerance and inclusion. His speeches following national tragedies, particularly after the 2011 attacks that shocked Norway, were widely praised both at home and abroad. He also became known for supporting a more open and representative vision of Norwegian society.

Despite recurring health challenges in recent years, the king repeatedly rejected calls to abdicate. He maintained that the oath he took upon becoming monarch was a lifelong commitment and continued carrying out official duties whenever his health permitted.

The succession now passes to Haakon, 53, who has frequently served as regent during his father’s illnesses. Educated in Norway, the United States and the United Kingdom, Haakon has long been viewed as the future face of the Norwegian monarchy. His accession comes at a sensitive moment for the royal family, which has faced increased public scrutiny in recent years.

Across Norway, flags have been lowered to half-mast as tributes pour in for the late king. Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre described Harald as a monarch who dedicated his life to serving the nation and inspiring its people.

As for many Norwegians, King Harald’s death represents more than the passing of a monarch. It marks the end of an era defined by stability, duty and a rare ability to connect the institution of monarchy with ordinary citizens.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/norway-king-harald-v-dies-at-89-haakon-new-king/

galantjoe:
The property was acquired by his daughter and her husband and it was acquired on 2022 before Matawaille becomes minister

This supposes not to be part of his property he will declare

Whether the property was acquired before or after he became minister is a valid question. The report does not allege wrongdoing. It simply highlights publicly available records linking his daughter to the property. Public scrutiny of assets connected to families of top government officials is normal in every democracy. Readers can examine the facts and draw their own conclusions.

The Bauchi State Police Command has arrested a man over the alleged sexual assault of his eight-month-old stepdaughter in a case that has shocked residents and renewed concerns about violence against children.

According to police authorities, the suspect was taken into custody after a report was lodged concerning the infant. Investigators subsequently launched an inquiry into the circumstances surrounding the alleged offence.

The incident has triggered outrage among residents and child rights advocates, who have called for a thorough investigation and swift prosecution if the allegations are proven in court.

Police officials said the child was taken for medical attention and examination as part of ongoing investigations. Authorities also confirmed that the matter has been transferred to relevant investigative units for further action.

Growing concerns over child abuse

The case comes amid growing concern over the rising number of child abuse and defilement cases reported across different parts of Nigeria.

Law enforcement agencies and child protection groups have repeatedly warned that many incidents involving minors go unreported due to fear, stigma and family pressure.

Advocates say cases involving infants and very young children are particularly disturbing because victims are often unable to communicate what happened to them, making medical evidence and prompt reporting critical to investigations.

Calls for justice

Residents and rights groups have urged authorities to ensure that the case is handled transparently and that justice is pursued without delay.

They also called for increased public awareness on child protection, stronger community vigilance and tougher enforcement of laws designed to protect minors from abuse.

The Bauchi State Police Command reiterated its commitment to investigating crimes involving children and assured the public that anyone found culpable would face the full weight of the law.

A wider national challenge

Child protection experts say the latest case highlights a broader challenge facing Nigeria, where incidents of sexual violence against minors continue to generate concern despite existing legal protections.

They argue that stronger enforcement, improved reporting mechanisms and community education are necessary to reduce abuse and ensure that vulnerable children receive protection.

As investigations continue, many residents are hoping the case will lead not only to accountability but also to renewed attention on safeguarding children from abuse in homes and communities.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/bauchi-police-arrest-man-alleged-defilement-eight-month-old-stepdaughter/

Flangelo12:
330k House for US na house?

na house of cause na house how many people that money go feed in this country?

Fresh questions are emerging over the overseas assets of relatives of politically exposed persons after property records reviewed by an investigative publication linked Firdausi Matawalle, identified as a daughter of Nigeria’s Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, to a residential property in the United States.

According to documents cited in the report, the property is located in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and is jointly associated with Ibrahim H. Gwarzo and Firdausi A. Matawalle. The residence is described as a three-bedroom single-family home built in 2022.

The records reportedly show that the property was acquired through a deed transaction dated August 10, 2022, for $278,115. Current estimates place its value at approximately $329,402, reflecting an increase from the original purchase price.

The report further stated that the property spans about 1,852 square feet and sits on a residential lot in Dauphin County, Pennsylvania. Tax assessment records cited in the publication indicate that the property remains owner-occupied.

Why the revelation may attract attention

Ownership of foreign properties by relatives of public officials is not illegal under Nigerian law.

However, such acquisitions often attract public scrutiny, particularly when they involve close family members of serving government officials. Questions typically focus on the source of funds, transparency, and whether any public office was used improperly in facilitating wealth accumulation.

At the time of publication, there was no public evidence indicating that the property was acquired with public funds or that any law had been violated. The report did not allege that the minister himself owns the property.

Growing public interest in overseas assets

The disclosure comes amid increasing public interest in overseas properties linked to politically exposed persons and their relatives.

Over the years, investigations involving foreign assets owned by Nigerian politicians, former officials and their associates have generated intense public debate, especially in cases where questions arise about asset declarations, sources of wealth or potential conflicts of interest.

Transparency advocates argue that public confidence is strengthened when public officials and their families can clearly demonstrate the legitimate origin of significant assets, particularly those located outside Nigeria.

The bigger accountability debate

The latest report is likely to fuel broader conversations about transparency, wealth disclosure and accountability among Nigeria’s political elite.

As citizens continue to demand greater openness from public institutions, scrutiny of luxury properties, corporate interests and overseas investments linked to influential individuals is expected to remain a recurring feature of Nigeria’s political landscape.

For now, the property records place Firdausi Matawalle among the listed owners of the Pennsylvania residence. Whether the disclosure develops into a wider public accountability issue may depend on further disclosures, official responses and any additional documentation that emerges in the coming weeks.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/matawalle-daughter-linked-us-property-records/

Do you all remember this video of traffic female police officer?? Watch video here: https://youtube.com/shorts/OjGkZPxqhNs?si=DkfeSDjZJXzkvceR

Presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Atiku Abubakar, has publicly disowned comments made by one of his media aides and reaffirmed his commitment to restore fuel subsidy if elected president in the 2027 general election.

“Earlier, one of my Press Aides contradicted me in a policy statement as far as subsidy is concerned. I want to repeat categorically that when I said I would return to Subsidy, I will! Nigeria is rich enough to look after the welfare of its citizens. Let it be clearly stated that… pic.twitter.com/GNSSLsPNEB

— Royalty E. Uso (@royaltyuso) August 25, 2026

The former Vice President made the clarification while addressing party leaders in Abuja, insisting that his position on subsidy had not changed despite recent remarks credited to his aide, Paul Ibe.

According to Atiku, any suggestion that subsidy would only be temporarily restored did not reflect his official position.

“Earlier, one of my press aides contradicted me in a policy statement as far as subsidy is concerned. I want to repeat categorically that when I said I would return to subsidy, I will,” Atiku stated.

The controversy began after Paul Ibe reportedly suggested that an Atiku administration would restore fuel subsidy but later phase it out as the economy recovered. The comments sparked widespread debate and criticism from political opponents.

However, Atiku moved quickly to distance himself from the statement, stressing that policy decisions belong to him and not his spokespersons.

The ADC candidate argued that Nigeria possesses enough resources to protect citizens from economic hardship and insisted that the removal of subsidy has worsened the cost of living for millions of Nigerians.

He said his proposed subsidy framework would differ from previous arrangements, describing it as a targeted intervention aimed at supporting domestic refining, lowering production costs and reducing the burden on ordinary Nigerians.

Atiku also accused the current administration of failing to adequately explain how savings from subsidy removal have been utilised since the policy was scrapped in 2023.

The announcement has triggered fresh political debate because Atiku had previously supported the removal of fuel subsidy during past election campaigns and public policy discussions. Critics, including members of the Tinubu administration, have described his latest position as a major policy reversal.

The Presidency has already attacked the proposal, describing it as economically unsustainable and a return to policies that contributed to corruption and waste in the petroleum sector.

Despite the criticism, Atiku maintains that subsidy restoration remains a key component of his economic agenda, arguing that government policies should focus on easing hardship and restoring purchasing power to Nigerians.

With less than a year before the 2027 presidential election, the debate over fuel subsidy is shaping up to become one of the defining issues of the campaign season, as candidates battle to convince voters they have the best solution to Nigeria’s economic challenges.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/atiku-disowns-aide-subsidy/

Former Liberian Vice President Jewel Howard-Taylor has been remanded in custody after authorities charged her with drug trafficking, money laundering and several other offences linked to an alleged international narcotics network.

Howard-Taylor, who served as Liberia’s vice president between 2018 and 2024 under former President George Weah, was reportedly arrested while attempting to leave the country through Roberts International Airport near Monrovia. She was subsequently taken into custody by the Liberia National Police.

Liberia’s Justice Ministry said the former vice president faces multiple charges, including drug trafficking, money laundering, criminal conspiracy, criminal solicitation and the unlicensed importation of controlled substances. Authorities said the charges emerged from an ongoing investigation into a suspected transnational narcotics operation.

The case comes weeks after Liberian authorities announced one of the largest drug seizures in the country’s history. Investigators intercepted cocaine worth an estimated $317 million that was allegedly destined for Europe, raising concerns about Liberia’s growing role as a transit route for international drug trafficking syndicates.

In a statement, Liberian authorities insisted that no individual would be shielded from prosecution, regardless of political status or influence.

“There will be no selective justice, political protection, sacred cows or compromise with organised criminality,” the government said while announcing the charges.

Howard-Taylor is a prominent figure in Liberian politics and was previously married to former Liberian President Charles Taylor, who is currently serving a 50-year prison sentence in the United Kingdom after being convicted by an international tribunal for war crimes committed during the Sierra Leone civil war.

Reports indicate that three foreign nationals, including two Croatian citizens and one Ukrainian citizen, have also been charged in absentia as part of the same investigation. Liberian authorities say efforts are underway to secure their arrest through domestic and international legal channels.

Howard-Taylor’s legal team has acknowledged that she remains in custody pending further court proceedings. Prosecutors are expected to formally present the case as investigations continue into what authorities describe as a sophisticated international drug trafficking network.

The case has attracted significant attention across West Africa, where governments have increasingly expressed concern about the region becoming a major transit corridor for cocaine shipments moving from South America to Europe.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/liberia-ex-vp-drug-trial/

Nigeria’s lawmakers are among the highest paid public officials in the country, but the bigger question is not simply how much they earn. It is what Nigerians receive in return for the cost of maintaining the National Assembly.

The debate over lawmakers’ pay has continued for years, especially as millions of Nigerians struggle with food prices, rent, transport costs, healthcare and unemployment.

But separating verified figures from popular claims is important.

The Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, RMAFC, is the constitutional body responsible for determining remuneration for political office holders, including members of the National Assembly.

What lawmakers are officially entitled to

In August 2024, RMAFC issued a clarification following public controversy over claims that senators receive a monthly salary of ₦750,000 plus ₦13.5 million in monthly running costs.

The commission said that claim did not represent the official remuneration package it had prescribed.

According to RMAFC, a senator’s monthly salary and regular allowances amounted to ₦1,063,860. The breakdown included basic salary, vehicle fuelling and maintenance, personal assistant, domestic staff, entertainment, utilities, newspapers, wardrobe, house maintenance and constituency allowance.

The commission also listed non-regular benefits.

For example, it stated that furniture allowance was ₦6,079,200, severance gratuity was ₦6,079,200, while a vehicle allowance of ₦8,105,600 was optional and structured as a loan to be repaid before leaving office.

That distinction matters.

The figures commonly circulated online about lawmakers’ earnings can mix official salary, allowances, loans, constituency-related funds and other expenses.

But the bigger issue is the cost of governance

Even when the official figures are used, Nigerians are entitled to ask whether the overall cost of running the legislature is delivering enough value.

Lawmakers have several constitutional responsibilities.

They make laws, scrutinise government policies and spending, represent constituents and exercise oversight over the executive.

Those functions are essential in a democracy.

The problem is that Nigerians often struggle to see a clear connection between the enormous public resources committed to governance and improvements in their daily lives.

That is where the conversation becomes uncomfortable.

A legislator can legitimately earn a salary and receive approved allowances.

But Nigerians can also legitimately demand accountability for how public money is spent beyond personal remuneration.

What about constituency projects?

This is one area that deserves far more attention.

Constituency projects are included in government budgets and are intended to deliver development projects to communities.

But lawmakers do not personally receive constituency project allocations as salary.

Their role is generally connected to identifying projects and exercising legislative oversight, while ministries, departments and agencies are responsible for implementation.

That distinction is frequently lost in public debate.

If a constituency project is abandoned, overpriced or poorly executed, the public deserves to know which government agency received the money, what was contracted, how much was paid and who was responsible for implementation.

That is where serious journalism should follow the money.

RMAFC admits there is a problem

Interestingly, RMAFC itself has acknowledged concerns surrounding implementation of remuneration packages.

In 2025, the commission said it had observed lapses in implementation at state and local government levels and stressed the importance of proper implementation to reduce the cost of governance.

RMAFC is also currently reviewing remuneration for political and public office holders.

In July 2026, the commission said the review of executive and legislative remuneration was at an advanced stage, with a proposed 2026 bill expected to be transmitted to the National Assembly. It also stressed that improved remuneration should be matched by accountability and performance.

That last point is crucial.

Higher pay without stronger accountability simply increases the cost of government.

So what exactly are Nigerians paying for?

They are paying for a legislature that is constitutionally expected to make laws, represent citizens and hold the executive accountable.

But taxpayers are also entitled to ask whether lawmakers are doing those things effectively enough.

How many laws actually improve ordinary Nigerians’ lives?

How effective is legislative oversight of government spending?

How transparent are constituency projects?

How much does the entire legislative system cost taxpayers when salaries, allowances, staff, offices, security, travel and other operational expenses are considered?

And perhaps the most important question:

If lawmakers receive public money to represent Nigerians, who is effectively representing the taxpayers when the lawmakers themselves are not sufficiently accountable?

This is not an argument that lawmakers should work for free.

Democracy requires functioning institutions, and elected officials deserve reasonable remuneration.

But public office should never become a financial privilege without corresponding responsibility.

Nigeria is facing difficult economic conditions, and every naira spent by government deserves scrutiny.

The real debate should therefore move beyond sensational claims about lawmakers’ salaries.

Show Nigerians the money. Show them what was budgeted. Show them what was spent. Show them what was delivered.

That is where accountability begins.

Fact First. Zero Filters.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/nigeria-lawmakers-salaries-cost-of-national-assembly/

A viral social media post has sparked reactions online after a buyer shared a WhatsApp conversation with a Chinese seller who allegedly claimed that police had raided the seller’s operation and seized several items and phones.

The post, shared on X on August 23, 2026, was captioned, “Never buying from a Chinese website again.”

In the screenshot, the buyer asked the seller for an update on shipping. The seller reportedly responded that the business had been “raided by police yesterday.”

The seller then claimed that officers had taken “many items and phones” and that the entire team was now in trouble.

The messages continued with the seller saying they could not ship the buyer’s order at the moment and asking the customer to get a lawyer.

The final message simply read, “stay safe.”

The screenshot quickly caught the attention of social media users, with the original post reportedly recording about 1.9 million views at the time shown in the screenshot.

However, the circumstances surrounding the alleged raid remain unclear. The screenshot does not identify the Chinese company, the location of the alleged raid, the reason for the police action or the items reportedly seized.

There is also no independent confirmation in the material provided that a police raid actually occurred.

The incident has nevertheless become a talking point online, with users reacting to the unusual exchange between the buyer and seller.

For the buyer, what began as a routine question about shipping suddenly turned into a message about police action, seized property and getting a lawyer.

The episode is another reminder of how quickly private customer service conversations can become public entertainment when screenshots reach social media.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/chinese-seller-police-raid-whatsapp-messages-viral/

Fresh findings have flagged ₦38.07 million in financial transactions and an unrecovered government vehicle at the Federal College of Education, Yola, Adamawa State.

The findings, published on August 23, 2026, raise questions about financial controls and the management of public resources at the institution.

₦19.695m in contracts: Three contracts for examination booklets, academic gowns and jackets were personally approved by the provost, although each exceeded the reported ₦2.5 million approval limit without evidence of higher approval.
₦8.32m expenditure questioned: Money appropriated in the 2020 budget for classroom renovation was instead spent on power supply and extension work, according to the report.
₦10.05m procurement flagged: Five contracts in 2020 were reportedly awarded without evidence of competitive bidding, including contracts involving public address systems, academic gowns and clinic drugs.
The review also identified a Peugeot 307 belonging to the government that was reportedly taken away by a former part-time council chairman after leaving the college, despite no evidence that the vehicle had been formally allocated to the official.

The findings raise questions that deserve answers from the institution and relevant oversight authorities.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/federal-college-education-yola-38m-financial-irregularities/

As former Vice President Atiku Abubakar intensifies pressure on the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to release records relating to President Bola Tinubu, a growing number of Nigerians are asking a simple question: should the spotlight stop with Tinubu, or should Atiku’s own record also be examined?

The debate goes beyond partisan politics. It touches on a deeper issue that has shaped Nigerian elections for decades: transparency.

Why Atiku is targeting Tinubu

Atiku has argued that Nigerians deserve full disclosure regarding records linked to President Tinubu. He insists that information that can legally be released should not remain hidden behind claims of national security or potential risks to individuals.

His campaign believes voters should have access to every relevant fact before making decisions about the country’s leadership.

The questions surrounding Atiku

However, Atiku himself is no stranger to controversy.

One of the most frequently cited issues is a 2010 report by a United States Senate committee that examined financial transactions involving Atiku’s former wife. The report raised concerns about millions of dollars transferred through U.S. financial institutions. However, the investigation did not result in criminal charges against Atiku.

His critics have also repeatedly referenced the William Jefferson bribery investigation. While Atiku’s name surfaced during that investigation, he denied wrongdoing and was never convicted.

Over the years, opposition parties have used these allegations to challenge his credibility whenever he seeks public office. Atiku has consistently rejected the accusations and maintains that no court has found him guilty of corruption.

Why this debate matters

The issue may not be whether Tinubu or Atiku has faced more allegations.

The bigger question is whether Nigerians should demand the same standard of transparency from every politician seeking power.

For decades, corruption allegations have become weapons during election campaigns. Yet many cases never reach final legal conclusions, leaving voters to navigate competing claims and counterclaims.

What Nigerians are really asking

Many citizens are increasingly less interested in political accusations and more interested in evidence.

If public records exist, should they be released?

If allegations are false, should they be publicly disproved?

If investigations were conducted, what were the findings?

These questions apply equally to Tinubu, Atiku and every other presidential hopeful.

What happens next?

With the 2027 election approaching, transparency is likely to become one of the biggest political battlegrounds.

Atiku’s challenge to the FBI has reignited debate over Tinubu’s past. At the same time, it has reopened scrutiny of Atiku’s own political history.

For many Nigerians, the issue is no longer about one politician versus another.

It is about whether the country’s future leaders can meet a standard of accountability that voters have demanded for decades.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/atiku-versus-tinubu-can-nigerians-trust-either-side-on-transparency/

Candidates who sat the 2026 West African Senior School Certificate Examination for School Candidates can now access their certificates online through the West African Examinations Council’s Digital Certificate Platform.

WAEC announced that the 2026 certificates are available for candidates to view, download and share digitally. The development comes after the release of the 2026 WASSCE results.

Candidates can access their certificates by visiting the official WAEC website and entering the Digital Certificate Platform.

The process requires candidates to select the Certificate Access option and provide the relevant examination and identification details. Candidates may also be required to complete an OTP verification before gaining access to the certificate.

Once verification is completed, the digital certificate can be viewed and downloaded. Candidates can also share the certificate with institutions or organisations that require it.

WAEC has also made the digital certificate service available through its mobile application for Android users.

The digital certificate platform is separate from the portal used to check examination results.

Candidates who only want to view their grades do not need to use the certificate platform. The certificate service is specifically designed to provide access to the official examination certificate after it has been issued.

WAEC’s official website currently provides access to certificate-related services.

The platform also has a Certificate Confirmation option for institutions, employers and other organisations that need to verify the authenticity of a candidate’s certificate.

This means candidates can provide their digital certificates while receiving institutions can use the appropriate verification service to confirm the document.

WAEC said 1,950,726 candidates sat for the 2026 WASSCE for School Candidates, while 1,200,514 candidates, representing 61.54 per cent, obtained credits in at least five subjects, including English Language and Mathematics.

The examination was conducted between April 21 and June 19, 2026, across more than 24,200 secondary schools.


Candidates are advised to use WAEC’s official platforms when accessing or verifying certificates and to avoid unofficial websites requesting examination details or payment.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/how-to-get-2026-waec-certificate-online/

Fresh details have emerged about the structure of the alleged National Brands Development and Made in Nigeria Special Project Office, an organisation recently declared illegal by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC).

Investigations revealed that the office operated with a nationwide structure that included a national coordinator, three zonal directors, 20 state coordinators and representatives in both the United States and China before it was uncovered by anti-corruption authorities.

The discovery came days after President Bola Tinubu ordered the arrest of George Buchi Nwabueze, identified by the ICPC as the promoter of the alleged fake office. The President also approved the suspension of three permanent secretaries following the findings of the investigation.

According to information obtained from the organisation’s website before it was taken down, Nwabueze was listed as the “Executive Director, National Coordinator” of the office. The website also listed senior officials including directors and coordinators spread across multiple states.

The ICPC said the office was operating from premises within the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation without presidential approval or legal backing. The commission further alleged that Nwabueze operated under several name variations, including George Nathan Nwabueze, George Buchi Nwabueze and Prince George Buchi Nwabueze.

What has particularly shocked many Nigerians is the scale of the operation.

Beyond its national structure, the organisation reportedly maintained foreign representatives in China and the United States, giving the impression of an internationally connected government-backed institution.

The latest discovery emerged during an ongoing investigation into another controversial organisation, the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council, which authorities previously described as a fake agency that managed to gain access to government facilities and budget allocations despite lacking legal status.

ICPC Chairman Musa Aliyu said preliminary findings suggest the alleged office may have benefited from weaknesses in internal government controls and possible collaboration from individuals within public institutions.

Political analysts say the scandal has raised serious concerns about oversight within government agencies and the ease with which individuals can allegedly create structures that appear official. The controversy has also renewed calls for tighter verification procedures across ministries, departments and agencies.

As investigations continue, authorities are expected to determine whether additional individuals were involved in establishing or supporting the activities of the alleged office.

The ICPC has maintained that its investigation remains ongoing and that anyone found culpable will face the full weight of the law.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/george-nwabueze-fake-agency/

For years, Nigerians have asked a question that refuses to disappear: if some political office holders say their official monthly salaries are relatively modest, how do some leave office with wealth running into millions or even billions of naira?

It is a question that deserves more than political speeches.

It deserves documents, asset declarations, financial records and proper investigations.

Nigeria’s Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, RMAFC, is responsible for determining remuneration for political office holders, including the President, governors, ministers and legislators.

But salary is only one part of the picture.

RMAFC’s published remuneration documents include various allowances and benefits attached to political offices. The commission has also repeatedly acknowledged concerns about the implementation of remuneration packages, particularly at state and local government levels.

That creates an important distinction.

A politician saying, “My salary is less than N1 million,” does not necessarily mean the person receives only N1 million from every legitimate source connected to public office.

And it certainly does not answer the bigger question about personal wealth.

So where does the money come from?

There are several perfectly legitimate explanations.

A politician may have entered office already wealthy.

They may own businesses, property or investments.

They may have inherited assets.

They may receive legally approved allowances and benefits.

None of those things, by themselves, prove corruption.

But there is another possibility that Nigerians have every right to question: unexplained wealth acquired while holding public office.

That is where asset declaration becomes important.

The Code of Conduct Bureau says public officers are required to declare their assets and liabilities and that the bureau’s mandate includes reviewing and monitoring those declarations.

In other words, Nigeria already has a mechanism designed to help answer the question.

The problem is whether that mechanism is being used effectively.

The four-year wealth test

Imagine a politician enters office with a certain level of declared wealth.

Four years later, that politician owns substantially more property, businesses, vehicles and other assets.

There should be a clear explanation for the increase.

Not necessarily because becoming richer is illegal.

But because public office is not supposed to become a mystery route to private wealth.

If the additional wealth came from a successful business, the records should support that.

If it came from an inheritance, there should be documentation.

If it came from investments, those investments can be identified.

If it came from legitimate earnings, those earnings should be traceable.

And if there is evidence of illegal enrichment, the appropriate institutions should investigate.

Nigeria already knows the problem

RMAFC has itself warned about lapses in the implementation of remuneration packages at state and local government levels. In February 2025, the commission said its monitoring exercise had identified implementation problems.

The commission also said in 2019 that abuse of approved remuneration packages had contributed to a public perception that political office holders were receiving “jumbo pay.”

That tells Nigerians something important.

The debate cannot simply be reduced to what appears on a politician’s payslip.

There are allowances, official benefits, government-provided resources and other financial arrangements that need to be properly understood.

But those legitimate benefits should not become an excuse for unexplained personal wealth.

Why Nigerians remain suspicious

The distrust exists because Nigerians regularly see politicians living lifestyles that appear far removed from the official salaries publicly associated with their positions.

That does not prove wrongdoing.

But it creates a legitimate accountability question.

And the answer should not be, “I earn only N1 million.”

The better answer is:

Here is what I declared before taking office. Here is what I declared after leaving office. Here is how every major increase in my assets was financed.

That would end much of the speculation.

The real issue is transparency

Nigeria does not need to accuse every politician of stealing.

It needs a system where politicians do not have to be accused before their wealth is properly examined.

The CCB’s mandate already includes enforcing standards of conduct for public officers and monitoring asset declarations.

The question Nigerians should therefore be asking is not simply:

“How much does a governor earn?”

It should be:

“How much wealth did that governor have before taking office, how much did the governor have after leaving office, and can the difference be legally explained?”

That is a much harder question.

It is also the question that matters.

Because if four years in public office can transform a politician’s financial position dramatically, Nigerians deserve to know how.

Not rumours.

Not propaganda.

Not political excuses.

Documents.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/how-nigerian-politicians-become-rich-four-years/

The murder trial of Benjamin Best Nnayereugo, popularly known as Killaboi, has entered a crucial stage after the defendant opened his defence over the death of his girlfriend, Augusta Onuwabhagbe.

Nnayereugo began testifying before Justice Ibironke Harrison of the Lagos State High Court in Igbosere on July 9, 2026, after the prosecution presented its evidence in the case. He is the sole defendant in the trial.

The case centres on the death of 21-year-old Augusta, whose body was found at Nnayereugo’s residence in Oral Estate, Ajah, Lagos, in July 2023.

Killaboi gives his account

During his testimony, Nnayereugo described his relationship with Augusta as loving but said disagreements over expensive cars increasingly caused tension between them.

He told the court that he bought a vehicle worth about ₦100 million for himself in January 2023 and that Augusta later requested a Range Rover Velar estimated at about ₦55 million for her birthday.

According to his testimony, he initially offered her other vehicles but she rejected them.

He said the disagreements over the vehicle continued after he won about ₦100 million through sports betting.

Nnayereugo told the court that he eventually promised to buy the Range Rover after Augusta’s graduation, although he admitted that he did not intend to fulfil the promise at the time.

Defence witness explains why Killaboi did not surrender

Before Nnayereugo testified, his first defence witness, lawyer Babs Anipasa, told the court that the defendant initially feared surrendering to the police because of reports circulating on social media accusing him of killing Augusta for ritual purposes.

Anipasa said Nnayereugo had contacted him after the incident and told him that an argument with Augusta had resulted in her death.

The lawyer said he advised Nnayereugo to surrender and later contacted a senior police officer over arrangements for his arrest.

During cross-examination, however, Anipasa acknowledged that he did not report the matter to the police after learning that Nnayereugo had left Nigeria.

Prosecution evidence already before the court

The prosecution previously called Augusta’s mother and other witnesses during the trial.

The court also admitted Nnayereugo’s written statement and a video recording of his interrogation into evidence.

An investigating police officer told the court that Nnayereugo was arrested in Qatar through cooperation between relevant security agencies before being extradited to Nigeria.

Augusta’s mother also gave evidence during the trial, describing her relationship with Nnayereugo and recounting events surrounding her daughter’s final days.

Trial continues in October

Nnayereugo was arraigned in November 2025 and pleaded not guilty to the charges against him.

The charges include murder and alleged interference with Augusta’s corpse.

The defence case is still ongoing, meaning the allegations against Nnayereugo have not been proven beyond reasonable doubt.

Justice Harrison has adjourned the case until October 21 and 22, 2026, when the court is expected to continue hearing Nnayereugo’s testimony.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/killaboi-opens-defence-augusta-murder-trial/

aswani:
Another inconsequential BS news site that no one has heard of, wonderful.

Website doesn't reference previous dates on the (non existent) court cases.

All of a sudden, perviously unheard of news websites coming out heavy on a news that they can't bother referencing the history of.

Established News websites that we know and love, in Nigeria at least, don't even bother touching it. Not to talk of those in the USA.

Rufai Oseni who is a hard core Tinubu critic refuses to touch it, what is that telling normal human beings?

You’re free to question Yaro Insider’s credibility, but dismissing a report simply because a publication is relatively new does not address the substance of the story. The article was about the reported August 21 deadline and what could happen if the relevant records are released. It was not presented as a claim that a final court judgment had already been made.

Established media outlets not covering a story is not proof that the underlying development does not exist either. Yaro Insider will continue to report developments based on available records and clearly distinguish verified facts from what remains unconfirmed. If there is a factual error in the report, point it out specifically and it can be addressed.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration has been in office for more than three years, and the question is becoming increasingly important as Nigeria heads towards the 2027 election: what exactly can the government point to as achievements since May 2023?

The answer depends heavily on whether the focus is on economic reforms, infrastructure, education, energy or the everyday experience of Nigerians.

Tinubu’s government has made several major policy changes since taking office. But those changes have also come with significant economic pain, meaning the administration’s record remains a subject of intense debate.

1. Fuel subsidy was removed

One of Tinubu’s first major decisions was the removal of the petrol subsidy in May 2023.

The government argued that the subsidy was draining public finances and that the money could be redirected towards development.

The decision immediately pushed up petrol prices and contributed to a sharp increase in transportation and living costs.

The government now argues that subsidy removal has improved government finances and reduced pressure on public resources. The Finance Minister said in August 2026 that the reforms helped stabilise public finances and strengthen foreign reserves.

2. The foreign exchange system was overhauled

Tinubu’s administration also moved to unify the foreign exchange market and allow the naira to trade more freely.

The policy caused a major depreciation of the naira but was welcomed by international investors and lenders as a long-awaited structural reform.

The government says the reform has improved price discovery and helped businesses with foreign exchange exposure.

However, the weaker naira also made imported goods significantly more expensive and contributed to the pressure on households.

3. Government revenue has increased

The administration says its reforms have significantly improved revenue available to the federal, state and local governments.

The State House says federation revenues have increased, giving governments more resources for infrastructure, education, healthcare and security.

The government also says it has reduced reliance on Ways and Means financing and improved fiscal transparency.

But higher government revenue does not automatically mean Nigerians are better off. The major question remains how effectively those additional resources are converted into better public services.

4. NELFUND has changed access to student loans

One of the administration’s most visible social programmes is the Nigerian Education Loan Fund.

According to the presidency, more than 1.5 million students had received access to higher education financing, with more than ₦282 billion disbursed by May 2026.

The programme is intended to ensure that students who cannot afford higher education costs can access financing.

Whether the scheme becomes sustainable and reaches more students will be an important test of the policy.

5. Major road projects are underway

The government says more than 2,700 kilometres of highways and major roads are under construction, reconstruction or rehabilitation.

Projects listed by the presidency include the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, Sokoto-Badagry Super Highway and Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano Road.

Some projects were inherited from previous administrations, while others were initiated or accelerated under Tinubu.

This distinction matters when assessing the government’s record. Construction during an administration does not necessarily mean the entire project originated under that administration.

6. Domestic refining has expanded

Another major development has been the expansion of domestic petroleum refining capacity.

The government says increased local refining is reducing Nigeria’s dependence on imported petroleum products and helping conserve foreign exchange.

The development of large-scale and modular refineries has therefore become one of the administration’s major talking points.

7. Electricity reforms have continued

Tinubu signed the Electricity Act, which gives states greater authority to participate in electricity generation, transmission and distribution.

The government has also launched efforts to address the electricity sector’s legacy debts, expand metering and support mini-grid and off-grid projects.

The presidency says the Rural Electrification Agency, with support from international development institutions, has deployed electricity solutions to underserved communities, universities, markets and hospitals.

The bigger challenge remains whether these reforms can produce reliable and affordable electricity for households and businesses.

8. Housing and infrastructure programmes have expanded

The government says its Renewed Hope Housing Programme and Federal Housing Authority projects are delivering more than 10,000 housing units across 14 states and the FCT.

The presidency says the projects are also expected to create hundreds of thousands of jobs.

Again, the critical question is whether the houses eventually become accessible and affordable to ordinary Nigerians.

But there is another side to the story

Listing government achievements without discussing the consequences would give Nigerians only half of the picture.

Tinubu’s economic reforms have produced some improvements in government finances and investor confidence, but they have also caused severe hardship.

Reuters reported this week that the reforms have pleased investors while worsening the cost-of-living crisis for many Nigerians in the short term.

Security also remains a major concern.

Despite government claims that military operations have improved security in some areas, killings and kidnappings remain widespread.

That leaves Nigerians with a complicated assessment of the administration.

Tinubu can point to major reforms, increased revenue, infrastructure projects, student financing, energy reforms and increased investment.

But Nigerians can also point to the cost of those reforms, including high living costs, insecurity and pressure on household purchasing power.

Ultimately, the question ahead of 2027 may not simply be “What has Tinubu achieved?”

It may be:

“Have those achievements improved the lives of ordinary Nigerians enough for them to vote for another four years?”

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/what-exactly-has-tinubus-government-achieved-since-2023/

Racoon:
A sane nation should be really worried that its president is associated with this shamelessness & embarrassment. This is a very bad omen.

follow for more bad news

The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency has opposed bail for 10 defendants standing trial over an alleged clandestine methamphetamine laboratory in Ogun State.

The defendants were arraigned before the Federal High Court in Lagos over an alleged operation involving the production of 2,419.48 kilogrammes of methamphetamine.

The NDLEA described the defendants as flight risks and urged the court to reject their applications for bail.

Defendants seek freedom

The 10 defendants, comprising seven Nigerians and three Mexican nationals, have been in custody since their arraignment on July 10.

Their lawyer, Chief Benson Ndakara, argued that they were presumed innocent until proven guilty and were ready to provide reliable sureties if granted bail.

The defence also raised concerns about the health of some of the defendants, saying they required special medical attention.

NDLEA cites alleged international network

The anti-drug agency opposed the application, arguing that releasing the defendants could allow them to evade trial.

The prosecution said three of the defendants are Mexican nationals, while the first defendant, whom it described as the alleged financier and organiser, has dual Nigerian and Mexican citizenship.

The NDLEA also alleged that the laboratory at Iloti Village in Ogun State was established and equipped for the illicit production of methamphetamine.

According to the prosecution, equipment, chemicals and other materials allegedly linked to the production of the drug were recovered from the facility.

Court fixes September 2 for ruling

After hearing arguments from both sides, Justice Akintayo Aluko adjourned the matter until September 2, 2026, for ruling on the bail applications.

The defendants have pleaded not guilty to the charges.

The court’s decision on September 2 will determine whether the 10 defendants remain in custody or are released under conditions pending the continuation of their trial.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/ndlea-opposes-bail-10-defendants-n480bn-ogun-meth-lab/

helinues:
They stopped moving garbage news to fp

ok let them push this Why President Tinubu's Drug Money Case Should Rest

Why moderator not pushing this to front page

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has claimed that he helped save former President Olusegun Obasanjo from an alleged plan to administer a potentially fatal injection while Obasanjo was imprisoned under the military regime of the late General Sani Abacha.

Atiku made the claim while responding to renewed criticism surrounding his long political relationship with Obasanjo.

He said information reached him about an alleged plan to give Obasanjo an injection while he was in prison, prompting him to send a warning that the former military ruler should not accept it.

Atiku links claim to Yar’Adua’s death

Atiku said his warning was influenced by what he described as a similar incident involving the late General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua.

Yar’Adua died in military custody in December 1997 after being imprisoned during the Abacha regime.

Atiku claimed he had information that a similar method could be used against Obasanjo and decided to intervene.

“I saved Obasanjo’s life in prison by leaking information about an impending injection that could have killed him,” Atiku said.

He added that he warned Obasanjo not to allow the injection after receiving information about the alleged plan.

The claim is not being presented as an established finding that a plot to kill Obasanjo through an injection existed. It is Atiku’s account of events.

Obasanjo was imprisoned under Abacha

Obasanjo was arrested and imprisoned by the Abacha military government in 1995 after being convicted of involvement in an alleged coup plot.

He remained in prison until June 1998, following Abacha’s death and the beginning of a transition towards civilian rule.

Obasanjo later became Nigeria’s president in 1999, with Atiku serving as his vice president.

Atiku has now recalled his relationship with Obasanjo as part of a wider response to criticism from the former president.

Relationship later turned bitter

The relationship between the two men eventually deteriorated, particularly over Obasanjo’s controversial attempt to extend his presidency beyond the constitutionally allowed two terms.

Atiku opposed the third-term agenda, which sought constitutional changes that would have allowed Obasanjo to remain in office beyond 2007.

The proposal eventually failed after strong opposition in the National Assembly.

Atiku has repeatedly described his opposition to the plan as a defence of Nigeria’s constitutional democracy.

Atiku recalls supporting Obasanjo

Atiku also claimed that he supported Obasanjo and his family during his imprisonment and later assisted him after his release.

He said Obasanjo had little personal property when he regained his freedom and that he helped provide clothing, support and political assistance.

Atiku further claimed that he helped mobilise political structures and alliances that contributed to Obasanjo emerging as the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party ahead of the 1999 election.

The former vice president said he did not regret supporting Obasanjo despite their subsequent political disagreement.

Fresh attention on old political history

Atiku’s latest claim has reopened discussion about the relationship between two of Nigeria’s most prominent political figures.

Both men played major roles in Nigeria’s transition from military rule to democratic government and later served together at the highest level of the federal government.

Their relationship eventually became one of the most closely watched political rivalries in the country.

Atiku’s account of the alleged prison injection adds another chapter to that complicated history, although the specific allegation remains his account and would require independent documentary evidence to establish as fact.

The renewed exchange also comes as Nigerian politicians position themselves ahead of the 2027 presidential election, with old alliances, disagreements and political histories increasingly becoming part of the national debate.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/atiku-claims-he-saved-obasanjo-from-fatal-injection-in-prison/

President Bola Tinubu could face renewed political pressure as a United States court deadline approaches in a long-running case involving records sought from the FBI and Drug Enforcement Administration.

US District Judge Beryl Howell has given the US government and Tinubu until August 21, 2026, to respond in the case after rejecting a request for a longer 10-day extension.

The development has placed renewed attention on records connected to historical US investigations involving Tinubu.

What happens on August 21?

The deadline does not necessarily mean that every document connected to the case will automatically appear online that day.

It means the parties have been given a deadline to respond to the court’s order in the Freedom of Information Act case. Some records could still contain legally protected information and may be redacted where the law permits.

The court has already rejected earlier efforts by US agencies to keep the existence of certain records secret.

Why the records matter

The case has attracted significant attention because it concerns historical US law enforcement records linked to allegations surrounding Tinubu.

Tinubu has denied wrongdoing and has not been convicted of drug trafficking in the United States.

If previously unavailable records are released, political opponents are expected to examine them closely for information that could clarify what US authorities investigated, what evidence was gathered and what conclusions were reached.

It could become a major 2027 issue

The timing is politically significant.

Tinubu is seeking re-election in 2027, and his political opponents have repeatedly raised questions about his past.

If the released records contain genuinely new and significant information, the issue could become a major opposition talking point during the next election cycle.

The President’s supporters, however, could also use the documents to challenge allegations if the records do not establish wrongdoing or provide context that contradicts claims circulating publicly.

The documents could also disappoint both sides

There is another possibility.

The records may contain little new information.

Some documents could simply repeat facts already known from previous court proceedings, while other sections could remain redacted because of legal exemptions.

That would make the political impact far less dramatic than some expectations suggest.

What Nigerians should watch

The key issue is what the US court actually requires the government to do after the August 21 deadline.

The case is about access to government records. A court order requiring records to be processed or released does not itself establish that allegations contained in those records are true.

The contents will therefore matter more than the headlines surrounding them.

August 21 remains the date Nigerians will be watching as the long-running dispute over the Tinubu-related US records enters another critical stage.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/tinubu-drug-records-what-could-happen-after-august-21-deadline/

President Bola Tinubu is heading into the 2027 presidential election with the backing of the All Progressives Congress, but securing another four years in Aso Rock may be more difficult than simply winning his party’s support.

Tinubu’s re-election bid is already backed by several APC stakeholders, including first-term APC governors who endorsed him for another term. His nomination process has also moved forward.

But the election is still months away, and several factors could determine whether the President remains in power beyond 2027.

The economy could become the biggest campaign issue

The cost of living remains one of the most important issues facing Nigerian households.

The Tinubu administration has defended its economic reforms and argued that they are necessary for long-term recovery. The Presidency has also pointed to infrastructure and economic reforms as reasons the President deserves another term.

However, opposition politicians continue to attack the government over food prices and economic hardship.

If voters feel that their living conditions have not improved by election day, the opposition could turn economic frustration into a powerful campaign message.

A united opposition could change the race

The biggest threat to the APC may not necessarily be one opposition politician. It could be several major opposition figures deciding to work together.

Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rabiu Kwankwaso and other opposition politicians have been involved in efforts to build a stronger political alternative ahead of 2027.

There have also been calls for the opposition to produce one presidential candidate rather than divide votes among several contenders.

But unity remains a major challenge.

Previous attempts to create a single opposition platform have faced disagreements over candidates, political platforms and regional interests. Recent reports have also highlighted divisions within the opposition over who should lead the challenge against Tinubu.

If those divisions continue, the APC could benefit.

If they are resolved, the political calculation could change dramatically.

Peter Obi and Atiku remain major factors

The opposition landscape includes politicians with established national followings.

Atiku remains a major figure in northern politics, while Peter Obi retains significant support among younger voters and sections of the South and other parts of the country.

The possibility of a broader alliance involving major opposition figures has therefore become one of the biggest storylines ahead of 2027.

The challenge will be converting individual support bases into one national electoral coalition.

Regional politics will matter

Nigeria’s presidential elections are heavily influenced by regional voting patterns.

Tinubu will need to maintain strong support in the South-West while also securing enough votes across the North, South-South, South-East and other parts of the country.

The opposition faces the same challenge.

A candidate may have a strong following in one region but still struggle to build the broad national support required to win the presidency.

Tinubu still has major political advantages

Despite the challenges, it would be premature to conclude that Tinubu is on his way out.

The APC controls the federal government and has significant political structures across the country.

Several APC governors have already endorsed Tinubu, while senior figures within the ruling party continue to express confidence in his re-election prospects.

FCT Minister Nyesom Wike also recently argued that the opposition is too divided and weakened to seriously threaten Tinubu’s re-election.

That position reflects the confidence within the ruling camp.

The opposition’s biggest opportunity could also be its biggest weakness

For Tinubu to lose power in 2027, the opposition would likely need to do more than criticise the government.

It would need a credible candidate, a strong nationwide structure and a message capable of bringing together voters from different regions and political backgrounds.

It would also need to overcome the disagreements that have repeatedly threatened attempts to form a united front.

The 2027 election could therefore become a contest between an incumbent with a powerful political structure and an opposition that has the potential to create a formidable coalition if its major players can put their ambitions aside.

Nigerians will have the final say

Tinubu’s defeat is not inevitable, just as his re-election is not guaranteed.

The APC has clear advantages, but the opposition has several opportunities to make the race competitive.

Economic conditions, voter sentiment, the strength of the opposition’s eventual candidate and the ability of rival political camps to unite could ultimately determine who occupies Aso Rock after the 2027 election.

The biggest question is not whether Tinubu can win another term.

It is whether the opposition can build a coalition strong enough to stop him.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/could-tinubu-lose-power-in-2027-factors-that-may-decide-election/

Afrobeats star David Adeleke, popularly known as Davido, has revealed that Senate President Godswill Akpabio and billionaire businessman Aliko Dangote contacted him during the Osun State governorship election and asked him to delete some of his posts on social media.

Davido made the disclosure during an interview with News Central TV on Tuesday while speaking about his involvement in monitoring the election and the events that followed.

The singer said he received calls as he continued sharing updates from the election, particularly while results were being collated.

According to him, he refused to remove the posts until the Independent National Electoral Commission made its official announcement.

“I can’t delete anything,” Davido said while recounting his response to the calls.

He also disclosed that Dangote personally contacted him, but he maintained his decision not to take down the updates.

“Uncle Aliko called me too. I said, ‘Uncle, I’m not deleting until the INEC announcement,’” he said.

Davido also made a serious allegation about the amount of money allegedly deployed during the election.

He claimed that more than N110 billion was brought into Osun State in an attempt to influence the outcome of the poll.

“I just confirmed today. They spent N110 billion,” he said.

Davido said his family and supporters did not spend money at polling units on election day, instead relying on voters to protect their votes.

“We didn’t spend a dime on election day,” he said.

The singer further claimed that some Osun residents confronted people allegedly attempting to interfere with election materials.

“It got to a point where it was the Osun people that were beating the people that were trying to seize ballots. People are tired,” he said.

Davido’s involvement in the Osun election was closely watched because of his relationship with Governor Ademola Adeleke, who is his uncle.

He described Adeleke’s victory as evidence that public support could overcome financial and political influence.

“My uncle should be an example to all other government officials and governors. When you stand by the people, the people will stand by you,” Davido said.

The singer’s comments come days after Adeleke secured victory in the Osun governorship election, defeating his main challenger in a closely watched contest.

Davido has remained outspoken about Nigerian politics and has frequently used his large social media following to comment on political and electoral issues.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/davido-dangote-akpabio-called-me-delete-osun-election-tweets/

Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi has warned US President Donald Trump that Tehran will respond to what it considers an unacceptable claim over the Strait of Hormuz.


Gharibabadi issued the warning on Tuesday, August 18, after Trump suggested that the strategic waterway could be regarded as US territory.

Gharibabadi said Trump’s position would either have to be corrected or face a response from Iran.


The Iranian diplomat made the comments in a post on X, according to the Iranian Foreign Ministry official’s statement reported by Tasnim.

The warning marks another escalation in the dispute between Washington and Tehran over control and access to the Strait of Hormuz.

The Strait of Hormuz is a critical international maritime route connecting the Persian Gulf with the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea.


The waterway has become a major flashpoint in the ongoing US-Iran confrontation. Tehran has maintained that the strait remains closed until Washington meets conditions linked to the conflict, while Trump has claimed that the waterway is open and operating.

Trump’s position has also intensified tensions with Oman, which has been involved in efforts to mediate between Washington and Tehran. The US president has threatened military action against Oman if it obstructs American efforts concerning the strait.

The dispute over the waterway has consequences far beyond the Middle East because of its importance to global energy supplies.


Renewed uncertainty around shipping through Hormuz has already pushed oil prices higher. Reuters reported that Brent crude rose for a third consecutive session on Tuesday as hopes for a US-Iran agreement weakened.

Analysts have warned that prolonged disruption could further increase energy costs and place additional pressure on global economies.

The latest warning comes after the expiration of a 60-day US-Iran negotiating period without a broader agreement.


Washington has denied that formal talks are currently scheduled, while Tehran has maintained that the Strait of Hormuz will remain closed until its conditions are addressed.

Gharibabadi’s warning signals that Iran is prepared to challenge any attempt by Washington to assert unilateral control over the strategic waterway, raising the risk of further confrontation.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/iranian-diplomat-warns-trump-over-strait-of-hormuz-claim/

Human rights activist and African Action Congress presidential candidate, Omoyele Sowore, has criticised the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency over the destruction of cannabis farms in Edo State.

Sowore called on the agency to stop destroying cannabis plantations and urged the Federal Government to legalise and regulate cannabis cultivation in Nigeria.

Sowore demands change in cannabis policy

Sowore made the comments in a post on X on Tuesday, August 18, 2026, after the NDLEA reported the destruction of two cannabis plantations in Edo State.

He argued that the government was destroying crops with significant economic potential while the country continues to battle widespread poverty.

Sowore said Nigeria could benefit from a regulated cannabis industry through medicinal and industrial research, job creation and revenue generation.

NDLEA destroys 4,628.9kg of cannabis

The NDLEA Edo State Command reported that its operatives destroyed two cannabis plantations with an estimated yield of 4,628.9 kilogrammes.

The first plantation was located at Ugboku, Igbanke Forest, in Orhionmwon Local Government Area. It measured 0.699792 hectares and had an estimated yield of 1,749.26 kilogrammes.

A 40-year-old suspect, Agholor Elebojie, was arrested in connection with the farm.

The second plantation measured 1.151889 hectares and had an estimated yield of 2,879.7225 kilogrammes. Operatives also recovered two bags of processed cannabis weighing 12.4 kilogrammes.

Ten suspects arrested

The NDLEA also announced the arrest of 10 suspected drug traffickers during separate operations in Edo State.

One of the operations took place at Oluku in Ovia North-East Local Government Area, where a 28-year-old suspect, Kingsley Anigala, was arrested with 25.857 kilogrammes of cannabis and 93 grammes of methamphetamine.

Nine other suspects were arrested at Abuja Quarters in Oredo Local Government Area of Benin City.

The suspects were found with various substances, including cannabis, tramadol, diazepam, Swinol, Danabol and methamphetamine.

The NDLEA said the suspects remained in custody while investigations continued ahead of prosecution.

Sowore pushes for legalisation

Sowore maintained that Nigeria should consider a regulated cannabis industry rather than relying solely on the destruction of plantations.

He argued that investment in research and regulated cultivation could create jobs and generate revenue while allowing the country to explore legitimate medicinal and industrial uses of cannabis.

The debate comes as the NDLEA continues its nationwide campaign against illicit drug cultivation and trafficking.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/sowore-tells-ndlea-to-stop-destroying-cannabis-farms/

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is facing a fresh legal challenge after a civil society organisation filed a suit seeking his disqualification from the 2027 presidential election over allegations relating to his National Youth Service Corps discharge certificate and academic records.

The case, filed before the Federal High Court in Kano by the Incorporated Trustees of the Centre for Reforms and Public Advocacy, asks the court to determine whether documents submitted by Tinubu to the Independent National Electoral Commission during the 2023 presidential election met constitutional requirements.

At the centre of the lawsuit are allegations that the president submitted a forged NYSC discharge certificate and academic credentials. The group is asking the court to direct INEC to disqualify Tinubu from participating in the 2027 presidential election if the allegations are upheld.

According to court documents, the suit also names INEC and Chicago State University as defendants. The plaintiff argues that questions surrounding the president’s educational records and NYSC certificate deserve judicial interpretation and resolution before the next election cycle.

The legal action follows earlier petitions submitted to INEC and other government institutions seeking clarification on the documents used by Tinubu during the 2023 election process. The group claims its concerns were not adequately addressed, leading it to seek the intervention of the court.

Among the reliefs being sought are an order restraining INEC from accepting Tinubu’s nomination for the 2027 election and a declaration regarding the authenticity of the documents challenged in the suit.

The lawsuit has revived a controversy that attracted national and international attention during and after the 2023 presidential election, particularly regarding records released by Chicago State University following legal proceedings initiated in the United States.

However, it is important to note that the allegations contained in the suit have not been proven in court. As of the time of filing this report, no judgment has been delivered and the defendants had not publicly responded to the latest claims in the court action cited by the plaintiff.

Legal analysts say the case could attract significant public interest because it touches on constitutional qualifications for elective office and could become one of the most closely watched political cases ahead of the 2027 general election.

For now, the matter remains before the court, where the allegations and any responses from the defendants will be examined through the judicial process.

Source: https://yaroinsider.ng/tinubu-faces-fresh-court-battle-over-alleged-nysc-certificate-forgery/

Young Nigerian entrepreneurs seeking funding and business support may soon have an opportunity to access up to ₦5 million through the newly announced NiYA × Cascador Founders Programme, a partnership between the Nigerian Youth Academy (NiYA) and Cascador. The initiative is designed to help founders become investment-ready and gain access to funding opportunities.

The programme was announced by the Minister of Youth Development, Ayodele Olawande, who said the initiative aims to bridge the gap between entrepreneurship training and access to capital. According to him, the goal is to help young founders transform promising ideas into sustainable businesses.

Who can apply?

The programme is targeted at young Nigerian entrepreneurs and startup founders who are looking to grow their businesses and improve their chances of securing investment. Full eligibility requirements are expected to be published when applications officially open.

What beneficiaries will get

Successful participants will receive:

Entrepreneurship and business development training
Mentorship from experienced business leaders
Access to investor-readiness support
Opportunities to compete for funding of up to ₦5 million
Networking opportunities with industry experts and investors
It is important to note that the ₦5 million is not a guaranteed payment for every applicant. The funding will be awarded to top-performing founders selected through the programme.

How to apply

Interested applicants will be required to apply through the Nigerian Youth Academy portal when registration opens here

Application steps

Visit the Nigerian Youth Academy website here
Create an account or log in.
Complete the application form.
Submit the required information and documents.
Monitor updates regarding screening and programme participation.
Applications are scheduled to open on August 19, 2026. Entrepreneurs are advised to regularly check the NiYA platform for official guidelines and requirements.

Why the programme matters

Access to funding remains one of the biggest challenges facing Nigerian startups and small businesses. Many young entrepreneurs struggle to secure financing because they lack collateral, credit history or connections to investors.

The NiYA × Cascador programme aims to address this challenge by combining training, mentorship and investment readiness support, giving founders a better chance of attracting capital and scaling their businesses.

As Nigeria continues to push youth entrepreneurship as a driver of economic growth, programmes like this could provide much-needed support for innovative young business owners across the country.

Link here: https://yaroinsider.ng/how-to-apply-for-fg-5-million-support-young-entrepreneurs-2026/