Islie:




Muhammad Abu Ali, a lieutenant colonel, whom Boko Haram dreaded, is dead.

Ali led one of the army’s fiercest-ever battles with Boko Haram, in February 2015, culminating in the recapture of Baga town in Borno state.

Sani Usman, army spokeman, said he was killed in an encounter with the insurgents on Friday.

The deceased was was granted accelerated promotion from rank of major to lieutenant-colonel in September 2015, for his courageous performance in a series of the army’s engagements with Boko Haram.

Usman added that four soldiers were killed, but that troops killed 14 of the insurgents who attacked a location of the army in Borno state.

“Yesterday at about 10.00pm suspected Boko Haram terrorists attacked a 119 Battalion Nigerian army location at Mallam Fatori, northern Borno state. The troops fought gallantly and repelled the attack, killing 14 Boko Haram terrorists,” he said.

“Unfortunately, we lost an officer and four soldiers, while four other soldiers sustained various degrees of injuries during the encounter. One of those killed in action, was Lieutenant Colonel Muhammad Abu Ali, the Commanding Officer of 272 Task Force Tank Battalion.”

During TheCable’s investigative trip to the theatre of war, soldiers, majority of whom have built an unwanted reputation for always criticising the army hierarchy, spoke highly of Ali’s professionalism.

One of the soldiers, who partook in the Baga operation, narrated his experience to TheCable .

“In the case Baga, when it was recaptured from Boko Haram, Abu Ali, who led that operation, told the soldiers that they should not worry, that they should only do five percent of the job, that he was going to do 95% of the job with the tanks,” he had said.

“And that was exactly what happened. He did most of the work with the tanks. He was a major at that time and his promotion after the operation was automatic because he performed very well. One smallish guy like that o.”


https://www.thecable.ng/breaking-boko-haram-kills-col-ali-led-operation-recapture-baga

TRIBUTE: Abu Ali, Lt Col Who ‘doesn’t Brag’ But Is Killing Off Boko Haram

Muhammed Abu Ali is the name. You may have heard about him before: he is the officer who was granted accelerated promotion from rank of major to lieutenant-colonel in September 2015, for his courageous performance in a series of the army’s engagements with Boko Haram.

His elevation was first announced shortly after one of the army’s fiercest-ever battles with Boko Haram, in February 2015, culminating in the recapture of Baga from insurgents. But the official decoration was delayed until September when, after another monumental success — the capture of Gamboru-Ngala — Tukur Buratai, chief of army staff, visited the war front.

During that decoration, Buratai praised Ali for his “courage, bravery and exceptional performance in the fight against the Boko Haram terrorists”.

Tukur is not alone in his opinion; and it has now emerged that even soldiers, majority of whom have built an unwanted reputation for always criticising the army hierarchy, have tremendous respect for Ali’s professionalism.

PUREST GOLD FROM MIRY CLAY

For all of the army’s hardline public relations tactic, discontent is high among soldiers and officers DIRECTLY involved in the ‘Operation Lafiya Dole’ (peace by force) in Borno state. But as Ali’s example shows, good work and truth require no trumpet; they always find their way to the public.

During TheCable’s recent investigative trip to the theatre of war, the first mention of Ali came at a time a sergeant was complaining about the crude equipment and archaic manner with which the army was prosecuting the war.

“Yes, the problem is that the Nigerian army still has this archaic idea of fighting, relying more in the numerical strength of its troops rather than on equipment,” he had said.

“There is nowhere in the world, a civilised or modernised army, where they want to lose soldiers in large numbers again, and that is where you need these equipment.

“If you have good equipment, it will reduce the number of casualities on your side but if the weapons are not there and you want to use the number of your soldiers, then definitely you are going to suffer casualties.”

He then cited the example of the recapture of Baga, but he was quick to recognise Ali’s “brilliance” in its success — even though the original intention was not to praise the officer.

“In the case of tanks, what one tank can do, 200 soldiers cannot do it; 300 soldiers cannot do it if the tank is functional and serviceable,” he said.

“In the case Baga, when it was recaptured from Boko Haram, the officer who led that operation, Abu Ali, a major at the time, told the soldiers that they should not worry, that they should only do five percent of the job, that he was going to do 95% of the job with the tanks.

“And that was exactly what happened. He did most of the work with the tanks. He was a major at that time and his promotion after the operation was automatic because he performed very well. One smallish guy like that o.

“After they recaptured Baga, the soldiers were so happy that they raised him up, telling the president to elevate him to the status of colonel, not even lieutenant-colonel, because he really performed; he tried. Even recent operations in Sambisa Forest, he led some of them.”

RESPECTED BY SOLDIERS

Ali’s elevation was not just the decision of the chief of army staff or the rest of the army hierarchy; the soldiers fully supported it. According to a soldier who witnessed his “leadership qualities” in Baga, and two others who were with him in Sambisa, soldiers were generally “very happy for him”.

“He led us with the T-72 when we advanced to Monguno and Baga, and he collected those places,” he said.

According to Wikipedia, the T-72 is a Soviet second-generation main battle tank that entered production in 1971. About 20,000 T-72 tanks were built, making it one of the most widely produced post-World War II tanks, second only to the T-54/55 family.



There have been at least three upgrades to the tank, the most popular being in 1988 and 1995, although they are unavailable in Nigeria.

A second soldier who extolled Ali’s virtues said: “After he collected those places [Baga and Monguno] in 2015, they brought someone else to replace him and they took him to Sambisa area; we went with him to Sambisa.

“He is a brilliant fighter. When he began hanging his promotion emblem officially on September 9, we were together on that day and we were all very happy for him.”

A third soldier, who had spent time with him in Sambisa, went as far as touting him as a potential helmsman of the army: “The man is very active; very active. And he is a very calm and intelligent person. He doesn’t brag, he knows his job and he is very simple.

“He is a future chief of army staff, if I may say, but he has to be wary of the corruption that is the shortcoming of many good hands in the army.”

LIKE FATHER, LIKE SON

It is interesting to know that Muhammed Abu Ali is the son of Colonel Abu Ali, who was governor of Bauchi state from August 1990 to January 1992 during the military regime of Ibrahim Babangida.

At this rate, no one would want to bet against the younger Ali surpassing his father’s achievements. He is already a lieutenant-colonel and should he continue his anti-Boko Haram heriocs, it won’t be long before he earns another elevation to the status of colonel, which his father was before retiring.

From then on, anything — just anything — is possible!


https://www.thecable.ng/.V2Tdwh1mcmo.w

Major SK Umaru: Another Brave Hero Killed By Boko Haram Bullets

Major SK Umaru was killed yesterday Wednesday December 17th during a battle with Boko Haram militants. Described as a committed soldier, Umaru told friends when he was posted to the war front recently that he was ready for whatever his mission brings him. Sadly, it brought death. May his soul rest in peace Amen.

http://lindaikeji..com/2014/12/photos-yet-another-hero-fallen-by-boko.html?

naptu2: Brigadier General Maxwell Mitikishe Khobe (Chief of Defence Staff of Sierra Leone) RIP


Born on January 1st, 1950 at Zeku, in Adamawa State, he attended the Native Authority Junior Primary School, Dong from 1958 to 1961 and Native Authority Senior Primary School, Numan, from 1962 to 1963. He later attended the Church of the Brethren Mission, Waka Secondary School, Biu, in Borno State from 1964 to 1968. In September 1969, in the dying months of the civil war, he enlisted as a soldier. He was subsequently enrolled in the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) Short Service Combatant Course 11 from March 29, 1971 until September 13, 1971 when he was commissioned 2/Lt with seniority effective from March 29, 1971. He was initially posted to the Infantry. He was awarded the Nigeria Defence Service Medal in 1973, promoted Lt. in 1974, and awarded the Republic medal in 1975.


Following a heroic role during the Dimka coup attempt of 1976, he was encouraged to apply for transfer to the Armoured Corps as a Captain (which he became in 1977), having already attended the Young Officer’s Course (Infantry) and a number of support weapons courses at the School of Infantry. After joining the Armoured corps, he attended the Armoured Officers Basic Course at Fort Knox, Kentucky (USA) and later, the Advanced Armour Officer's Course. He also attended a Gunnery course at the Royal Armoured Corps School, Bovington Camp, UK. His area of specialization was Gunnery.

Khobe was 2ic of 245 Recce Battalion Ikeja under Capt. Martin Luther Agwai (the former Chief of Army Staff) and was responsible for coordinating the training program of that battalion. He did all this under some pressure because the unit was constantly under close security surveillance, especially in the months leading up to October 1979 when General Obasanjo handed over to President Shagari.

According to a former Army Officer,

“He played a very key role in the deployment of Duty Officers to Radio Nigeria and State House Dodan Barracks. His claim to fame was his appetite for" the job". Throughout my years with him I never saw him in No. 4 Dress. He was forever in anklets and 99% of the time engaged in practical soldiering instead of staff work. He was not cast in the same mould with other Armour officers like the late UK Bello, Buba Marwa or Friday Ichide who were highly skilled staff officers and were literally adored by very senior officers. Khobe's magnetic pull for senior officers came from his practical ability and endearing qualities towards junior officers, NCOs and soldiers alike.”

He attended the Staff College in 1983 and was promoted Major in 1984. In August 1985, as Commanding Officer, 245 Recce Battalion, Ikeja, he led a unit of Tanks in Lagos during the palace coup that removed Major General Buhari from power, ushering in fellow Armoured Corps officer, Major General Babangida. He was awarded the Forces Services Star in 1986 and became a Lieutenant-Colonel in 1989.

Always leery of a political appointment (he turned down political appointments offered to him by General Babangida after the 1985 coup), the outbreak of the Liberian crisis in 1990 provided him an outlet for his martial inclinations. He eventually served four tours of duty there, getting ECOMOG Liberia medals for each one. In addition he won the coveted Nigerian Army Chief of Army Staff Commendation Award and became a Colonel in 1994.

According to another ex-Army officer,

“Bachama by tribe, (from the Numan - Demsa axis), Khobe was the archetypal warrior. Without a doubt, he was the most outstanding Nigerian soldier throughout the Liberian war. Some of the feats he performed are story-book like. He was extremely fearless and motivated very many Nigerian troops who kept lobbying for postings to his unit where casualties were minimal. In short, as the Commander of the 221 Tank Battalion (and later a Brigade Commander), he was the Etuk of the Liberian war. After his return from Liberia, he was personally asked by the late General Abacha to work out details for the establishment of a military task force which would be specifically tasked to bring an end to Armed Robbery in Nigeria. Of course when he submitted his requirements to "Baba", money matters "kpafukad" the plan as usual. It was after that he got the Sierra Leone job. He was a completely detribalized Nigerian.”

On February 12, 1998, he led the ECOMOG Ground Task Force assault that removed Major Koromah from power and restored the elected government of President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah. He was promoted Brigadier and later assumed the position of Chief of Defence Staff of Sierra Leone. In December 1998, after evasion measures, he slipped out of encirclement when the RUF attempted to take Freetown, barley escaping being captured at Hastings Airport General Khobe was injured during this campaign, but he waved away medics who tried to attend to him, telling them to go and take care of other soldiers. The injury eventually cost him his life).

On Tuesday, 18 April 2000, Khobe died of Encephalitis at the St. Nicholas Hospital in Lagos one week after being evacuated back home from Sierra Leone.

The BBC’s West Africa correspondent, Mark Doyle, wrote this obituary in honour of General Khobe:

LEAD-IN: Now this week’s profile which, unusually, is more of an obituary. General Maxwell Khobe, Nigerian commander of ECOMOG and the man considered by many Sierra Leoneans as the hero in ousting the rebels from Freetown, died this week in a Lagos hospital following a cardiac arrest. The ECOMOG commander had been made the chief of defence staff of Sierra Leone by President Tejan Kabbah when the government of Sierra Leone was reinstated. Here’s our West Africa correspondent Mark Doyle.

BBC WEST AFRICA CORRESPONDENT MARK DOYLE: I had a soft spot for General Maxwell Khobe. I think he may have saved my life. Early last year I was in the Sierra Leonean capital, Freetown, when rebels were trying to oust the elected government. Half the city was on fire, and the rebels were committing unspeakable atrocities against civilians. I was in the small part of the city held by the government -- or to be more precise, since most of the government army had joined the rebels, I was in the part of town held by General Maxwell Khobe’s Nigerian troops. On this occasion I found Khobe, a stocky bulldog of a man, in a hilltop military barracks. I asked him if it would be relatively safe for me to take a look in the center of town. "I don’t think so," he said in his gruff voice. "Best to wait a bit." That was quite a statement. Khobe and I both knew what it meant, that his troops were not in control. Quite an admission for a general to make in war. But I was grateful for his honesty. Another foreign journalist who unfortunately hadn’t heard this advice was killed by rebels when he went into the center of town the next day. In the middle of that fierce battle for Freetown, Maxwell Khobe briefly lent the foreign press corps his only helicopter so that we could evacuate our colleague’s body. Many Sierra Leonean journalists also died in the battle. General Khobe and I weren’t always on good terms. Two years ago he was angry with me when I found myself on the rebel side of a front line which he was attacking. He listened to my BBC radio reports that the rebels were fighting back -- which they were -- and those reports infuriated him. At one point he telephoned me across the front line. He told me he was going to flush out the rebels and that I would be well advised to keep my head down. Khobe did as he had promised. He arrived with his men near the Freetown front line. According to a soldier who was there, he looked at the smoking battle front and then began walking towards it saying, cool as a cucumber, "Gentlemen, let’s go." Analysts will no doubt debate Khobe’s military record for years to come. The war in Sierra Leone has been at the centre of a major African power struggle. The stakes have been high. Some say Khobe was a brave soldier whose tough and wily tactics overcame the generally low level of training and equipment in the Nigerian army. Others say that he was beaten by the rebels who have now won a share in government through a shaky peace deal because he got sucked into Sierra Leonean political and business affairs. This, they say, weakened his military professionalism. But most Sierra Leoneans are very sorry that General Maxwell Khobe, the foreign head of their national army, their Nigerian "big brother," has died. Ordinary Sierra Leoneans fear that if the peace agreement were to break down, the UN troops might not show the same resolve or resourcefulness that the Nigerians used in fighting the rebels. That’s why the death of the Nigerian commander was such a blow to the confidence of many in Sierra Leone. Khobe had his flaws, but to most ordinary people there he was a hero, the man that protected their elected president. The mourning for the passing of Nigerian General Maxwell Khobe continues in Sierra Leone today.


Ben Asante who knew Gen. Maxwell Khobe personally writes about the exploits of the Nigerian general and chief of defence staff of Sierra Leone who died of a heart attack on 18 April.

Sometime around Christmas 1998, Brigadier General Maxwell Mitikishe Khobe invited us – a group of visiting journalists – to lunch with him at his official residence in Freetown.

It was a Sunday. He arrived late, and when his military convoy sped through the gate, he briskly jumped down from the jeep. With a quick apology, using words like, “he has been busy doing nothing and wasting other people’s time”, he proceeded to say the grace. It was unusual for even an ofFicer known to be deeply religious. For several minutes, Khobe prayed that President Kabbah be protected and allowed to complete his mandate against attempts by rebels to overthrow him.

Little did we know at the time that what was uppermost on Khobe’s mind was rebel activities slowly threatening the government and the people of Freetown. Barely a year before, he had liberated the capital in a swift action against the AFRC military junta headed by Major Johnny Paul Koroma. Khobe was among a small core of Ecomog officers who saw action in both Liberia and Sierra Leone. I first met him in Monrovia, Liberia, in 1992.

Few soldiers trust civilians, and least journalists, especially during operations, but Khobe invited us to film battle action involving his tanks.

We were not disappointed For one moment by the experience and in seeing what impact our work was having on the morale of Ecomog troops. Several times soldiers came on our camera to send messages to their relatives. One 25-year-old gunner shouted a message on camera to his father. “Papa, I am a man now for I have fought in a war as a soldier!”

Khobe hardly entered a tank at the front but preferred to walk armed with nothing but a radio. In typical fashion, he and several officers and troops marched on foot to take town after town in Liberia until they captured Buchanan City in 1992.

Because of the utter confusion generated by Ecomog’s role in fighting to protect itself and the civil population in its areas of control, people began accusing the force of becoming a party to the conflict. The level of misgivings about Ecomog was such that a CNN reporter asked the then Ecomog chief of staff Brig-Gen Victor Malu, why his troops who were supposed to be neutral were fighting alongside other factions opposed to Charles Taylor’s NPFL and allowing them to operate freely in Monrovia.

We visited Khobe regularly at his Caldwell base in Monrovia where he kept an open door. He was an avid poultry farmer, a habit he brought to Monrovia.

After his tour of duty in Liberia, he went back home where in very quick succession, he held appointments first as head of a special unit formed to protect Lagos against armed robbers, then to Abuja, and to the Armour Brigade headquarters at Yola, not Ear from his hometown, Numan.

In 1985, he turned down a political posting from the military head of state, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. After serving in Ecomog in Liberia, another posting was to follow not long after. The May 1997 overthrow of President Kabbah by the AFRC junta in Sierra Leone offered Khobe another opportunity to work abroad. He was appointed the commander of the Ecomog Task Force in Sierra Leone.

In a lighting action, Ecomog troops marched into the capital and seized the centre of Freetown including the State House with Koroma’s junta in flight. In recognition of his efforts, President Kabbah asked the Nigerian government to second him as chief of defence staff of the Sierra Leone army.

Khobe had been promoted a full Brigadier-General but he hardly had enough time to re-build the Sierra Leone army before the rebels invaded Freetown again on 6 January 1999. In spite of repeated intelligence warnings, no-one would listen.

Weeks before the attack, Khobe went out one early morning and removed the rebel leader, Foday Sankoh from the Pademba Maximum Security Prison where he was on death row. Had he not removed Sankoh, the fate of Sierra Leone and the outcome of the 1999 invasion would have been different.

The rebels broke into the prison on G January and freed all the inmates, but they missed Sankoh who remained in the hands of the government and ended up negotiating for a ceasefire.

Khobe was a joy to watch at the front. He kept encouraging the troops to move forward. Several times we went to the front at first light only to discover that the men had withdrawn from the positions we left them the evening before. Many factors caused the pull back. Ammunitions were not delivered after they ran out or no food supplies came through. Other times rumours circulated that the rebels were coming with anti-aircraft guns, and lacking effective cover the men just pulled back. Wherever Khobe went, the troops seeing him surged forward and just kept going.

Late last year, Khobe came to London to undergo an operation to remove a shrapnel lodged in his back which he sustained on duty in Freetown. He came only after the rebels had signed a peace agreement. His back hurt him most times and he walked with a limp but he rather put up with the pain than abandon his post. The first operation was successful.

In December he had another operation which unfortunately had to be reopened after an abscess was discovered at the airport just as he was about to return to Freetown.

He returned to his post in January this year. His wife, Martina, who was in London throughout his treatment, went along to Freetown to nurse him.

In March, Khobe went to Harare, Zimbabwe, to address an NGO conference on the plight of civilians in a conflict situation. He passed through London on his way back From Harare, and told me that his British doctors had given him a clean bill of health. He planned to come back to London for further check up in April.

But while in Harare, someone had given him a photocopy of New African’s report (NA February) on how Patrice Lumumba, Congo’s first premier, had been killed in a Western-backed plot in 1961 while UN peacekeepers looked on. He wanted the original copy badly because UN troops had recently been sent to Freetown to keep the peace in Sierra Leone.

I sent copies of the Lumumba report to him later, but according to Capt. Hassan who was with him in London, Khobe had been unwell since he returned to Freetown on 23 March. Until then, I knew nothing about his sudden poor health.

He died of cardiac arrest in his hospital bed at 10.30 am on 18 April, aged 50. He was buried in his hometown of Numan in Adamawa State, Nigeria, on 29 April. NA

Rukuba Cantonment Jos was renamed Maxwell Khobe Cantonment in his honour.

naptu2:
Isaac Fadoyebo was a Nigerian soldier that fought against the Japanese in Burma in World War 2. His unit was ambushed while moving in the Kaladan River Valley and Fadoyebo was badly injured. He was rescued by Burmese villagers who hid them from the Japanese for 10 months.

A British journalist called Barnaby Philips, who had been the BBC's Nigeria correspondent and later worked for Al-Jazeera, made a documentary about Fadoyebo's exploits. He was able to track down the Burmese family that hid Isaac Fadoyebo and deliver a letter of gratitude from Isaac Fadoyebo to them. The documentary, called Burma Boy was shown in 2012. This is the documentary.

(Isaac Fadoyebo died in November 2012)


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BREOezfAJSU

naptu2: Nigerian armed forces

The Nigerian Army grew out of the Royal Niger Company Constabulary and the forces of the old Lagos Colony and Niger Coast Protectorate.

When in 1886, the Royal Niger Company received its charter, it organised its constabulary which at first consisted of five British and two African officers and about 400 rank and file, of whom more than half were Fantis (from the Gold Coast). In view of the critical situation that followed French encroachments on the territory of the Niger Company in 1894-1897, the British Government decided to raise a local force and Colonel (later Lord) Lugard was sent out to raise and command it.

By the beginning of 1900, the force had become a thoroughly well-organised and disciplined corps which was called the West African Frontier Force. In that year, the greater part of it under Colonel (later General) Sir William Wilcocks took a very prominent part in the Ashanti campaign.

At the end of 1901, all the colonial military forces in British West Africa were modelled on the same basis and constituted into the West African Frontier Force, each dependency being responsible for the maintenance of its own regiment or battalion. The Northern Nigeria Regiment consisted of two batteries and two battalions, to which was added a third Mounted Infantry Battalion. At the same time, the Lagos Constabulary became the Lagos Battalion and the Niger Coast Protectorate Force, with a portion of the Royal Niger Company Constabulary, became the Southern Niger Regiment.


On the amalgamation of Lagos and Southern Nigeria, the Lagos Battalion became the second battalion of the Southern Nigeria Regiment.

When the Northern and Southern Nigeria were amalgamated on January 1st, 1914 the two Regiments became one, which was designated the Nigeria Regiment.


First World War

On the outbreak of war with Germany in August 1914, steps were immediately taken for the defence of Nigeria and for offensive action against the neighbouring German colony of The Cameroons. The Nigeria Regiment and Police were mobilised and volunteers from the European community were enrolled as members of the Nigeria Marine Contingent and the Nigeria Land Contingent.


Colonial troops of the 1st Battalion, Nigerian Regiment, about to depart for action in German Kamerun (1914).

An early advance into German territory along the Benue and Cross Rivers met with failure, our troops in the north being driven back from Garua, a strongly defended position and in the south being similarly overpowered by superior forces at Nsanakang, after inflicting very heavy losses on the Germans.

However, a large expedition under Brigadier-General (later General) Sir Charles Dobell compelled Duala, the chief town of the Cameroons, to surrender unconditionally on September 27th 1914. The expedition consisted of African troops from all the British West African Colonies and French African troops. It included two battalions and a battery of the Nigeria Regiment and a large number of civilians were attached as temporary officers and non-commissioned officers. Ships of The Royal Navy and of the Nigeria Marine co-operated with the troops. After the fall of Duala, General Dobells troops secured both lines of the railway, but the heavy rains prevented a further advance till the end of 1915.

Early in 1915 Colonel (later Brigadier-General) Cunliffe. Commandant of the Nigeria Regiment, who had taken over command of the troops on the Nigerian border, had invaded Garua. He was assisted by French troops from the Chad district by a naval gun, the moral effect of which so affected the native garrison that the German commander was compelled to surrender on June 10th, 1915.

Leaving a small force to watch the German garrison at Mora, an almost impregnable mountain position, General Cunliffe then marched south to Banyo, where a powerful German force had deliberately prepared a very strong position on an extended hill feature similar in many ways to Mora Mountain. Cement had been freely used in the construction of fortifications, there was an ample water supply and the Germans had announced their intention of holding out there till the end of the war.

General Cunliffe advanced on the position under cover of darkness and at daybreak became heavily engaged at close quarters. The attack was pressed for two days and nights, but on the third night, under the cover of a heavy tornado, the larger part of the Germans succeeded in making their escape from the hill. However, a considerable number remained and surrendered at daybreak the next day. General Cunliffe continued on his way south to effect a junction with General Dobell’s troops and a simultaneous advance was made by another column from the Cross River.

Towards the end of 1915, a general advance was made on Yaunde, the new German Headquarters.

General Cunliffe’s troops from the north, General Dobell’s from the west and French and Belgium troops from the south-east converging on the town left the Germans no option but to evacuate it and it was entered by our troops on January 1st. 1916. The German troops retired towards Spanish Guinea and in spite of a close pursuit, succeeded in escaping into neutral territory, where they were disarmed. Mora, the last stronghold of the Germans, capitulated on February 18th, 1916 and the conquest of the Cameroons was completed.

In November 1916, a contingent from the Nigeria Regiment proceeded to East Africa under the command of Brigadier-General Cunliffe. It consisted of nearly 200 British and over 3,000 African and later 330 British and 3,000 more Africans were sent to reinforce the contingent. In addition to this, about 4,000 carriers were recruited in Nigeria for service in East Africa and a number of men were also recruited for service with the inland water transport in Mesopotamia. The Nigerian troops took part in some of the severest fighting in East Africa and they suffered heavy casualties, but their gallantry in action and the uncomplaining way in which they bore the hardships of a particularly arduous campaign won for them the highest praise. Over 80 decorations were awarded to the British and about the same number to the African ranks.

The contingent returned to Nigeria in March 1918 and received an enthusiastic welcome. After the return of the contingent from East Africa, it was reorganised as a brigade for further service abroad and was about to proceed to Palestine when the armistice was signed. The brigade was then demobilised and the regiment reduced to its normal size. In recognition of its services during the Great War, His Late Majesty, King George V of Britain awarded Colours to the Regiment, bearing the following honours: Ashanti 1873-1874, Ashanti 1900, Behobeho, Nyangao, East Africa 1916-1918, Duala, Garua, Banyo and Cameroons 1914-1916.

On March 14th, 1928, His Late Majesty King George V approved that the title of the forces be changed to the Royal West African Frontier Force.

The enemy soldiers are not from Britain but from Africa. Because of their belief, they are not afraid to die, so even if their comrades have fallen they keep on advancing as if nothing had happened. It makes things rather difficult. They have an excellent physique and are very brave, so fighting against these soldiers is somewhat troublesome.

Africa's forgotten wartime heroes

Page last updated at 23:32 GMT, Friday, 14 August 2009 00:32 UK


British documentary makers Robin Forestier-Walker and Oliver Owen have been tracing Nigerians who fought against the Japanese in Burma during World War II.

On VJ Day, the anniversary of victory over Japan, they tell the veterans' story.


Private African Banana also served as a peacekeeper in Congo and Chad

Mohammed was just 16 when he was pressed into British military service in northern Nigeria against his will.

Now, almost 70 years on, the old war veteran claims he hid his true identity from the recruiting officer.

It was as Private African Banana that he went on to travel 6,300 miles (10,100km) to the jungles of Burma in the Royal West African Frontier Force.

And he has been known as African Banana ever since.

The contribution of West Africans was played down in official versions of the Allied war in Asia, and until now, few have had an opportunity to tell their tale.

In fact, only two in 10 of the soldiers who fought in Burma were white.

The role of Indians and Gurkhas is known. But when Allied commander General William Slim thanked his 14th army at the end of the campaign, he did not even mention the Africans.

Jungle warfare

Nigerians made up more than half of the total force of 90,000 West African soldiers deployed to South East Asia after 1943 as part of the British Army's 81st and 82nd (West Africa) Divisions.

Although the Burma campaign ended 64 years ago, many remain bitter that their contribution was never adequately recognised.

They were central to the push to clear Japanese forces out of the jungle and mountain ranges of Burma, from where they threatened British India.

This was achieved through a gruelling campaign of jungle marches, battles and ambushes, in which supplies were delivered entirely by air.

Usman Katsina remembers it well.

"Everything that was meant to be used - your food, your clothes, everything - was given to you and you were required to carry it, on your head and back. Some even died from exhaustion, from travelling long distances, with a heavy load," he says.

Some of those who earned the coveted Burma Star had already fought against Mussolini's forces in East Africa.

West Africans also joined special Chindit units under the command of General Orde Wingate.

The Chindits fought deep inside Japanese-held territory to disrupt lines of communication.

Their enemy was an extremely dangerous opponent. Japanese soldiers were trained well in the art of jungle warfare, where the first rule was concealment.

It was a skill the Nigerian troops had to learn too.

"The Japanese in the jungle were just like snakes - they hid before you could see them, it was very hard," recalls 97-year-old Hassan Sokoto.

'Lack of recognition'

Umaru Yola fought in the 4th Battalion, Nigeria Regiment. He described how he was hit in the head with a piece of shrapnel that left him with a hole in his skull.

"I didn't die, so God must have decided to give me a long life," he says.



Many of the veterans feel they were failed by the British after the war

African recruits served as drivers, artillerymen, engineers, medics and clerks, as well as infantrymen and carriers.

Officer positions were reserved for white expatriates from Britain and other parts of the empire, with only one notable exception: Lieutenant Seth Anthony from the Gold Coast was the British Army's first African officer.

Despite the hierarchy, the war in Burma played some part in breaking down the race barriers of the era.

"Initially I saw the white man as someone better than me. But after the war, I considered him an equal," recalls former infantryman Dauda Kafanchan.

In post-war Nigeria, the colonial government gave some veterans land to begin new lives as farmers. The project was also a scheme to reduce their potential impact as a new political force.

"We wanted work. But what could we do? We were under colonial rule and we couldn't change anything," said veteran Dangombe, who found himself without prospects at the war's end.

Nigerian soldiers who chose to continue their military careers went on to form the core of independent Nigeria's national army, which retains the 81st and 82nd Divisions to this day.

Private Banana later served as a peacekeeper in the Congo and Chad. And he returned to the frontline alongside many of his former comrades in Nigeria's bloody 1967-1970 civil war.

But many of his former comrades feel the British abandoned their responsibilities to their former servicemen.

Although they were paid off for their service, some claim they were promised allowances which were never paid, despite their repeated efforts over the years.

And it is not only the money - some veterans are still bitter over what they see as a lack of recognition.

"We were supposed to get Long Service and British Empire Medals" says Dangombe.

"But up until now - nothing."

Bravery

6 May 17, I was privileged to fly on the last chopper that brought back the released Chibok girls. Seeing the girls - young, naive BUT broken, was a reminder of how cruel man is. When we touched down, I stayed with them briefly in the C-130 before the Abuja lap.



Military medics began basic checks, deworming them and tending their wounds. There was one particular girl who had lost a leg. She said the Air Force had hit BHT positions & during the strike she lost a leg. I stared at her, wishing it was a dream.


Sitting beside her was another girl - the bravest girl I ever met. For the purpose of this thread, let us call her 'N'. N kept a daily journal of what happened everyday at the BH camp. I snapped as many pages as I could. The girls attested that she was the leader of the pack.



Right under Boko Haram's nose, every night, after the terrorists had ordered them for 'lights out', she would organise the girls for prayers & morning devotion the next day. I found myself smiling sheepishly at this. This is faith. This is bravery.



When the medics were done & we were notified that the C-130 would depart for Abuja, N made a signal & all the girls sat up, crossed their legs & bend their heads. N led them in prayers. I would later learn that this was their routine when there was danger or the bombs dropped.


As the C-130 ascended to Abuja to hand them to Mr President, I looked. A pilot who had flown the chopper was sitting on the tarmac, red-eyed. It took a soldier to talk us to leaving the tarmac that day. We were just heaving like bereaved men.


'Sarkin Yakin Damboa' The people of Damboa called him Sarkin Yaki (King of War). But Captain MM Hassan was much more. BHT dreaded him to the extent that Shekau placed a 10 million Naira bounty on him.



Hassan was tough as a nail. 2 years after his death in 2018, I met a corporal in Gwoza, who drove him for most of his operations. The soldier was smiling all through & he said something that touched me. 'Sarki dey smile everytime. E talk say nothing worth person cry'.



He said MM Hassan was the toughest officer he ever knew. "I happy say I pass through that Oga." He told me of an incident where Hassan fought through an ambush to rescue him. After then, he never thought Hassan was human until 5 Janary 2018.


On 5 January 2018, MM Hassan died from a detonated grenade in the midst of gunfight with terrorists. May his soul continue to rest in peace.


'041116: My Longest Day Ever'

I remember how excited I was to see Lt Col Abu Ali the first time. He was a Major then. Stories of him sounded like folklore, like war stories brought to life. People talked of his sheer brilliance & sacrifice for his men.



So, the first day I met him he actually came from Mallam Fatori to Maiduguri to collect supplies for his unit. Sounds strange. A Major? Coming to the city to take supplies for soldiers? This is not typical of senior officers. It is one task they would delegate.


I was also surprised by his frame. Man was lanky and very quiet. But you saw the fight in him. He embodies the military song, 'Small body, Big Mind'. He didn't talk much.

When he was leaving, after a brief discussion, he breathed, 'We will win'.


In 2015, BHT carried out one of its bloodiest attacks in Baga, killing numbers so much that it was covered up till today. As far as the battlefield is concerned, we would always credit Abu Ali for taking that town back.



I woke up to a text on 5 November that the officer was killed in a dawn attack on Mallam Fatori. This was 2 weeks after I encountered him. His men eventually beat back Boko Haram but his death still cuts deep.



During his procession, I saw generals cried. The COAS wept. His death rocked the Presidency. He defined patriotism.

May his soul continue to rest in peace. Amen.

In your words, "We will win".


Eyes from Above

I was in Rann in 2016, before the mishap on the IDPs. The Armed Forces maintain strategic outposts to protect the interest of the country. The one in Rann is one of such.



Cut off from the country and so close to Cameroon, Rann is a flat land. You could see as your eyes would let you. A company of soldiers stay there, mainly as a buffer.


When I got there, I confessed my fear that it was easy for BHT to overrun us. The CO swore that BHT had never succeeded & would never succeed because of one reason.

'The Airforce. We get eyes for up o.'


He talked about how Alpha Jets took out 8 guntrucks in April 2015 when BHT tried attacking them.

"Boko Haram will prefer to see 100 AA guns than to see one of those jets. Anytime I see the jets, I know I am sleeping well that night.


That night, I rekindled my love for tea. I was given lemongrass tea. Damn! I stayed awake all night. When my watch shone 1145pm, I remember the CO pointing to the skies to a distant Beechcraft plane.

"My sleep will be long today'.


Khaki Angels

One set of soldiers I admire are the medics. Highly trained, thoroughly professional, these folks work in your regular city & hardest of grounds.



The Air Force established hospitals for IDPs in frontline communities of Dalori & Bama. Over 100k patients are attended to on these facilities.



In 2018, I witnessed miracle in Dalori. An Air Force ophthalmologist performed 132 pterygium in a day. One of the women, Iya Kaka, wept when she was discharged days after. It was the first time she would see after 12 years. She couldn't stop praying for the Chief of Air Staff.



As we celebrate this year's Armed Forces Remembrance Day, I pray for the safety of all military personnel as they carry on gallantly, doing this job - the most difficult job in the world. God bless you.

Armed Forces Remembrance Day: Support fallen heroes’ families, Buhari, Sanwo-Olu, others task Nigerians

By Gbenga Salau and John Akubo, Abuja
07 January 2023 | 4:07 am

President Muhammadu Buhari, yesterday, urged Nigerians to support the Armed Forces and other security agencies for their patriotic roles to secure the country.

The President made the appeal during a special Jumat Prayer held at the National Mosque, Abuja, to mark this year’s Armed Forces Remembrance Day.

President Buhari, represented by the Senate President, Ahmad Lawan, said: “The Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and other security agencies are working hard to ensure that the country is secured, and is safe. They do that with commitment, patriotism and sense of responsibility and duty.”

Also, the Lagos State Governor, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu and the Commissioner for Homes Affairs, Prince Anofi Elegushi implored Nigerians to continually assist the families of fallen heroes, as nothing is too small in that direction.

Speaking, yesterday, at a dedicated Jumat service, Sanwo-Olu, represented by his Deputy, Dr. Kadri Hamzat, noted that many of the fallen heroes paid the ultimate prize for the unity and progress of the country.

He said: “We pray that God should bless their families. We should donate towards their cause. Many of them went through a lot, so the best we can do is to support them.”

Sanwo-Olu said the sacrifices of the military were huge.

“If we can do the best in our different corners, the country would be better,” he said.

Sanwo-Olu was optimistic that Nigeria would be better, though he observed that the leaders, just like the followers, needed to do more to make the country great.

He urged Nigerians not to rate themselves by what outsiders tell them, rather they should copy what is good in other countries and leave out what is bad.

President Buhari continued: “It is our duty as citizens to always pray for law enforcement agents; to always give them the kind of support that they need.”

Lawan said: “I’m here and speaking as a representative of the President. We owe the country and the Armed Forces and other security agencies the obligation to ensure that we provide the kind of resources that they need to continue to provide security and safety in our country.

“Even though resources may not be sufficient, but we have to, at all times, prioritise funding and provide resources for the Armed Forces and other security agencies.

“Some of them lose their lives in the process. Some are maimed and incapacitated. Therefore, we have to be at the top of ensuring that we respect them.”

#PHOTOS | Juma'at Prayer for the 2023 Armed Forces Remembrance Day Celebration at the National Mosque, Abuja, today January 6, 2023.

Government holds interdenominational service to mark Armed Forces Remembrance Day

By Guardian Nigeria
10 January 2022 | 3:01 am

Federal Government has held an interdenominational church service in Abuja, the nation’s capital, as part of activities to mark Armed Forces Remembrance Day, scheduled for January 15.

It was held at National Christian Centre, Abuja, and was attended by Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Boss Mustapha; Chief of Defence Staff, General Lucky Irabor; and other service chiefs.

Also in attendance were special envoys, including representatives of military organisations from other countries, and families of the nation’s fallen heroes.

The yearly celebration serves as an avenue for honouring fallen heroes who laid down their lives in service to humanity during the First and Second World War, Nigerian Civil War, peace support and various internal security operations.

Thursday, April 9th 1964. Soundless footage of President Julius Nyerere of Tanganyika welcoming officers and men of the 3rd Battalion of the Nigerian Army when they paraded for him at State House in Dar-es-Salaam.

The Nigerian troops took the place of 600 British Marine Commandos who were called in to keep the peace following the Tanganyika Army mutiny in January.

President Nyerere inspected a Nigerian guard of honour and afterwards took the salute at a march past, led by the battalion's commanding officer, Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Pam.

Accompanying Mr Nyerere were the Tanganyika vice president, Mr Rashidi Kawawa; the Tanganyika Minister for External Affairs and Defence, Mr Oscar Kambona; and the Nigerian High Commissioner, Mr N.A.Martin.

Source: Reuters News.


Note: On April 26th 1964, Tanganyika joined with the People's Republic of Zanzibar and Pemba to form the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The union was influenced by Julius Nyerere's principle of Ujamaa, a key component of which stressed the need for "territorial nationalism." The country was re-named Tanzania within a year of the union.

Tuesday, March 31st 1964. Footage of the first contingent of Nigerian peacekeeping troops arriving in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanganyika (later Tanzania).

They were met at the airport by Mr. Ade Martins, the Nigerian High Commissioner to Tanganyika, members of the Tanganyika cabinet and the commander of the soon-to-depart British commandos.

Source: Reuters News Archive.

Note: The Nigerian troops took the place of 600 British Marine Commandos who were called in to keep the peace following the Tanganyika Army mutiny in January 1964. The Nigerian Army was given the role after an emergency meeting of the organisation of African Unity (OAU) in Dar-es-Salaam in February. The troops were members of the 3rd Battalion of the Nigerian Army commanded by Lt. Colonel Yakubu Pam.

Monday, September 21st 1964. Soundless footage of President Julius Nyerere of Tanganyika honouring the officers and men of the 3rd Battalion of the Nigerian Army at a farewell parade at State House in Dar-es-Salaam.


The battalion, which was led by Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Pam, had taken over the policing role undertaken by British Royal Marine commandos in April. The British commandos were called in by the Tanganyikan government after the Tanganyikan army mutinied in January.
The Nigerian Army was given the role after an emergency meeting of the organisation of African Unity (OAU) in Dar-es-Salaam in February.


During the assignment, Lieutenant Colonel Pam oversaw policing as well as training duties. On September 1st, 1,100 recruits for the new Tanganyikan Army completed a three-month training programme. Those soldiers, together with troops of the 2nd battalion Tanganyikan Rifles were expected to more than make up for the loss of the 1st Battalion which was disbanded after the mutiny.


The intention was that the Nigerian soldiers would be replaced after six months by another contingent of African soldiers from either Algeria or Ethiopia, but the Tanzanian authorities decided that this was no longer necessary.



During the ceremony, President Nyerere presented Lt. Col. Pam with ivory horns and the colonel returned the favour by presenting the president with a shield.

naptu2:
NNS Ambe

This is not what I wanted, but I'll make do.

This was the only period during Ecomog operations that resembled what Boko Haram is doing today. I'll try and remember details from BBC World Service reports at the time.


It seemed like Ecomog was about to completely win the war in Sierra Leone. Fodhay Sankor had been arrested in Abuja and the RUF was in a difficult position. However, some Sierra Leonean Army soldiers who were unhappy, teamed up with RUF rebels to stage a coup.

A Nigerian general told the BBC that he had previously warned the troops about the refugees that were streaming into the city from a particular location. He said that they could be militants in disguise, but nothing had been done about his warning. Indeed, some RUF fighters disguised as refugees and got into the city and teemed up with the disgruntled Sierra Leonean soldiers. Ecomog was surrounded on Lungi Island.

Sierra Leone's main airport is on Lungi Island and the island was also the location of Ecomog's headquarters. Some of the Nigerian officers on Lungi Island had actually trained some of the Sierra Leonean troops that had staged the coup. Nigeria had a training agreement with Sierra Leonian long before the war broke out.

Ecomog had gotten President Tejan Kabbah out of Freetown as the coup was taking place.

The coupists were led by a young officer called Johnny Paul Koroma. They initially boasted that the Nigerians would find it difficult to take back Freetown, but they said that they were open to peace talks. Privately, some of the senior coupists admitted that they would not be able to resist sustained force from the Nigerians. Junior officers and other ranks from the coupist side went on a looting spree in Freetown and they committed a lot of atrocities.

As you can see in this video, the coupists were spooked when they saw a Nigerian warship offshore. That warship was NNS Ambe. But they probably didn't realise that NNS Ambe was an LST (it was not NNS Aradu, which had bombarded rebels in Liberia and Sierra Leone). The Nigerians probably had Ambe ready either in case they had to make an amphibious landing or in case they needed to be evacuated. Neither of those things were necessary because this was the time that General Khobe's brilliance and bravery came to the fore.

Just like E.A. Etuk had done with the Owerri Breakout in the 1960s, General Maxwell Khobe led his troops from the front to carry out the famous Freetown Breakout and to drive the rebels and coupists from Freetown. Johnny Paul Koroma was chased out of Freetown (it is believed that Charles Taylor later had him killed after he sought refuge in Liberia).


(The Sierra Leonean being interviewed is Brigadier Samuel Koroma, Johnny Paul Koroma's brother).


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ssLMOsHLN4Y

Nigeria: How Ghanaian Ecomog Commander Betrayed Sgt. Doe

Benjamin Njoku

26 September 2009

Lagos — The story of the Liberian civil war cannot be complete without references to Nigeria's Major Gen. C.C. Iweze(rtd). Currently, a director with Multimesh Group, (a digital cable satellite pay-TV service provider, based in Port-Harcourt), Major-Gen. Iweze served as Chief of Staff of the West African Peace Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in 1990.

He also led a two-man delegation of the then Military Government of Nigeria to retrieve corpses of the eight Nigerian soldiers killed in a clash with supporters of the late Somali warlord, Mohammed Farah Aidid during the United Nations Peace Keeping mission in Somalia. For his gallantry at the ECOMOG in Liberia, Iweze earned the respect of many officers in the Nigerian Army.

Despite his military accomplishments, Major-Gen. Iweze bears a grudge against the military high command. He said he was retired from service because of "greed, back-bitting and inordinate ambition of younger officers."

Thirteen years after his retirement, Major-Gen. Iweze finally breaks his silence in his Hilton Hotel room in Nairobi, Kenya. Enjoy it.



Since your retirement from service, you have remained silent. Does that suggest you are not happy with your retirement?

As a Major-General in the Nigerian Army, I was expected to have gotten at least six months retirement notice.

But in my own case, it was a sudden retirement. I was out of the country where I was representing my nation in a conference abroad, only for me to be retired unnoticed. My retirement was something I did not plan for when it happened.

I cannot understand a system that would prefer to flush out its generals overnight. When I signed to become an army officer, I did not sign to take things unexpectedly. But it happened to me and nobody was ready to give me any excuse for my retirement. To be precise, I didn't like the way I was retired from service. But after 13 years of retirement, I have moved on with my life.

The most important thing is that where I am at present, I appear to be much more comfortable than when I was in the army. While I was in service, I devoted all my life doing what I knew how to do best. And then, my retirement came as a blow. But like I said, it's behind me now and I have moved on.


Can you briefly let us into your various exploits while in service?

No matter how one would want to hide himself or herself, you cannot deny your identity. First and foremost, I am an Igbo man from Delta State. I passed out from the Defence Academy, only for me to face the civil war. Here was I, an Igboman fighting against my brothers.

But at that time, I didn't see the war as Igbos versus other ethnic groups or a kind of tribal affair. Rather, I saw the civil war as a national issue to keep Nigeria as one nation.

In that process, I fought on two fronts: one, I fought against the Biafrans and secondly, I fought to keep my sanity considering my rank in the Nigerian army at that time.


Suspicion

I was viewed with suspicion that I might sell out the Nigerian troops under my command to the Biafrans. However, I thank God that He saw me through to the end of the civil war. That was one of my military exploits I consider very remarkable .

The next exploit I must remember was during the Liberian war. Before then, I was a Brigade-Commander in Calabar. One day, I was listening to BBC news and the correspondent was praising the Nigerian Army, saying that they remained the most equipped institution within the sub-region to bring the situation in Liberia under control.

After listening to that news, I expressed my reservation to one of my brothers who paid me a visit. And true to my prediction, when I got back to my house, I was confronted with a signal that I should proceed to Lagos; informing that I had been appointed the Chief of Staff of the Peace- Keeping Operation in Liberia(ECOMOG). Immediately the news was relayed to me, I burst into laughter.

The next day, I hurriedly handed over to my successor and left for Lagos. But when I got to Lagos where the Defence Head Quarters was situated then, the brief I got there was quite different from what I met on ground when I arrived Free Port of Monrovia. Monrovia served as the headquarters of ECOMOG at that time. And General Arnold Quainoo, a Ghanaian was the Commander of the Peace Keeping Operation.

Given the directive from my home country and because of my personal relationship with most senior army officers then, I made arrangements on my own to proceed to Sierra-Leone to take up the command of the sub-regional force. When I got to Sierra-Leone, the troops were already on ground and at that point, we started strategising on how to tackle the situation in Liberia. There and then, I appointed staff officers to run the affairs as the Chief of Staff. Then, we prepared to storm Liberia.

I remember that the Ghanaian government released some of their war-ships. Nigerian Navy also was on ground. At the headquarters of ECOMOG, there was this perception that the rebels would abandon their guns the moment the peace enforcement operation arrived in Liberia. But from my experience, I advised against taking the rebels for granted which the Force Commander, General Quainoo ignored.

Not withstanding the consistent threats and reports we were daily receiving concerning how Charles Taylor had boasted of destroying any ECOMOG troop that ventured into the Liberian soil, the Force Commander did not believe we were going to wage a war against the rebels. Under that kind of condition, I didn't see how we were going to keep peace in Liberia.

In the first place, there was no peace to negotiate for . Therefore, I wondered how we were going to keep peace in a hostile environment.

Rather, I stated categorically that we were going to Liberia for peace enforcement operation. All the troops that made up the ECOMOG operation drawn from Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra-Leone, Gambia and Guinea, believed that we were going to Liberia on a peace keeping operation . As a result, none of the soldiers was prepared to fight in Liberia.

Some even came there with a truck load of their civil party dresses. But I never believed we were in Liberia to make peace, following the fact that the enemy had vowed to destroy any ECOMOG troop that touched the soil of Liberia. And true to my prediction, the moment our foot touched Liberia, the rebels opened fire on us.

We managed to secure our flanks, moved forward and the rest is now history.


The operation

But one thing I noticed during this debacle was that it's a dangerous decision to send officers who are in the infant stage of their career to a peace enforcement operation. When we arrived Monrovia, the Force Commander had no clue whatsoever about what we were to do in Liberia.

I remember that on a number of occasions, when I asked General Quainoo his plans in the event of the possible influx of refugees into the ECOMOG quarters, having been convinced that we would surely play host to some army of refugees, he was indifferent and ignored the need to put into consideration the possible influx of refugees into our base.

At that point, I couldn't understand why a commander of a peace enforcement operation couldn't envisage that in the theatre of war, the refugees usually seek protection in the camp of the troops. As the Chief of Staff, I gave instruction to the troops at designated areas to make adequate provision for the influx of refugees.

And again, true to my prediction, the refugees or better still, the displaced Liberians were the first set of people we encountered on arriving Free-port in Monrovia.

While we strove to advance forward, we had the refugees to cater for and protect. On arrival, the information available to us was that there was a standing cease-fire between Prince Johnson who was commanding the Independent National Patriotic Front (INPF) and Charles Taylor's National Patriotic Front of Liberia( NPFL), as well as Sgt. Samuel Doe, who was the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Liberia. Strategically, we drafted the Nigerian troop to the East of Liberia, while the Sierra-Leonian troop was positioned at the centre and the Gambian troop was stationed to protect the headquarters of ECOMOG.

Also, the Guinean troop was drafted to the outskirts of Liberia, protecting the Supreme Head Quarters. After establishing a cease-fire, I initiated a peace move between Prince Johnson and President Doe, requiring each one of them to send a representative in form of liaison officers to open up a communication channel between the two forces.

So how was Doe killed?

The mediator then was Guinean Deputy Force Commander, Lamin Mangasouba. But while the peace move was still on course, Johnson formed the habit of visiting the head quarters regularly, pretending to be friendly.

I didn't like the way he was frequenting the headquarters and I summoned him one day and warned against his coming to the head quarters with his men fully armed to the teeth. I insisted that he must leave his arms at the HQ's main gate before attempting to gain entrance into the premises.

However, he pretended to have heard me and then climbed upstairs to see the Force Commander in his office. As soon as he left, I climbed upstairs too to brief the Commander of what transpired between myself and Prince Johnson.

But rather than seeing reasons with me, the Commander disappointedly told me how Johnson did not like the way I was blunt to him. I replied by saying 'of course, I didn't expect him to like it but for our safety, he must comply with my order.'

To my surprise again, the Commander told me that he had countered the order. I felt very bitter and disappointed as I made him understand that he was making us vulnerable . Hardly had we finished discussing when we heard a siren advancing towards the headquarters.

And when I looked through the window, I saw series of assorted cars led by a Limousine, decorated with the Liberian flag and that of the Armed Forces of Liberia. I told the Commander that the August visitor must be President Samuel Doe and suggested that he remained in his office while I went downstairs to receive him.

There and then, I rushed downstairs to receive President Doe but the Commander would not listen and he surprisingly followed me downstairs to receive the President. Protocol demanded that I should be the one that would have ushered the visitor into the Commander's office.

But this was not so in this case. The Commander decided to come down and receive the visitor by himself. At that point, there was nothing I could do, other than to join him in ushering the President and members of his cabinet into the Commander's office.

The Cabinet members were later moved into the Deputy Commander's office, while President Doe was kept in the Commander's office. At the Commander's office, the President berated the Commander, fuming that he desired to be paid a homage by the troops as the President of Liberia, no matter the situation. But as the Commander was trying to apologise to him, he heard another siren advancing towards the headquarters again.

And before he knew what was happening, it was Prince Johnson and his men who had returned to the headquarters. Sensing danger, I advised that the Commandant should remain with the President in his office while I went downstairs to confront Prince Johnson to leave the headquarters or remain outside the quarters with his armed boys.

But by the time I got downstairs, Prince Johnson had already gained access into the headquarters and was giving me option that I must tell Sgt. Doe to join the Ghanaian ship and leave Liberia immediately for peace to return to the country.

I cautioned him and insisted that it was not for him to tell us what to do with the President. I commanded him to leave the headquarters immediately with his troop. As he was attempting to go out, we started hearing continuous gunshots. That was Prince Johnson's men killing the security operatives that came with Sgt. Doe.

What happened? One of the security guys asked to the hearing of Prince Johnson's troops, "What are these rebels doing here?"


KILLING OF SAMUEL DOE

In response, one of Prince Johnson's men challenged him and before we knew what was happening, he opened fire on them, killing all the security operatives. That was the fire that led to the capturing and killing of Samuel Doe. So, while the firing was going on, I commanded Johnson to leave the headquarters immediately.

But the firing was worsened. In the midst of the confusion, I went upstairs to see the Commandant. But lo, he was nowhere to be found. He had escaped to the ship.

Doe was left alone in his office. At that point , I told Doe, "Look, discretion is a better part of valour . Let me take you to the ship so that you remain there until this raging fire is quenched." But he turned down my appeal and rather demanded that I should give him some troops to escort him back to the executive mansion.

But already, I was aware that an ambush had been laid for him. So if I had yielded to his request, they would have killed both Doe and the troops. While the commotion was going on, the Commandant had disappeared into thin air.

I looked for him to persuade Sgt Doe to listen to the voice of reason but he was nowhere to be found, and Doe wouldn't listen.

As I returned to the office to lock up the door, one of Prince Johnson's boys called Rambo traced me to the Commandant's office where he spotted Sgt. Doe and shouted "He's inside the office. He's inside the office."

The shout attracted Prince Johnson who returned to the Commandant's office. But I couldn't let him gain access to the office as I quickly shut the door and stood behind it and ordered Prince Johnson's boy Rambo to leave the place.

There and then, he opened fire around me to scare me away but I stood my ground as I continued to command both Johnson and his boys to leave the place. At a point, something occurred to me. I started asking myself who I was protecting, whether it was Sgt. Doe who had shed a lot of blood and who in the early hours of that fateful day, slaughtered many Liberians? Whether he was worth dying for?

That was how I left him at the mercy of Prince Johnson and his men. Johnson went into the office and fired at his two legs. He advanced to the Deputy Commandant's office and also killed all the members of Doe's cabinet who came with him to the headquarters. Later, he dragged wounded Doe outside the place and began to jubilate that he had captured the President. But somehow, somebody accidentally touched the President's limousine car and the siren went off.



Johnson Escaped

With Johnson afraid that the ECOMOG troops were coming to attack him, he immediately dragged Doe into his car and disappeared to his base.

After the incident, there were dead bodies on the ground and the Chief of Logistics then who was a Nigerian, Major-Gen.(rtd) Rufai, insisted that we must go and rescue the President from the stronghold of the rebels.

But in an operation of this nature, where troops were contributed by different countries, the Force Commander remained the only officer who could issue instructions to deploy troops. But I couldn't find him.

And I was left with no option than to find out the whereabouts of the Commander in order to brief him and consequently obtain order from him to deploy troops to go and rescue Sgt. Doe from the hands of his captors.

Disappointedly, when I finally found him, he was coming out from the Ghanaian ship where he went to take cover. I saluted him and followed him to his office where I briefed him on what happened and asked for his permission to deploy troops to go and rescue Sgt. Doe. I told him it would be scandalous on our part to have allowed such massive killings to happen within the ECOMOG territory. But he was not interested in my opinion or listening to what I had to say.

Rather, he was concerned about taking photographs of the corpses that littered the place. He asked me to wait for him in his office. When he had finished taking the photographs, he returned to his office and out of fear, he nearly screamed when he sighted me in the office muttering, "You nearly scared me, you know".

And I said to him "So sorry, sir. I didn't mean to scare you but at this moment, we need a decision to go ahead and rescue Sgt. Doe from Johnson and his men'. He was not interested in what I had to say. Instead, he was busy gathering his personal effects and handing them over to his boys who were taking them to the Ghanaian war ship in waiting.

The next instruction he gave to me was to summon a conference of Commanders. I thought he was going to give the instruction by himself but it was not to be. While the Commanders converged, he told them he was on his way to Sierra-Leone from where he would proceed to Gambia to see the Chairman of ECOWAS, who then was the President of Gambia, Dauda Jawara.

He told us that we had no business remaining in Liberia anymore and he handed down an instruction to me to tell anybody that asked of him anything I deemed like telling the person.

I couldn't believe my ears. Before we knew it, he had entered the ship and left for Sierra-Leone. I had to summon the troops. I told them that I was not prepared to take this nonsense from Prince Johnson and his men.

I ordered that we should go and invade Johnson's base but it was too late as we later learnt that Johnson had finally killed Sgt. Doe and deposited his corpse in one of the hospitals operated by a Nigerian doctor who was based in Liberia at that time.

That was how Sgt Doe was killed. At that point, as the man in charge, I gave out orders to clear Charles Taylor completely and banned Johnson from entering the headquarters from that day. As far as I was concerned then, Prince Johnson was a hostile enemy that must be checked. The deaths and occurrences are hazy in my mind right now but I think that was exactly how Sgt. Doe was killed by Johnson and his men.

Deal That Killed Doe

On reflection, one wondered how Prince Johnson got to know that Sgt. Doe was coming to the ECOMOG headquarters that fateful day. Immediately after he had seen and discussed with the Commander, General Quanioo, a deal must have been struck between them.

The two liaison officers we established as a channel of communication between President Doe and Prince Johnson, the one representing Johnson's interest must have gone to inform him that Sgt. Doe was coming to the ECOMOG headquarters that fateful day.

And again, with Johnson's visit to General Quanioo on that same day, I strongly believe that a deal must have been struck between the Force Commander and the rebel because later on, we discovered that two container loads of items were in the Ghanaian ship to be moved to Ghana. And that created another problem for us in Liberia.


Johnson's Atrocities

The second incident was that when we arrived Liberia, he quickly established a refugees' camp but not in the presence of the Commander. Prince Johnson would invade the camp and capture some beautiful women among whom he took away to his base.

The most annoying thing was that he, Prince Johnson, approached the unit commander, requesting us to release some arms for him to attack President Doe then. But I rejected his request. At that moment, the unit commander betrayed us by going to tell Prince Johnson that he had wanted to release some arms to him but Nigerians wouldn't allow him to do so.

Ordinarily, the Ghanaian troop had enough arms. If the Commander had wanted to release some arms to the rebels, he could have instructed the Ghanaian troop to release them to Johnson . But he wanted to indict Nigerians .

That was why he came to us. The implication is that if you give a rebel your arms, he would later turn the arms against you.

The fact that the Commander told Johnson that it was the Nigerian troop that had refused to release their arms to him made Johnson ambush and capture the Nigerian soldiers and took them to his base. When I heard about his action, I was infuriated and had to drive down to his base where I pulled out my hand grenade and ordered Johnson to release my men or the two of us would die instantly.

Out of fear, Johnson ran to his house but I followed him closely, threatening to blow up the grenade before he started shouting out, "Release them, release them." I did not only have him release Nigerian troops, I also recovered our four lorries he confiscated. That was how I got our troops captured by Prince Johnson released.

All this time, Gen. Quanioo had disappeared into thin air. I was the only officer who was spearheading and taking decisions on behalf of the operation until General Dogonyaro was appointed to succeed Gen. Quanioo.

After the appointment of Gen. Dogonyaro cum his assumption of office, we started reorganising ourselves to advance, having had more battalions dispatched to join in Monrovia from Nigeria. That was another un-forgetful incident during my career in the military. Peace operation is not an easy adventure.

You must have the confidence of all the troops that made up the enforcement operation before you can record any success, particularly in West-Africa where our neighbouring countries are often suspicious of their dealings with Nigerian citizens.


Distrust Against Nigerian Commanders

To make a Nigerian the Force Commander in a Peace Enforcement Operation, a lot of diplomacy had to be played out.

Indeed, I remember a situation where we were to move from Sierra-Leone to Liberia. I was the most senior officer in the headquarters then, and by the virtue of my rank, I was supposed to have become the Deputy Commander.

But this was not to be as a low ranking Guinean officer, who was later promoted to a Brigadier-General by his home country, was appointed as the Deputy Commander of the enforcement operation.

Also, the inability of the contributing troops to take orders from any senior officer from another troop is another factor that militates against any peace keeping operation in Africa.

For instance, while we were to move to Liberia, from Sierra-Leone, I requested the battalion commanders to report the situation to me so that I could properly hand it to the operation commander.

But the Ghanaian battalion commander turned down my instruction, muttering , 'Me, a Ghanaian, to hand-over my troops to you, a Nigerian ." I replied him by saying that he was not handing over the troops to me as a Nigerian but as Chief of Staff of the enforcement operation. Reluctantly, he handed over his men to me.

That's one aspect of peace keeping operation that bedevils a situation where different countries contribute troops. The officers find it difficult to take instructions from any other senior that's not from their home country.

Also, distrust is another factor that trailed the operation. Each time, I gave an instruction to deploy troops. Such instruction was never obeyed until an approval was sought for and gotten from the troops' various home countries.

More appalling was when the Nigerian Air Force was sent on a bombing run, under the Joint Command. The Ghanaian Air Force failed to comply until clearance was given from the home government. Those were parts of the problems we faced while we were in Liberia.