Mr. Yinka Odumakin, Publicity Secretaryof the Pan-Yoruba socio-political organization, Afenifere and a delegate to the National Conference. In this interview he speaks among otherson the gains of the confab and why it may be difficult to scuttle the report as being allegedly planned by some people. Excerpts:

ByClifford Ndujihe

FIVE months into the confab, what has been your experience? Ithink it is a mixed bag. For those of us who have over the years agitated that we need to discuss the future of this country, it wasa dream come true when President Goodluck Jonathan on March 17, 2014 inaugurated the conference and he gave us the charge to discuss every issue as regards the future of Nigeria and to reach a consensus on how Nigeriashould be rebuilt. And there he turned to the National Assemblyand said, ‘I hope you are talking about a referendum? Even though you are amending the constitution, if there is a need for anew constitution, do not shyaway from it.’

We spent the first few days of the conference over rulesand procedures. And the conference was going to break up over voting pattern, first it was75per cent, then later we had to settle for 70 per cent. After that we broke into committees. We broke into 20 committees in all. There are many of us who thought the committees were unwieldy and to be honest with you many of the issues came out under policy issues. Many of these policy issues are what apresidential candidate can commission a team to prepare for him in a manifesto-light, road, etc. Some of us believe the conference should discuss hardware, the policyissues are software.

When we came back from the committees we spent quality time looking at the policy issues and left the critical issuestowardsthe end. With benefit of hindsight, I think it wasa good decision because if we had put devolution first, maybe it would have been the end of the conference.

This conference is a major improvement on past conferences. It discussed the issues of Nigeria in depth. The quality of delegates was quite impressive. Most of the delegates would not have got to the conference if we had gone through the kind of elections we hold in Nigeria. There was quality debate. We dealt with reports of 19 committees, passed about 500 resolutionsand three-quarters of devolution until we got to the thorny issue of derivation, which had alwaysbeen the Achilles heels of every conference since 1988. Eventually, we passed the buck to the president because centrifugal forces, who are suddenly aroused by the governors, came and tried to cause confusion after being asked: What are you doing? Why did you allow local government to be de-listed? Why did you allow state police, state constitution, etc?
How did it happen?
When we got to the conference some of us were invited to a
meeting called Consensus Building Group which was facilitated
by Prof Agboola Gambari and Dr Raymond Dokpesi. We were
delegates across the zones. We tried to build consensus around
the various committees. We took the report of a committee,
discussed and reached a consensus. Eventually, this developed
into a meeting of minds, first between the South and the Middle
belt. So a document was produced detailing the points and the
position of the various zones on each point. At a point, it was
agreed that the entire six zones should have that kind of
consensus and a report was drafted.
Delegates from the South put a motion before the conference,
which was moved by Senator Aniete Okon and I seconded it. It
was signed by major leaders from the South – E.K Clark,
General Akinrinade, Olu Falae, etc. that was the time they were
trying to shut down debate and said now there should be no
more debate, that we should adopt every report.
We said no and the leadership agreed that we should continue
the debate on reports. That was the day Gambari sent a
message to Dokpesi that they would no longer attend the
meeting. The next meeting that was called, it was only the
South and Middle Belt that attended.
The next thing we saw was that they started sponsoring all
kinds of publications in northern papers-that there is a hidden
agenda, there is an already prepared constitution, Dokpesi has
been circulating the constitution, that Prof Bolaji Akinyemi, the
deputy chairman had called some northern leaders to
persuade them, that money was being shared, etc.
That was how the issue came to the floor of the conference and
the conference was going to have a lock down again. Prof
Akinyemi explained what he had been doing-to call all sides
involved in knotty issues and resolve them before it comes to
the plenary.
Dokpesi gave the background to the whole meeting and pointed
out that Prof Gambari and his team were trying to scuttle the
conference, that the document has nothing to do with
constitution but consensus built around issues discussed.
By the time we crossed that hurdle, they now came back to say
the position we took in adopting some critical issues was not
right. We should not have used voice vote, we should have
voted using 70:30 and we should reopen issues we had taken
decisions on.
The rule of the conference is very clear: any matter on which
decision has been taken cannot be reopened.
Eventually, we got to derivation. All along, there had been all
kinds of discussions trying to reach consensus. The South-
South came with 25 per cent; the consensus group
recommended 21 per cent and by the time we got to the
plenary, what was agreed was 18 per cent.
We now said the reason there is so much hues and cries over
derivation is because not everybody is bringing something to
the table. In the First Republic when everybody was bringing
something to the table, derivation was 50 per cent. Nobody
complained.
We have the geological map of Nigeria, which shows there is
large deposit of mineral resources in every part of Nigeria, that
if we give five per cent increase to derivation making 18 per
cent, we should devote another five per cent to development of
mineral resources so that we can share prosperity instead of
sharing money from one part of the country. Friends from the
far North said no.
Eventually after a series of meetings and discussions, they said
they agreed to that but there should be another five per cent
for insurgency, which was called intervention fund.
First of all, we cannot make terrorism economic feature of our
life. If you say you are giving this money to terrorism, you are
telling other parts of the country to go and start terrorism so
that they can access money from the centre.
And the money should be called National intervention fund, to
take care of problems, disaster in all parts of the country.
Eventually, we agreed, let’s have this fund starting with the
North-East and other parts of the country.
When we got to the floor, General Nwachukwu was called to
present the report of the committee. He called Prof Gambari,
who gave the report but when it got to the National
Intervention Fund, he said it was meant for the North-East,
North-West and North-Central. That was how the meeting
broke up.
They were asked to go and come back nothing was achieved
until the last minute when it became clear that some of our
friends were looking forward to use this to make the conference
inconclusive.
We said if that is the case let’s throw the matter back to the
president to set up a technical committee.
But the truth of the matter is the president does not need a
technical committee to fix derivation, he can do it by fiat. The
1999 constitution says derivation shall not be less than 13 per
cent, it did not say not more than 13 per cent.
Definitely, fair is fair. You cannot deny the South-South
derivation because it is in their area we are exploring now,
tomorrow we may explore in other parts of the country and
they will ask for these things.
But the challenge we have as a country is we have started
accepting indolence as a way of life; wealth without work.
Between 2009 and 2012, four years, when you look at the
revenue that accrued to this country and how it was shared,
you will see that in those four years the South-South gave the
federation account an average of 68 per cent; the South-West
contributed 23 per cent and South-East, eight per cent.
The average for the North is zero per cent in those four years.
When you go to local government allocation, the North took 54
per cent. The South that produced 100 per cent of the revenue
got 46 per cent.
We now said, let’s democratise prosperity, let everybody go
and look for gold, calcium, limestone, etc in his area but they
said no. they want to make terrorism an item for derivation but
by and large the conference management prevented people
from scuttling the conference. We will now go back on August
11 to dot the ‘Is’ and cross the ‘Ts’.
But there was agreement that derivation should be increased
from 13 per cent to 18 per cent. What happened to that
agreement?
Some consensus was built but we had not voted on it at the
plenary before they brought the issue of five per cent for
terrorism.
On reports that some northerners are plotting to scuttle the
report of the conference
I want to say to those our friends that you cannot do an
abortion after the baby has been born. The template for new
Nigeria has been laid at this conference; to now say you will
abort it is to commit murder with consequences. So any
attempt to scuttle this conference now is to murder the future
of Nigeria and I do not know whether we will fold our hands
and allow you to murder the future of Nigeria.
If there is any book that should be read in Arewa House at this
moment, I will recommend Barbara Tuchman’s “The March of
Folly” where the author brilliantly showed how nations work
against their enlightened self-interest.
He gave many examples, one of them was Britain. As British
colony, all America was asking for was four seats in the British
Parliament. In those days, it took three months to travel from
America to Britain. But Britain refused.
That refusal led to one thing and one thing led to another until
America fought the war of independence. So, the far North
should know that there is a new dawn in Nigeria. The spirit of
the people has been unleashed and you cannot hold it back,
you cannot bind the people under the old order. Any attempt to
do that will be courting unpleasant feelings.
The people of Nigeria have decided at this conference how they
want to live as a people. If you now think because you lost on
some items you want to scuttle the exercise, it is either you
don’t want to be part of the new Nigeria or you want to opt out
of it. To think you alone will reverse the will of Nigerians is a
joke taken too far.

www.vanguardngr.com/2014/08/confab-complete-story-conspiracies-odumakin/

Tell them.

No going back.

Say No To Forced Marriage.

What Devil Has Joined Together, Let God Put Asunder. Yes, Konfam.

They'd better approve what we want or we go our separate ways.

Nigeria is Pregnant, 2015 is going to be interesting.

One of the reasons why Jonathan must emerge victorious, he sabi do am oooo he no sabi do am ooo..........

Jonathan till 2019.

Say No To Born To Rule.

Nigeria belongs to us all, if they are not satisfied they should declare their Arewa Republic.

Can't wait to go back home. To your tent Oh Israel.

OYO NI EVERYBODY WAA.

Cheers. Bro Jo for Life. Lampiddo Say So.

Next year will be an interesting year

Two things are before Arewa


1) Accept the new Nigeria

2) Forget Nigeria

I see Aburi accord repeating.
why use a monster you created to demand for extra fund, instead of your resources. The same way north has been using population to increase their allocation.

I pity us.

the north has always been Nigeria's problem. the have nothing, they do nothing , but they r do hungry 4 power. their major problem is their religion

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