By Atiku Abubakar
We have spent the last few years making the case for the restructuring of our federal system. This is in response to the cries of marginalisation by various segments of country as well as the realisation that our federation, as presently constituted, impedes optimal development and the improvement of our peoples’ aspirations.
As you all know, virtually every segment of this country has at one point or the other complained of marginalisation by one or more segments, and agitated for change.
We have made tremendous progress in our advocacy as more and more of key stakeholders have come to realise the critical importance of restructuring for our country’s health, its unity, and its future. The proponents of what we now call restructuring do not necessarily mean the same thing, and do not necessarily have the same expectations in terms of outcome. That is normal.
The agitations and propositions are fuelled by feelings of historical wrongs, of marginalisation, of being short-changed, of resentment and envy and of fear of domination. But one thing they all agree on is that our country, as presently constituted, does not work well and will work significantly better with changes in the structure of the relationships among its component units.
Those opposed to restructuring capitalise on the differences of opinion dismiss the agitations pointing to what they regard as the imprecise nature of the definition of restructuring or they claim that the proponents want to dismember the country.
In this presentation, I shall state my understanding of restructuring, and some of the steps we need to take to bring it about in a peaceful, democratic manner. I do not intend to dwell so much on why it is important as I can see an emerging consensus on that, even as disagreements remain on what it should look like and who gets what when actualised.
Different ideas have been floated including resource control, fiscal federalism, true federalism, restructuring.
I said a week ago at another forum in Abuja that it is normal for us to have different positions on restructuring.
Eventually we shall sit down and discuss, negotiate and arrive at a model that will be suitable for our country and which will help ensure rapid development and mutual and respectful coexistence.
Before I proceed, let me caution us all that restructuring, by whatever name, is not a magic bullet that would resolve all of Nigeria’s challenges or those of any section, region or zone of the country.
Listening to some people, even those who seek to dismember the country, you would think that once their dream is achieved their part of the country or the country as a whole will become paradise. But as we all know, life is not that simple. We need restructuring in order to address the challenges that restructuring can help us address, and which will remain unaddressed unless we restructure. Period. This also answers the cynics who question whether restructuring is even important since it won’t solve all our problems. No system would.
To me, restructuring means making changes to our current federal structure so it comes closer to what our founding leaders established, in response to the very issues and challenges that led them to opt for a less centralised system. It means devolving more powers to the federating units with the accompanying resources. It means greater control by the federating units of the resources in their areas. It would mean, by implication, the reduction of the powers and roles of the federal government so that it would concentrate only on those matters best handled by the centre such as defence, foreign policy, monetary and fiscal policies, immigration, customs and excise, aviation as well as setting and enforcing national standards on such matters as education, health and safety.
Some of what my ideas of restructuring involve requires constitutional amendment; some do not. Take education and roads for instance. The federal government can immediately start the process of transferring federal roads to the state governments along with the resources it expends on them. In the future if the federal government identifies the need for a new road that would serve the national interest, it can support the affected states to construct such roads, and thereafter leave the maintenance to the states, which can collect tolls from road users for the purpose. The federal government does not need a constitutional amendment to start that process.
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The same goes for education and health care. We must reverse the epidemic of federal take-over of state and voluntary organisations’ schools and hospitals which began in the 1970s, and also transfer those established by the federal government to the states. We do not need a constitutional amendment to transfer federal universities and colleges as well as hospitals to the states where they are located. The University of Nigeria, Nsukka, the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and the University of Ife (now OAU) were built by regional governments when we had a thriving federal system. We all know what then happened.
The federal government, awash in oil revenues took them over, rapidly expanded them, and began to build more federal universities in response to the inevitable demand from states that did not have any located within their jurisdictions. The result is what we have today: universities, including the first-generation ones that are no longer taken seriously anywhere in the world.
Local control makes for quicker decision-making; makes for adaptation to local needs; makes the adoption of new technologies and methods of teaching and learning quicker.
At the American University of Nigeria, which I founded in Yola, we are currently building the largest solar farm in the North East to provide power to the university and reduce our reliance on the national grid and also reduce our carbon footprint. We have since established an E-Library, which gives our students access to tens of millions of library materials from around the world. Can you imagine if we were part of the federal system of universities and were to wait on the federal government for these investments? Take another example. When the current security crisis in the North East began to grow, we quickly decided to recruit a large number of security personnel, trained and equipped them to provide security within and around the AUN campus to complement the efforts of already over-stretched national security forces. We did not have to wait for a distant organ in Abuja to come around to a decision on what should be done to protect our students and staff. These kinds of decisions and investments are not just easier with private organisations. They are easier within a decentralised system where decisions are made by local authorities closer to the relevant organisations. If you, at UNN, have to deal with a government at Enugu that has a clearer understanding of the local conditions, needs and aspirations, you are likely to accomplish more and return the UNN to its past glory.
These are possible first steps and would be easy wins for the federal government and the country. They will in part show the goodwill of the federal authorities in dealing with this very serious issue, and complement the important consultations which the Acting President has undertaken in recent times to douse tension in the country.
Indeed, the federal government can voluntarily withdraw from most of the items listed in the very thin Concurrent Legislative List of our Constitution. I believe that the benefits accruing from these first steps will help us as we move towards the changes that require amendments to our Constitution. Let me mention a few critical ones just to illustrate. https://orientdailynews.com/restructuring-nigeria-atiku-abubakar/Lalasticlala seun mynd44
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