www.ooduapathfinder.com
By adminadmin



The Nigerian Constitution is supposedly the foundation of the Nigerian State. That Ayo Fayose has now sworn to uphold this “Constitution” has clearly shown the lawlessness of the Nigerian State and necessitates a fundamental questioning of that State and the Constitution that purports to define it. The Constitution itself, with a preamble that starts with “We, The People”, is an embodiment of illegality and illegitimacy since “we the People” had no hand in its making, which is why all governments that had been operating under its provisions have been able to get away with absolute impunity and illegalities, so much so that it is only worth the paper it is written on only when it suits the fancies of its operators.
Thus, when Ayo Fayose went to Ado Ekiti court premises and conspired with his thugs to beat up the judge, tear his clothes as well as the court records, he was not arrested, unless we are being told that Ayo Fayose’s June 21 electoral heist includes beating up judges. The Presidency concurred with this act by locking up the court premises, even when the Constitutionally mandated National Judicial Council had ordered the re-opening. Even then, the NJC did not find it fit to ask the Nigerian Police Force to arrest and prosecute the culprits; ostensibly because the Police Force itself looked the other way when the deed was being perpetrated such that, if any “ordinary” litigant decides to go the same route, such a person would be promptly arrested, if not shot by these same policemen. On its part, the National Assembly did not deem it fit to call the presidency to order for this clearly treasonable and impeachable activity.
It is thus very obvious that, for these operators of the Nigerian State, Nigerian Constitutionalism is not an end in itself but a means towards an end; which end depends on whoever is the main proponent at a particular time and which has absolutely nothing to do with the citizens, universal rights or legitimacy; either in terms of a particular Nationality or a pan-Nigerian environment. For the Yoruba Nation therefore, such means cannot be outside the context of the end, which is the creation of a socially-responsible society where “freedom for all, life more abundant” reigns supreme and which, ordinarily, ought to be the end of any Constitutionalism. The pursuit of this aim has always occurred within the context of the general Nigerian political firmament, hence the desperation by the Nigerian central forces to truncate the march towards such objective and this is always done via such illegalities founded on Un-Constitutional behavior.
First, it was the illegal imposition of the State of Emergency in 1962, by the Central forces, using the instrumentality of its local surrogates and when the people rose up against these local surrogates in 1965, the central army struck, ostensibly to impose Awo on Nigeria. Even if we take this at face value, such an attempt was without the input or agreement of the Yoruba, either as a Nationality or as the Territorial indigenes of Western Region, hence our “heads were shaved in our absence”. By the time of the second republic, the same central forces were back at their game, so much so that its points man in Yorubaland, Richard Akinjide had cause to state, publicly, in 2002, that the twelve-two-thirds issue was simply a function of subterfuge and not legality or Constitutionalism and that the Yoruba should also give them the chance to initiate such subterfuge at the time since their bags of “tricks” still exist. Now, we have a similar scenario from the same central forces, only that this time, it is not a question of “tricks” but a direct assault on its own foundation.
If then, the central forces cannot obey its own foundational principles, We, the people, are also not under any obligation to do so; even as the State will rely on its current monopoly of force to try to compel us. We, the People, are objects, being “tricked upon” and being disenfranchised; We, the People, are objects of derision; objects of scorn; non-existent participants in our own reality; while the central government, with its local goons, are comfortable flying in our faces the “Constitution”, the terms and conditions of which We, the People, are supposed to obey, but which the central government and its goons are not to be held responsible for. The only legitimacy for the Nigerian State, therefore, is its application of force.
With all of these, what then is to be done?
The central Government, through its National Assembly is now embarking on an amendment exercise, amending provisions of the same Constitution that had been rubbished by the Presidency; while the president himself had organized a conference ostensibly to re-define the foundations of the Nigerian State in consonance with provisions of the same Constitution. And because of this singular act of the Presidency in terms of its Un-Constitutional behavior in Ekiti, enabling a false adherence to a Constitution by swearing to uphold it while undermining it, the Yoruba Nation, Globally, must set up, at the minimum, a Yoruba Parliament, in exile. It is “in exile” simply because the Nigerian State is lawless, hence we cannot rely on its application of legal measures to address issues brought before it. We cannot embark on our journey on its terms.
This proposition is without prejudice to the APC, either in pan-Nigerian terms or as a SW entity; and the Yoruba Parliament will not be in competition or conflict with existing Houses of Assembly. As an electoral platform, the APC is quite capable of navigating its ways around the contours of the Nigerian State, up to the point of electorally taking over the running of that State. And Yes, the APC must be supported, for its little advances will count towards the eventual solution to the lawlessness pervading the land. What is being proposed is to ensure that our eventual freedom and freedom from illegalities are not imprisoned within the boundaries of Nigerian central electoralism which it can always manipulate according to its fancy as we have now witnessed in Ekiti.
I am particular about APC because it is not only the main opposition party in Nigeria and the dominant electoralist platform in Yorubaland, but mainly because it is the only party, so far, that has seen the Ekiti illegality and Un-Constitutionalism, if not treason, for what it is. The Yoruba/SW PDP are comfortable with the imposed Un-Constitutionalism simply because it is carried out in aid of one of their own and they are willing tools in the hands of the presidency in pursuit of whatever agenda the president has and have not been shy about being his foot-soldiers in Yorubaland. That obviously eliminates them from any movement towards Constitutional Freedom for Yorubaland.
The functions and duties of such a Parliament are already cut out for it.
Internationally, the world is currently dealing with the limitations embedded in the formation of the modern Nation State, where the “Obama Doctrine” of “No boots on ground” is partly an admission of the necessity for the peoples concerned to take care of their destiny without being encumbered by physical foreign intervention even if such intervention would be made available “from a distance”. Thus the “Obama Doctrine” is a challenge to the Sykes-Picot order of the Middle East to reinvent itself. Besides, the UK has a moral(and political) obligation to work with such a Parliament, being the colonial creator of what we now know as Nigeria and having allowed the Scots to peacefully decide on their relationship with the rest of Britain while undergoing processes of redefining interrelationships between the various Nations of the UK. Canada, on its own, had allowed Quebec to make similar determinations. Yet, Spain is still caught up in its Francoist dictatorial traditions with its insistence on having all Spaniards, as a whole, determine what each component would wish for itself, which is not only similar to what is going on in Nigeria but also against the grain of all processes of self-determination in Europe itself.
It is thus obvious that the political health and safety of the Western World depends on its coming to terms with the failure of its Nation State paradigm as conceived in the early part of the 20th century. While the façade was kept alive in the Middle East and North African via the dictatorships, the attempt at introducing formal, westernized democracies forced out some of these dictators only for the political space they had occupied to become filled with all sorts of radicalisms now coalescing around Caliphate insurgencies. The missing factor in all of these is the People, the Nationalities, who had been denied their existential role in their lives.
The implications of this for Africa in general and Nigeria in particular, is that the Nation State would no longer be an alienating platform for peoples’ existence but will be its defining factor since it would have emanated from their historical and contemporary experience. Thus, the Yoruba Parliament would assist in facilitating this reality not only internationally, but also within Nigeria as the movement and drive towards recalibrating the structure of Nigeria cannot be placed in the hands of those whose political activities rest squarely on negating the exact provisions upon which its own existence rest.
Many opportunities thus abound for such a Parliament, the extent of which will also be informed by the implications of its acts inside Nigeria itself.
Leye Ige

If you were to judge between Fayose and the activist Judge.

1. Who disrespect the other?

2. When has it been the job of a Judge to instruct and control the crowd.

How on earth should a State Judge come to Governor Elect to warn him and command him to check the crown who are mostly Ekitians who have interest in the judgement? Gosh,

Were there not policemen on duty to relay the message to?

Nigerians are not fools, this judge wants to play Salami and he knew he had a limited time.

Poor corrupt Judge.

A mere cri of a sore looser!

ooduapathfinder:

www.ooduapathfinder.com
By adminadmin



The Nigerian Constitution is supposedly the foundation of the Nigerian State. That Ayo Fayose has now sworn to uphold this “Constitution” has clearly shown the lawlessness of the Nigerian State and necessitates a fundamental questioning of that State and the Constitution that purports to define it. The Constitution itself, with a preamble that starts with “We, The People”, is an embodiment of illegality and illegitimacy since “we the People” had no hand in its making, which is why all governments that had been operating under its provisions have been able to get away with absolute impunity and illegalities, so much so that it is only worth the paper it is written on only when it suits the fancies of its operators.
Thus, when Ayo Fayose went to Ado Ekiti court premises and conspired with his thugs to beat up the judge, tear his clothes as well as the court records, he was not arrested, unless we are being told that Ayo Fayose’s June 21 electoral heist includes beating up judges. The Presidency concurred with this act by locking up the court premises, even when the Constitutionally mandated National Judicial Council had ordered the re-opening. Even then, the NJC did not find it fit to ask the Nigerian Police Force to arrest and prosecute the culprits; ostensibly because the Police Force itself looked the other way when the deed was being perpetrated such that, if any “ordinary” litigant decides to go the same route, such a person would be promptly arrested, if not shot by these same policemen. On its part, the National Assembly did not deem it fit to call the presidency to order for this clearly treasonable and impeachable activity.
It is thus very obvious that, for these operators of the Nigerian State, Nigerian Constitutionalism is not an end in itself but a means towards an end; which end depends on whoever is the main proponent at a particular time and which has absolutely nothing to do with the citizens, universal rights or legitimacy; either in terms of a particular Nationality or a pan-Nigerian environment. For the Yoruba Nation therefore, such means cannot be outside the context of the end, which is the creation of a socially-responsible society where “freedom for all, life more abundant” reigns supreme and which, ordinarily, ought to be the end of any Constitutionalism. The pursuit of this aim has always occurred within the context of the general Nigerian political firmament, hence the desperation by the Nigerian central forces to truncate the march towards such objective and this is always done via such illegalities founded on Un-Constitutional behavior.
First, it was the illegal imposition of the State of Emergency in 1962, by the Central forces, using the instrumentality of its local surrogates and when the people rose up against these local surrogates in 1965, the central army struck, ostensibly to impose Awo on Nigeria. Even if we take this at face value, such an attempt was without the input or agreement of the Yoruba, either as a Nationality or as the Territorial indigenes of Western Region, hence our “heads were shaved in our absence”. By the time of the second republic, the same central forces were back at their game, so much so that its points man in Yorubaland, Richard Akinjide had cause to state, publicly, in 2002, that the twelve-two-thirds issue was simply a function of subterfuge and not legality or Constitutionalism and that the Yoruba should also give them the chance to initiate such subterfuge at the time since their bags of “tricks” still exist. Now, we have a similar scenario from the same central forces, only that this time, it is not a question of “tricks” but a direct assault on its own foundation.
If then, the central forces cannot obey its own foundational principles, We, the people, are also not under any obligation to do so; even as the State will rely on its current monopoly of force to try to compel us. We, the People, are objects, being “tricked upon” and being disenfranchised; We, the People, are objects of derision; objects of scorn; non-existent participants in our own reality; while the central government, with its local goons, are comfortable flying in our faces the “Constitution”, the terms and conditions of which We, the People, are supposed to obey, but which the central government and its goons are not to be held responsible for. The only legitimacy for the Nigerian State, therefore, is its application of force.
With all of these, what then is to be done?
The central Government, through its National Assembly is now embarking on an amendment exercise, amending provisions of the same Constitution that had been rubbished by the Presidency; while the president himself had organized a conference ostensibly to re-define the foundations of the Nigerian State in consonance with provisions of the same Constitution. And because of this singular act of the Presidency in terms of its Un-Constitutional behavior in Ekiti, enabling a false adherence to a Constitution by swearing to uphold it while undermining it, the Yoruba Nation, Globally, must set up, at the minimum, a Yoruba Parliament, in exile. It is “in exile” simply because the Nigerian State is lawless, hence we cannot rely on its application of legal measures to address issues brought before it. We cannot embark on our journey on its terms.
This proposition is without prejudice to the APC, either in pan-Nigerian terms or as a SW entity; and the Yoruba Parliament will not be in competition or conflict with existing Houses of Assembly. As an electoral platform, the APC is quite capable of navigating its ways around the contours of the Nigerian State, up to the point of electorally taking over the running of that State. And Yes, the APC must be supported, for its little advances will count towards the eventual solution to the lawlessness pervading the land. What is being proposed is to ensure that our eventual freedom and freedom from illegalities are not imprisoned within the boundaries of Nigerian central electoralism which it can always manipulate according to its fancy as we have now witnessed in Ekiti.
I am particular about APC because it is not only the main opposition party in Nigeria and the dominant electoralist platform in Yorubaland, but mainly because it is the only party, so far, that has seen the Ekiti illegality and Un-Constitutionalism, if not treason, for what it is. The Yoruba/SW PDP are comfortable with the imposed Un-Constitutionalism simply because it is carried out in aid of one of their own and they are willing tools in the hands of the presidency in pursuit of whatever agenda the president has and have not been shy about being his foot-soldiers in Yorubaland. That obviously eliminates them from any movement towards Constitutional Freedom for Yorubaland.
The functions and duties of such a Parliament are already cut out for it.
Internationally, the world is currently dealing with the limitations embedded in the formation of the modern Nation State, where the “Obama Doctrine” of “No boots on ground” is partly an admission of the necessity for the peoples concerned to take care of their destiny without being encumbered by physical foreign intervention even if such intervention would be made available “from a distance”. Thus the “Obama Doctrine” is a challenge to the Sykes-Picot order of the Middle East to reinvent itself. Besides, the UK has a moral(and political) obligation to work with such a Parliament, being the colonial creator of what we now know as Nigeria and having allowed the Scots to peacefully decide on their relationship with the rest of Britain while undergoing processes of redefining interrelationships between the various Nations of the UK. Canada, on its own, had allowed Quebec to make similar determinations. Yet, Spain is still caught up in its Francoist dictatorial traditions with its insistence on having all Spaniards, as a whole, determine what each component would wish for itself, which is not only similar to what is going on in Nigeria but also against the grain of all processes of self-determination in Europe itself.
It is thus obvious that the political health and safety of the Western World depends on its coming to terms with the failure of its Nation State paradigm as conceived in the early part of the 20th century. While the façade was kept alive in the Middle East and North African via the dictatorships, the attempt at introducing formal, westernized democracies forced out some of these dictators only for the political space they had occupied to become filled with all sorts of radicalisms now coalescing around Caliphate insurgencies. The missing factor in all of these is the People, the Nationalities, who had been denied their existential role in their lives.
The implications of this for Africa in general and Nigeria in particular, is that the Nation State would no longer be an alienating platform for peoples’ existence but will be its defining factor since it would have emanated from their historical and contemporary experience. Thus, the Yoruba Parliament would assist in facilitating this reality not only internationally, but also within Nigeria as the movement and drive towards recalibrating the structure of Nigeria cannot be placed in the hands of those whose political activities rest squarely on negating the exact provisions upon which its own existence rest.
Many opportunities thus abound for such a Parliament, the extent of which will also be informed by the implications of its acts inside Nigeria itself.
Leye Ige

The Ekiti and yoruba scenario in entirety is a movie... A long one for that matter.
With these kind of one-sided and biased report houses scattered accross it, one should know that bad blood and politics of bitterness is inevitable there.

It's a pity the judge willed to become a certain party's stooge.

Power is for the Ekitis .....and they made a display of it... This lamentations are of no need now.

Ngwakwe:
If you were to judge between Fayose and the activist Judge.

1. Who disrespect the other?

2. When has it been the job of a Judge to instruct and control the crowd.

How on earth should a State Judge come to Governor Elect to warn him and command him to check the crown who are mostly Ekitians who have interest in the judgement? Gosh,

Were there not policemen on duty to relay the message to?

Nigerians are not fools, this judge wants to play Salami and he knew he had a limited time.

Poor corrupt Judge.

This is unbelievable, my goodness. Smh

Obiagelli:

This is unbelievable, my goodness. Smh

NJC received the petition and throw it inside the dustbin presumably for the very reasons I stated above

i sent u a mail

the 'abuja boys' email!!!!!
pls respond

TUNFOL:
A mere cri of a sore looser!