Make no mistake about it, Ondo is a highly politically conscious state. Ondo voters, like many others similarly inclined across the country, just don’t go to the polls to cast their votes. They assess the candidates carefully; make up their mind pretty early; cast their votes on the Election Day, come rain or shine; and spend hours, days, weeks, months, or even years to defend their votes. Their ultimate electoral goal is to ensure that their mandate is never stolen. This goal has been central to their electoral practices since the turn of independence, particularly in the elections of 1964/65, 1983, 2007, and even in 2012, when they made every effort, including litigation, to seek redress.

As they prepare for the 2015 general elections and President Goodluck Jonathan’s campaign visit tomorrow, Wednesday, January 27, 2015, the conversation on every lip is about the choice of political party or candidate for a given office at federal and state levels. From an informal poll conducted over the last month, a pattern seems to be emerging. Party loyalty seems very weak, partly because of party switching by many politicians, especially those aggrieved over their party’s candidate selection mechanism and partly because there really is no clear-cut distinction between the two major parties, the Peoples Democratic Party and the All Progressives Congress.

This implies that many voters in the state will vote for candidates of their choice, regardless of party affiliation. This is particularly true of the choice between President Jonathan of the PDP and Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd.) of the APC. Accordingly, political parties rarely feature in discussions about the presidential election. From motor parks and market stalls to family meetings and party caucuses, the political choice of 2015 is clearly between Jonathan and Buhari.

Those who support Buhari don’t seem to care about all the fuss about his School Leaving Certificate. These are people who desperately want a change of government, or want power to be in their hands. They want a government that can bring back the virtues of discipline, vigorously fight corruption, suppress the raging insurgency, and reclaim Nigeria’s territory in the hands of terrorists.

Central to their argument is that Jonathan “has done nothing”, especially in the areas in which Buhari is viewed as a Messiah. As a Lagos-based lawyer, Festus Keyamo, argued on Channels TV on Seun Okinbaloye’s programme on politics last Sunday, Nigeria was intact when Jonathan was voted in as President. Six years down the road, part of the territory has been lost to Boko Haram, and recovery is not in sight in spite of a state of emergency in the affected states. Besides, it will soon be a year since over 200 girls were abducted without a clue as to their whereabouts and without any hope of their return.

A similarly negative rating is given to Jonathan on corruption, because many major corruption scandals have not been investigated; those investigated have not been fully prosecuted; and those prosecuted only got a slap on the wrist. That’s why local and international observers have tagged the Jonathan administration with an indelible corruption label.

Perhaps, the shortcoming that has given Jonathan the most vicious personal attack is the perception that he is not in control of his government. This is illustrated, for example, by contradictory statements by members of the administration on major issues; the hold-up of one government agency by another, leading to lost revenue, such as the half a billion dollars lost when NIMASA held up the NLNG over unpaid taxes; and the undue delay in attending to pressing issues, such as trade disputes by various professional associations, including ASUU and the NMA. When these shortcomings are mapped on corruption and insecurity, it is difficult for some voters to like what they see.

Yet, it is not the case that Jonathan has done nothing. In fact, he may have performed better in some respects than his predecessors since 1999. Take railway transport, for example. To Jonathan’s credit, it was revived after decades of inactivity. Today, at least three major lines are working, thus reducing pressure on roadways and the attendant costs to life and property.

It is equally true that the Jonathan administration made the most efforts towards improving access to education by increasing the allocation to education from N224bn in 2007 to N634bn in 2013. This has allowed for the construction of 125 Almajiri schools, the establishment of 12 Federal Universities of Technology scattered across the country, and the commitment of billions of naira in infrastructure funds to federal and some state universities. In addition, 403 laboratories have been built or rehabilitated in federal and state polytechnics and Unity Schools.

Jonathan has also provided women with access to power by appointing many of them to powerful cabinet positions, including Finance, Petroleum, Stock Exchange, and Aviation. This is complemented by the YouWIN Programme, the government’s business plan contest for young people, which has produced many beneficiaries.

Jonathan’s administration has also made significant improvements in the agricultural sector. The metric tonnage of food produced in the country has tripled since 2007, leading to a drastic reduction in the annual cost of food importation from over N1tn in 2007 to about N650 billion now.

Furthermore, if Jonathan could be credited with fighting corruption at all, he deserves it in the agricultural sector, where he stopped the scams behind fertiliser distribution to farmers. More than 10 million farmers registered on the e-Wallet system introduced by the government, which cleverly cut out middlemen from the distribution of fertilisers and seeds, thereby making it possible for the products to reach the farmers much cheaper and more timely. Perhaps, the crowning glory of Jonathan’s plan to attain food security for the nation is the Olam’s integrated rice mill in Rukubi Village in Nasarawa State, which is said to be the largest rice milling facility in Africa. This surely should translate into job opportunities and bring direct economic value to the nation.

Similar strides have been taken in auto manufacturing, where local and international players are participating in the implementation of the government’s new automotive policy. Last year, Nissan rolled out the first cars from its new production facility in Lagos. Similarly, the very first indigenous auto manufacturer, the Innoson Group of Companies, started producing cars and SUVs out of its Enugu plant in July 2014.

Housing and the entertainment industry are not left out. The National Mortgage Refinancing Company is already processing the first batch of applications that would provide housing to many Nigerians, including young people. Similarly, the Jonathan administration has directed substantial funding toward the entertainment industry, especially Nollywood.

True, Jonathan has yet to take action on the recommendations of the National Conference, he should be commended for signing the Freedom of Information Bill, the Sovereign Wealth Fund Bill, the Counter-terrorism Bill, the National Health Bill, and the Pension Reform Amendment Bill.

The thread that connects Jonathan’ project seems to be the creation of access. He wants access to power by minorities, especially women; access to education, especially where chances have been limited; access to food security; access to housing; and access to some luxuries of the modern age, including automobiles and entertainment.

These are the virtues the Jonathan campaign team needs to emphasise, rather than hauling personal insults on the APC presidential candidate, fussing after his certificates, or wishing him dead, as in the advertorial thuggery, recently sponsored by the Ekiti State Governor, Ayo Fayose.

He did everything. That's why we want continuity.

GEJ till 2019