Dreal1247: Some of Tinubu supporters need proper brain evaluation. No right thinking Nigerian will still be supporting Tinubu. They act before thinking. Costal highway, failure, removal of petroleum subsidy, catastrophic. Yet people are still campaigning for him. And I ask, to come back and do what? TINUBU MUST GO.
Afofungbemu. She gave out bread or she nor give out bread? If na APC, it will be bad but because it is the party of your alpha and omega, nothing is wrong with it.
Whether you like it or not, he will NEVER be the president of this country
For your Canadian study permit application, you must use the exact name that appears on your valid passport (your maiden name).
Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) strict policy requires that your study permit, visa sticker (TRV), or Port of Entry letter match your primary identity document—which is your passport.
truthera: I came across a disturbing thread titled "NCC Might Block Your Phone In 30 Days" in which a specific code was shared by a user noting that any phone not verified will be blocked. Below is what was posted by the OP....
Let me assist you.
This is not Tinubu's policy. It is a policy that has been in existence since 2003, only that it has not been fully enforced.
Read about the policy below:
NCC Type Approval is the mandatory certification process required by the Nigerian Communications Commissio[/b]n (NCC) before any telecommunications or radio communications equipment can be legally imported, sold, or used in Nigeria.
Legal Basis It is governed by:
- Nigerian Communications Act 2003 (especially Section 132) - Nigerian Communications (Type Approval) Regulations, 2024 - Type Approval Business Rules, 2024 Related Guidelines
What Requires Type Approval? Almost all devices with communication capabilities, including:
-Mobile phones / smartphones Tablets and other SIM-enabled devices -Wi-Fi routers, modems, and access points -Bluetooth devices -IoT / smart devices (including those in vehicles, appliances, etc.) -Network equipment (base stations, switches, microwave links, etc.) Short-range devices and RF modules
What is the need for it?
NCC Type Approval is needed to protect consumers, networks, and the overall telecom ecosystem in Nigeria.
Here’s why it exists and why it is mandatory:
1. Consumer Safety & Health Ensures devices do not emit harmful levels of electromagnetic radiation (SAR limits). Confirms the equipment is safe to use and does not pose fire, electrical, or other physical hazards.
2. Network Integrity & Quality of Service Prevents substandard or poorly designed devices from interfering with mobile networks, Wi-Fi, or other radio systems. Reduces network congestion, dropped calls, and degraded internet performance caused by non-compliant gadgets.
3. Spectrum Management Makes sure devices operate only on approved frequencies and power levels. Protects the limited radio spectrum from interference.
4. Interoperability Guarantees that phones, routers, and other equipment work properly with Nigerian networks and other approved devices.
5. Combating Counterfeits & Grey Imports Stops the influx of fake, refurbished, or substandard devices that flood the market. Helps authorities track and block non-compliant SIM-enabled devices through systems like the Central Equipment Identity Register (CEIR).
6. Legal & Regulatory Compliance Required by the Nigerian Communications Act 2003. Without Type Approval, equipment cannot be legally imported, sold, or connected to public networks in Nigeria.
7. Consumer Protection Gives buyers confidence that a device has been tested and meets Nigerian standards.
Provides a clear way for the public to verify whether a phone or gadget is approved (via the NCC website). In short, Type Approval exists so that only safe, reliable, and network-friendly telecommunications equipment enters and operates in Nigeria — protecting users, operators, and the quality of communication services.
Tonygeesm: jealousy and envy for the igbos has and will keep your tribe poor and down trodden
And can't you guys stay in that tribe that is rich and flowing with milk and honey and leave the land of the "poor and down trodden" alone?. Or must you always develop other people's home?
Guestmale: Lagos state in terms of landmass is the smallest in Nigeria but in terms of population it is second to Kano that has the largest population in Nigeria.
Lagos is second to Kano in term of population in Nigeria? Estimated figure or real figure? No let "ba shiga" people, wey dey count legs deceive you. Lagos is more populated than Kano
SecurityNgr: Reacting to the controversy, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Bianca Ojukwu, emphasized the need for diplomacy and sustained engagement between both
Is Bianca the Minister of STATE for Foreign Affairs?
The Eagle Online has obtained the full list of 136 Nigerians in Ethiopian prisons that could benefit from the prisoner swap being planned by the two countries.
The Eagle Online recalls that Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, announced this.
Odumegwu-Ojukwu said this when she met with the prisoners in Ethiopia.
The prisoners, who received the news with excitement, hailed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the Minister for the Nigeria-Ethiopia Prisoner Transfer Agreement in a video.
Sharing the video on her X handle, OdumegwupOjukwu wrote: “Thank you, Mr President!
“Nigerian inmates in AbaSamuel Prisons, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia express their joy and Appreciation to the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the successful conclusion of the bilateral Prisoner Transfer Agreement with the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.”
The Prisoner Transfer Agreement, signed by officials of both countries, will allow convicted citizens of Nigeria and Ethiopia to be transferred to their home countries to complete their prison sentences, subject to applicable laws and agreed conditions.
Full list of Nigerian prisoners in Ethiopian prisons
Beyond holding the governorship: 1. Gov. Adeleke is also Commissioner for Works, 2. Dr. Deji Adeleke- Chairman, Advisory Council 3. Yeye Dupe Adeleke- Co-chair, Advisory Council 4. Wife 1 Títí Adeleke- First Lady for administration 5. Wife 2 Ngozi Adeleke- First lady for academics 6. Adenike Folasade Adeleke- Commissioner for Federal Affairs 7. Prof. Maruf Adeleke- Budget and Planning 8. Tunji Adeleke- Chairman local government commission 9. Gbolahan Adeleke- Special Adviser on Government House Affairs. 10. David (Davido) Adeleke- Chairman of Osun Sport Trust Fund
When the drums of “Imole” drowned out the campaign noise in November 2022, Ademola Adeleke promised Osun a government of light, transparency, and relief from the past. Nearly four years later, that light has dimmed under a cloud of allegations that have come to define his tenure: a family dynasty tightening its grip on appointments from Works to Budget and Planning, major “Infra Plan” contracts awarded without competitive bidding to allies, windfall FAAC revenues managed behind late and opaque budget reports, mass sackings of workers and monarchs by Executive Order, renegotiated mining deals whispered to favor his inner circle, and palliatives distributed through party structures rather than need. For a governor who campaigned against impunity, the charge sheet now reads like a betrayal of “Imole” — nepotism, secrecy, and a blurring of the line between state power and family empire.
Governor Ademola Adeleke’s administration has drawn sharp criticism over what many see as entrenched nepotism, with key state roles dominated by members of his immediate and extended family. Beyond holding the governorship, Adeleke also serves as Commissioner for Works, while his brother Dr. Deji Adeleke chairs the Advisory Council alongside Yeye Dupe Adeleke as co-chair. The arrangement extends to two designated “First Ladies” — Títí Adeleke for administration and Ngozi Adeleke for academics — and cuts across finance, planning and local governance with Adenike Folasade Adeleke as Commissioner for Federal Affairs, Prof. Maruf Adeleke overseeing Budget and Planning, Tunji Adeleke chairing the local government commission, and Gbolahan Adeleke as Special Adviser on Government House Affairs. Even sports and public funds are not exempt, with David Adeleke named Chairman of the Osun Sport Trust Fund. The concentration of political and fiscal authority within one family raises serious questions about merit, transparency, and the use of Osun taxpayers’ money, suggesting a governance model where public appointments function less as vehicles for service delivery and more as instruments for dynastic control.
The most persistent charge is that Osun is being governed like a family compound. Opposition parties and civic voices have repeatedly pointed to a pattern of appointments that keeps cabinet seats, board chairmanships, and agency headships within the orbit of the Adeleke family and its long-time business allies. The defense from government is always the same: loyalty and competence are not crimes, and the governor is entitled to work with people he trusts. Yet trust is not the standard the Public Service Rules demand. Merit is. When the “Ede factor” becomes shorthand for who gets what, the perception of a state captured by kinship takes root, and perception in politics is a form of reality. A government that campaigned against impunity cannot dismiss this as propaganda when the optics suggest a narrowing of the state to a family project.
From Ede to Ilesa, the same whispers now trail his convoy: who really runs this government, whose pockets are being lined, and whether the line between state power and family empire has been erased. These are not yet court convictions, but they are the allegations that have defined the Adeleke years, and a government that promised daylight owes the public answers before the shadows harden into legacy.
Financial management has become another front. Critics have flagged the pace and detail of budget performance reports, questioning whether the public can truly track how grants, allocations, and loans are moving. The APC alleged in 2024 that fresh loans were taken without disclosure, a claim the government denied by pointing to debt restructuring rather than new borrowing. The dispute itself reveals the problem: in a FAAC-rich season, accountability should be easier, not harder. When IGR is rising and debt is supposedly untouched, the books should be wide open. That they are not, or that the publications come late, feeds the suspicion that windfall revenue is being managed as political capital rather than public trust.
The tone of the administration was set in its first days, and that tone still haunts it. The mass reversal of appointments through Executive Orders — sacking thousands of workers, monarchs, and board members installed by the previous government — was framed as correcting illegality. To those affected, it looked like victimisation without fair hearing. Labour unions protested. Royal stools went to court. The government’s legal argument may stand, but the political damage was done: it told the civil service that job security lasts only until the next election. For a bureaucracy already politicized by years of arrears and half-salary trauma, that message deepened the sense that the state is a spoils system, not a service system.
The same concern shadows Osun’s mineral wealth. The renegotiation of gold mining joint ventures and licenses was presented as a cleanup of a sector abused under past administrations. Yet opposition voices counter that the new deals are simply reallocating control to interests aligned with the governor’s circle. In a state desperate for revenue independence, mining should be Osun’s long-term hedge against FAAC volatility. If the process is opaque, the hedge becomes a rumor, and the promise of sanitization becomes another front in the patronage war. The pattern is familiar: a legitimate policy goal undermined by the suspicion of private gain.
Even relief has become contentious. Palliatives meant to cushion the blow of subsidy removal were rolled out with fanfare, but civil society groups alleged in 2023 and 2024 that distribution was routed through party structures, turning poverty relief into political reward. The government’s reply — that ward committees included all stakeholders — has not silenced the charge that vulnerability is being mapped by party register. When hunger is partisan, the social contract is broken. A government elected on the back of economic pain cannot afford to be seen as rationing compassion.
The Adeleke administration’s blanket response to all this is to call it “APC propaganda” and to point to ongoing projects, cleared arrears, and IGR growth as rebuttal. Delivery is important, but delivery is not immunity. No flyover erases due process questions. No paid salary justifies sacking workers without hearing. No IGR chart excuses a procurement process the public cannot see. In Osun’s adversarial politics, allegations are weapons, and many will be false. But a government that holds power in trust does not win by labeling critics. It wins by opening the books, publishing the contracts, and subjecting its family, its friends, and itself to the same rules it met in the civil service.
Reference: What do you mean it happens everywhere in the world. Show us where government officials docked for high wire corruption have been set free on a plea and reparations.
Examples please.
Try and be using Google to save you from public embarrassment. It is free.
Plea bargaining in the United States
Plea bargaining in the United States is very common; the vast majority of criminal cases in the United States are settled by plea bargain rather than by a jury trial.[1] They have also been increasing in frequency—they rose from 84% of federal cases in 1984 to 94% by 2001. Plea bargains are subject to the approval of the court, and different States and jurisdictions have different rules. Game theory has been used to analyze the plea bargaining decision.
The result of PLEA BARGAIN she entered into with the FG.
She will pay back large percentage of money stolem, while she will regain her freedom. This happens everywhere in the world and it is a win-win situation for the accused and the government.
March 5, 2026
Alleged N2.4bn fraud: Stella Oduah, 1 other enter plea bargain deal
A former Minister of Aviation Stella Oduah and one other charged with N2.5 billion fraud in an Abuja High Court on Thursday opted for a plea bargain deal.
The Director of Public Prosecution (DPP), Rotimi Oyedepo, who led the prosecution team, told the court that the defendants had approached the AGF for plea bargain.
“They have made moves to refund certain amount of money into the government coffers.
“What is left is the confirmation of receipt of the bank draft by the government,” Oyedepo told the court.
Onyechi Ikpeazu, SAN, counsel for Oduah, also confirmed what the prosecution counsel said.
Mr. Bode Ojajuni has just been appointed Ogun State Commissioner of Police. The appointment was announced today by the Inspector General of Police, Tunji Disu.
When Ojajuni was the Police PRO in Lagos State between 2005 and 2007, Frank Mba was reporting to him. Mba was to later take over from Ojajuni in 2007 as Lagos State Police PRO.
Mba has since enjoyed accelerated promotions and he's now a Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police.
In 2023 alone, Mba received double promotion, first as AIG in March and DIG, three months later.
Commenting on the promotion, the then spokesman of the PSC, Ikechukwu Ani, explained that Mba enjoyed those accelerated promotion because he was the most senior police officer from the South East zone of the country.
It will be recalled that when Tunji Disu was promoted the IGP last month, some individuals were of the opinion that he was appointed above Frank Mba because of where he comes from. This was based on their erroneous belief that Disu was Mba's junior in the Police.
It has since been established that not only was Disu Mba's senior in the Police there are so many other police officers who are senior to him in the force. A good example is Mr. Bode Ojajuni who has just been made the new Commissioner of Police in Ogun State