Monday, December 05, 2011

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It had been a journey long planned in my mind. If I had to do a comparative dissertation on the political economy of oil in the Niger Delta and its counterpart in the Mississippi Delta, I’d rather start exploration from home. Yes, I had to. Professors Mike Ogbeidi and his friend Ademola Adeleke, who were my mates but now my supervisors would not take anything but quality work from their doctoral student.

What does the black liquid gold look like? What does an oil pipeline look like? What is a rig? What is a flow station? What is gas flaring? What is pollution and what are ecological disasters and environmental degradations? What’s the impact of oil on the peoples of the two look-alike deltaic oil rich regions of the world – comparatively speaking? Hmmm but what really is an oil well or its head?

Why is it, that some oil wells are cocked (keys thrown away) say by Shell while Agip and SAIPEM remain in constant (sometimes) elusive search for glory that comes with discoveries – whether active, dormant, abandoned, cocked or effusive?

Those were some of the jargons I had come across severally in the course of my research. Again, what does an oil well look like? How would you explain/discuss with your inquisitive research peers and compeers, a substance you do not have a vivid pictorial handle of its image? What for example is the color of crude oil? Black, opal, white, green, yellow or what? What about its texture? Slimy, velveteen, smooth, smelly, sticky or as plain as it could be. Why is it called liquid gold? But if it is crude, it must, seriously speaking, be in an undiluted format to proclaim its crudity – as in its rawness.

Does one have to meander, walk through a puddle of mud and shove mangrove shrubs aside to get close to a typical oil well? Would I see oil spill if I got into the mangrove? What of the famed and under publicized ecological disasters caused by ill-managed spills? What of an army of Delta militants waiting to have a slugfest with a stranger. Would they kidnap him? I meant to ask if they would kidnap me. If they did, would they kill or maim me? What of the crude methods of refineries found in the jungle. Myth or real? What is oil bunkering?

Who are those involved. Is it true that most of the sponsors of oil bunkering are retired but not tired Generals and high- ranking former naval personnel? What are the roles played by oil companies in the bunkering business? What is spot market? What is OPEC? How is the quantity and quality of oil drilled and exported in a day measured? What percentage of the total drill is refined locally? Does OPEC truly know about the degrading conditions of the lives of the peoples of Niger Delta? Why do oil multinationals such as Shell and Agip or Total very conscious of pollution in the Mississippi Delta while they look the other way when such happens in the Niger Delta?

What of the inhabitants – through whose cries to high heavens for help national and international attention have been drawn to a once downgraded cause? Yes, a cause caused by the crude oil curse. What of their leaders? What of their leaders’ local political inclinations and their concomitant impacts on oil and its place in the collective lives of natives in the oil producing areas? We mean the oily part of politics. Why the loud silence of traditional rulers? Are they willing tools or have they by any stretch been intimidated and cowed?

To find answers to some of these nagging questions, I had to go to the oil kingdom of Egbema with a militant as my guide. But we must take a quick lesson on the political economy and brief history of Egbema – the oil conurbation of Igboland. Egbema is made up of 17 villages. They are all richly endowed with crude oil beneath their own portion of the earth’s surface. Egbema has two kingdoms. One, which is made up of three villages is in the northwest tip of Rivers State of Nigeria. The others, (the remaining 14 villages) are in the southwest tip of Imo State of Nigeria. Listen up folks, in the beginning, the two Egbema used to be one. Did you hear me well?

They were in the old Ahoada Province of old Eastern Nigeria. They were Igbo speaking. They still are. Although as linguists and social anthropologists have come to confirm, the two Egbema types of Igbo, like the Owerri and Ohafia or even Mbaise, are a special variant. The people are vibrant, hardworking, industrious and essentially agrarian, depending largely on working the farmlands and fishing. Egbema has produced some of Nigeria’s important personalities such as the former Inspector General of Police, Mike Okiro. And a former super aeronautic engineer and first class pilot named Nze Obi.

However, something, uniquely unusual happened to Egbema and its people along the political lines of Nigeria. It was when the feds decided to redraw (they called it boundary adjustments) the boundaries of the federation with the future politics of oil in mind. Without being sensitive and sensible enough to the cultural affinities of the people, Justice Ayo Irikefe, it was, who with the nodding satisfaction of my friend, General Olusegun Obasanjo, drew an awkward line of demarcation for the two Egbema. Essentially to ensure that the part consisting of fewer kindred (three villages) but with multiple oil wells and other better oil exploitation logistic potentials are situated outside the core Igbo state of Imo. It was soon after the civil war, when the fear of Biafra was the beginning of wisdom for the feds.

And so, today, a drive through the two Egbema would show what difference oil politics has wrought on the people. While the Imo Egbema, like Imo State, is stagnating and underdeveloped, the Rivers Egbema, like Rivers State has everything an oil-producing community would be proud of. Little wonder, militancy, like some oil wells, is dormant in that part of Egbema. They have good roads, functional infrastructure and social amenities such as hospitals, adequate supply of electricity, cottage industries, mall-like markets, good schools and potable drinkable waters. What about education?

There are sprinkles of cottage industries that employ mostly, those dislocated from their farmland and fishing activities. This reporter’s investigation revealed that while Agip and its subsidiary, SAIPEM, are the major oil companies operating in the Rivers State half of Egbema, Shell - the ubiquitous sleek old British company in Africa for sake of Pax Britannica - does every oily deal in the best trading and commercial interest of mother country - Great Britain.

And that because of this, the larger Egbema with about fourteen communities are like a theater of oil war, with Shell, characteristically, employing the scorched earth policy in its relationship with its own half of the ancient kingdom of Egbema. That’s how the other half whose oil is managed by Agip, enjoy a living standard which has turned out to be the envy of the other fourteen villages in Imo that fall in the sphere of influence of Shell. This visible, abject neglect of the other 14 Egbema communities by Shell has become the reason why the area became a breeding ground for militancy by its restive youths, fueling hatred and rebellion not only against Shell but extended to everything that looks like oil and its affiliate products.

The aim, one of the militants who led me through to see the sorry oil sites of Egbema, “is to at least call the attention of the feds to the exploitative tendencies inherent in Shell’s exploration and exploitation oil policies.” Remember Shell company, it was, who through exploration and exploitation in Oloibiri and Ogoniland polluted the creeks, brought untold sorrows and made life unbearable for the natives. Shell, it was, which laid the exploration and exploitation foundation from which newer, latter day oil producing companies in Nigeria have copied. And Shell, it was, whose reckless oil exploration and exploitation methods provoked the Ogoni youths and the subsequent hanging of Ken Saro Wiwa and others. Remember, it was Shell.

We entered Egbema through the Ohaji side of the town. Driving through and passing the 14 square kilometer stretch of Imo Palm Plantation called ADAPALM, before hitting Obiakpu, one of the two Shell flow stations in Egbema. On our way, we came upon a series of sealed or dormant oil wells appropriately tagged for easier identification and location but looked abandoned. They belong to Shell. The ex-militant guide told me that so many such pyramid-like coves are a feature in almost every nook and cranny of Egbema. Because the first one we saw was on the road and held no serious key to unlock the mystery of oil, he led me through a near bush part.

There, we encountered an active oil-well with a prominent head, connected with variegated pipes of different sizes and shapes pointing towards same direction – southwards to a flow station at Obiakpu from where they made their unending southward journeys to the waiting oil vessels and tankers of the West. “Here” he explained pointing his index finger at a bolt, “if I want to disrupt oil flow from this head, I know what to do. If I turn this knob clock wise, the drilling will stop automatically. I will automatically shut down the pumping and drilling will stop.

That’s how we can successfully disrupt oil drilling and or supply from this part of our world. We have done it a couple of times. Can’t you see, there are little or no security personnel on site? It was Eze Nzeobi of Egbema that begged us to stop. Listen; listen to the tick-tack noises emanating from here (we held our breaths for some seconds to listen to the unending tick-tack, tick tack, sound that sounded like a heightened heart beat of a quarter miler). That is the sound of oil being pumped.”


http://www.sunnewsonline.com/webpages/opinion/2011/dec/05/opinion-05-12-2011-002.html

Torn Apart by Decree

Decree 23 of 1985 promulgated by former President Ibrahim Babangida to adjust  the boundary between former Cross River and Imo States said to be the cause of incessant communal clashes in Akwa Ibom and Abia State.

By Obong Akpaekong

Decree number 23 of 1983, which adjusted the boundary between former Cross River and Imo States, may have complicated border problems in Akwa Ibom and Abia States carved out of the two states. The decree divided many border villages into two, with one section in Abia and the other in Akwa Ibom. This also affected the communities’ shrines, barns and totems

In Ika local government area of Akwa Ibom State, communities affected by such arrangement include Ikot Udo Ika, Urua Inyang, Ikot Inwang, Effen Okoro, Immaman, Ikot Ekong, Ikot Akpan Anwa, Ikot Ikara and Ikot Uko. Abiaka, in Ibeme community, Azumini and Iwukem are also well known examples of such communities in Ukwa East Local Government Area, Abia State.

The decree compounded the problem of Ikot Udo Ika more than it did in other villages Ikot Udo, a once closely knit family with about 3,000 inhabitants, was split into two groups. One of the  groups is claiming that its people are indigenous Akwa Ibomites while the other, a smaller number, insists that they are Igbo. Although all the people spoke the local Annang dialect of Akwa Ibom, those who preferred to belong to Abia adopted “Akirika Obu” as their village name. But there is no boundary between the two groups.

With time, some of those claiming Igbo nationality changed their names to suit their new posture. They were said to have preferred being Igbo in protest of years of neglect by the then Cross River State administration.

The decree which former president Ibrahim Babangida promulgated in November 1985 excised the pro-Igbo side, said to be a third of the entire village into Imo State, while the rest was to be administrated by Cross River State. When new local government areas were created by General Abacha, the Annang went to Ika local government of Akwa Ibom while the pro-Igbo group (Akirika Obu) went to Ukwa east local government area. The promulgation of the decree said to have been influenced by Paul Omu and Ndubuisi Kanu, former governors of Cross River and Imo States, predictably, worsened the rift between the two brethren. There have been one class after another between the people since then.

The most destructive of the clashes between them occurred on February 7, 2000. Over 50 houses were torched. The houses which included storey buildings, were infact the best in the locality and belonged to prominent persons in the community. One of the  houses belonged to E.E. Ekpenyong, former secretary to Cross River State government. Other include those of Marm Ichara, a professor of petrochemical engineering and a former Shell official, Sunday E. Akpan, general manager in charge of audit in Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund, Abuja, Young Ekpenyong, an avionics engineer with Nigeria Airways and Samuel Adam, a retired teacher. The houses of Godwin Nwagbose Nwulu and Michael Thompson Nwambaha said to be  leader of the  pro-Igbo were also burnt.

The incident was triggered off by pro-Igbo youths who a caterpillar grader operator working on one of the roads in the village. He was sent to do the job by Francis Udoikpong, chairman of Ika local government area. Witnesses said when some youths on the Akwa Ibom side saw the grader operator attacked, they went to help him out but were equally attacked.

This led to serious fighting and rioting which climaxed in sporadic gun fire. The mobile policemen from Azumini, Abia State, moved in to contain the  situation but they were accused of taking sides with the pro-Igbo elements. Chrysantus Efep, vice-chairman of Ika council area, said police in Azumini were used to intimidating, harassing and arresting the Annang in Ikot Udo in favour of the pro-Igbo group.

Many people including Jumbo Ukpongette, village head of Ikot Udo, Ika, and Thompson Abia, a prominent pastor in the area, were among many the police arrested. The arrest, burning and looting forced many families on both sides to seek refuge in neighbouring  villages.

When Newswatch visited Ikot Udo recently, the village had been largely deserted. The few people around belonged to the village security team. To them, every unfamiliar face was a possible enemy. The village hall located in the centre of the town was used as a base for the vigilante group. Many of the group’s members carried locally made rifles. While many others (the youths) were seen sporting in the bush. They were said to be waiting for waiting for their enemies. Many burnt houses dotted the town hall area.

One of them belonged to Sunday Elijah Oyomete, councilor representing Achan II ward in Ika local government. Ikot Udo Ika is in the ward. Oyomete told Newswatch that many pro-Igbo people voted for him  during the elections. It was because of this that the Ika council area decided to grade the road and do other things for the people. Those who attacked the grader said the area was not in the control of Ika but Ukwa East in Abia State.

Ukpongette, also spoke to Newswatch from his hideout. He said since the police released him, he had not been in the house for  fear of fresh attack by their pro-Igbo brothers. He told Newswatch he was happy that despite all the destruction, no life was lost.

Udoikpong said his belief that the creation of Ika local government was to bring development to the people explained why he asked the grader to carry out the work which unfortunately resulted in the ugly incident of February 7. Youths in the  pro-Igbo side had attacked the grader operator because, according to them, the area was not under Ika administration.

Udoikpong said the people were lured by Ukwa East local government into saying they were not Akwa Ibomites so as to garner votes from them. He accused Ukwa council area of trying to annex the area which, he said, was 60 kilometres from Akwete, Ukwa council headquarters. Ikot Udo is two kilometres from Urua Inyang, Ika council headquarters. Udoikpong also explained that whereas Ikot Udo was one village in Achan II, a ward of eight villages which Oyemete is representing, it was a ward in Ukwa East council area.

Another reason he gave for Ukwa East’s interest in Ikot Udo was the gas deposit Shell was said to have discovered, in the village. The deposit, he said, was awaiting exploration. He told Newswatch, “but I will resist the efforts of anybody who wants to annex Ika community to Abia” adding “if any of Ikot Udo people wants to belong to Abia State he should migrate there”.

Udoikpong said decree 23 of 1985, which put part of Ikot Udo in Imo and part in Cross River was full of anomalies which made its full implementation difficult. He said “Akrika Obu” was merely a nomenclature given to Ikot Udo by the Igbo for political reason. He reasoned that Ikot Udo was surrounded by Ika Annang villages of Ikot Otuko, Ikot Akpan Offiong, Ikot Inyang Udo, Nto Mfung and Urua Inyang and did not even share boundary with Ukwa East local government of Abia State. He called for the  abrogation of decree 23 of 1985.

Over the years, Ika community has been making representations to the nation’s various boundary commissions on how to resolve the problem. The  bodies include Irefeke panel (1975), Justice Mamman Nasir commission (1976), presidential commission (1983) and the National boundary commission.

In their letter to the chairman, creation of states, local governments and boundary adjustment committee, Abuja, dated April 29, 1996, on the issue, they argued that Ikot Udo had neither cultural nor linguistic affiliation with Ukwa East. They asked for amendment of the decree “so that all affected Akwa Ibom villages erroneously carved into Abia State would be returned”.

The letter signed by 10 persons among them community leaders also called for return of all venerated areas carved into Abia State and the return of any part of Ibeme in Obioma Ngwa local government, that may have been put in Akwa Ibom.

On August 10, 1999, Ikot Udo Youth Association, wrote to the chairman of Ukwa East council area on the need for peaceful co-existence between Ikot Udo people and Ukwa East. In the letter, they accused some of the pro-Igbo people of making false claims and  presenting fabricated history to curry favour from Ukwa local government area. The letter asked why “Akirika Obu” was the only Ndoki village in Ukwa East council area speaking Annang dialect. It accused some of them of dropping their Annang names for Igbo.

Those accused of this included prominent villagers such as Joystick Samuel Essien who allegedly changed to Joystick Samuel Nwankwo; James Akpan Abia now known as James Nna Abia, Michael Ekot now Michael Kalu and Monday Udo Ekpenyong who answers Monday Ama Kalu. Newswatch learnt that the issue of name change is not new in the Ikot Udo case.

In April 1976, Joystick Emuchay, the then chairman of Imo State public service commission and leader of the Ndoki people, told the Justice Nasir commission on Boundary Adjustment that the names of some Annang people and communities in the then Abak division were changed during the civil war to suit their relationship with Igbo.

Emuchay claimed that all the  disputed villages were Igbo and were descendants of the same forbearer, Eze-Ndoki who, he said, founded the area in the 12 century. His descendants, he claimed, founded Akpala and Azumini.

But Benson Iyang Udo and Raymond Orok, two Annang leaders, in their evidence at the commission said Azumini, originally called “waterside,” was a Cross River trading post. They claimed that Ikot Udo was one of Annang villages the Igbo tried to rename Akirika Obu.

On February 25, 2000, the people of Ikot Udo wrote to Chris Ekpenyong, Akwa Ibom deputy governor and chairman of the state’s boundary committee, asking him to assist in resolving the boundary crisis. Their requests included abrogation of Decree 23 of 1985, allowing the whole of Ikot Udo/Akirika Obu to remain in Ika, bringing pressure on the federal government to release a white paper on the  1997 boundary adjustment commission R.D. Mohammed. The letter, signed by Oyomete and nine other leaders of the villages asked for a re-establishment of a police station in Ikot Udo and a federal government’s involvement in infrastructural development of the village to discourage the people from political harlotry.

The village also sent a save-our-soul letter to Akwa Ibom State government, February 10, asking it to prevail on the federal government to send neutral policemen to the police station in Azumini, as well as send relief packages to those badly affected by the February 7, incident.

Ekpenyong, who was visited the community after the incident, condemned the wanton destruction of property in the village and appealed to the youths on both sides not to act in a way that will inflict more pains and injuries on the people. He asked the federal government to consider all cultural, historical and political antecedents before taking a decision affecting Akwa Ibom and other states.

Others who visited the village since the incident include Akwa Ibom indigenes in the  national assembly and A.A.Oyakhire, assistant  inspector-general of police, AIG, in charge of zone 6.

Various steps have been taken to resolve the Ikot Udo conflict over the years. In 1994, Yakubu Bako, Temi Ejoor and Gregory Agboneni, then military administrators of Akwa Ibom, Abia and Cross River States well as top officials of the  national boundary commission met in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State capital, to find a lasting solution to the  problem.

Successive chairmen of Ika and Ukwa East have also been working together to resolve the crisis. On July 30, 1999, Ukwa council chairman visited Urua Inyang to hold discussions with his Ika counterpart on how to end the conflict. But also their efforts seem to have once to naught as hostilities continues in the area.

http://www.newswatchngr.com/editorial/prime/backissues/2000/ng24.htm

http://www.nigerdeltacongress.com/garticles/gassing_an_unsuspecting_communit.htm

Beyond the obvious injustice in creating artificial boundaries between the Egbema, please allow a pedant such as myself to point out that a PHD student should not be making basic mistakes such as using "cocked" in place of "corked".

Abagworo:

Why is it, that some oil wells are cocked (keys thrown away) say by Shell

Very interesting post.

Emuchay claimed that all the disputed villages were Igbo and were descendants of the same forbearer, Eze-Ndoki who, he said, founded the area in the 12 century. His descendants, he claimed, founded Akpala and Azumini.

Can the people in question be asked to say whom they are with their own mouths: Igbo or Annang? That way, the matter is resolved and everyone lives in peace.