₦airaland Forum

BETA EDU AND THE COST OF POLITICAL REHABILITATION BEFORE ACCOUNTABILITY


The foundation of every serious anti-corruption campaign is not merely the prosecution of wrongdoing but the public confidence that no individual is above scrutiny, accountability, or consequence. It is for this reason that the continued public association between former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction, Dr. Beta Edu, and senior officials of the Federal Government has become a matter of legitimate public concern.

This concern is not primarily about the personality of Dr. Edu. Rather, it is about the message being conveyed to millions of Nigerians who were assured that the administration would uphold the highest standards of transparency and accountability in public office.

When allegations concerning the management of public funds within the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs emerged in 2024, they generated national outrage. The controversy led to Dr. Edu’s suspension from office and the announcement of investigations by relevant anti-corruption agencies. Nigerians were assured that the matter would be thoroughly investigated and that appropriate actions would follow based on the findings.

Years later, however, the public remains largely in the dark regarding the outcome of those investigations. The absence of clear, publicly communicated conclusions has created a vacuum that fuels speculation, suspicion, and distrust.

Against this backdrop, the recurring appearance of Dr. Edu at official functions, high-profile government programmes, and events attended by prominent figures within the Presidency raises uncomfortable questions. Regardless of whether such appearances are formal or informal, they create the perception that a political rehabilitation process is underway before the public has been adequately informed of the outcome of the investigations that justified her removal from office in the first place.

In politics, perception matters. Governments are judged not only by their actions but also by the signals they send. The body language of leadership often communicates more powerfully than official statements. When a former public official whose case remains unresolved in the minds of many citizens appears to enjoy unrestricted access to influential political circles, the inevitable conclusion among ordinary Nigerians is that accountability may be negotiable for the politically connected.

This perception is dangerous.

Nigeria has spent decades battling a reputation for weak institutional accountability. Every administration that pledges to fight corruption must understand that public trust is earned through consistency. The same standards applied to junior civil servants, local government officials, and political opponents must also apply to former ministers and allies of those in power.

The issue becomes even more troubling when viewed from the perspective of young Nigerians. At a time when citizens are being urged to embrace integrity, hard work, and patriotism, what lesson is being taught if individuals removed from office under clouds of controversy are seen returning to the political spotlight before investigative processes are transparently concluded?

The Federal Government must recognise that the credibility of its anti-corruption agenda depends not on speeches but on actions. If investigations have exonerated Dr. Edu, the public deserves to know. If investigations are still ongoing, the public equally deserves periodic updates. Silence serves neither justice nor good governance.

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) also owes Nigerians a duty of transparency. High-profile cases should not disappear into bureaucratic obscurity. The public has a right to know whether investigations are active, concluded, or abandoned. Selective disclosure undermines confidence in institutions and creates the impression that different rules apply to different categories of citizens.

No democracy can thrive when accountability becomes subject to political convenience. Public office is a sacred trust, and those entrusted with it must remain answerable to the people. The principles of transparency and integrity cannot be suspended because an individual is politically influential or enjoys powerful connections.

The Presidency must therefore exercise caution in its engagements and public associations. While every citizen is entitled to dignity and due process, government officials must be mindful of the broader implications of their actions. Symbolism matters. Public confidence matters. Institutional credibility matters.

The issue before Nigeria today is larger than Dr. Beta Edu. It concerns the integrity of the country’s anti-corruption architecture and the seriousness with which public accountability is pursued. Until the cloud surrounding the investigations is conclusively addressed in a transparent manner, any perceived attempt to restore political legitimacy risks weakening the moral authority of the government itself.

For a nation struggling to strengthen its institutions and rebuild public trust, accountability must not only be done; it must be seen to be done.


Dr Abiodun Taiwo
Abuja, Nigeria
May 2026

BREAKING: Court Grants Bail to Nasir El-Rufai in DSS-Linked Case


A Federal High Court in Kaduna has granted bail to former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, in an ongoing case linked to allegations involving the Department of State Services (DSS) and anti-corruption agencies.

The court reportedly approved bail for the former governor on a ₦200 million bond alongside strict conditions, including the provision of two sureties, the surrender of his international passport, and mandatory monthly reporting to investigators while the matter remains before the court.

The case stems from allegations bordering on unlawful interception of communications reportedly connected to National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu. Reports earlier indicated that DSS operatives rearrested El-Rufai shortly after he secured administrative bail from the EFCC earlier this year.

Meanwhile, proceedings in another related case before a Kaduna High Court were adjourned to June 2026 following delays in hearing additional bail applications filed by the former governor’s legal team.

The development has continued to generate reactions across Nigeria’s political space, with observers closely monitoring the legal and political implications surrounding the high-profile case.

APC Primary Crisis Deepens as Andrew Abu Rejects “Manufactured” Otukpo/Ohimini Results


A fresh crisis has erupted within the Benue State chapter of the All Progressives Congress following the rejection of the alleged primary election results for the Otukpo/Ohimini Federal Constituency by APC aspirant, Andrew Agbo Abu.

In a strongly worded statement issued on Sunday, Abu described the exercise as a “manufactured and fraudulent process,” insisting that no valid primary election took place in either Otukpo or Ohimini Local Government Areas.

The aspirant alleged that what occurred was “a carefully orchestrated conspiracy against the people,” particularly supporters of the O’TÓLÈ BI Movement who had gathered peacefully in anticipation of the exercise.

According to him, there are videos circulating from several wards and polling centres allegedly showing that election materials never arrived at the designated local government secretariats for accreditation and distribution.

Abu further alleged that electoral materials were diverted to Otukpo by individuals linked to the state government in collaboration with APC officials from both local governments.

The APC aspirant also raised allegations that materials were manipulated at Ochacho Hotel in Otukpo before results were allegedly announced in favour of the incumbent lawmaker, Blessing Onuh.

He accused the incumbent of avoiding a transparent contest despite claims of political popularity.

“If truly popular, why avoid a credible primary election? Why deny party members the right to vote?” he queried.

Abu equally criticised the alleged role of the Benue APC State Chairman, Ben Omale, accusing party leaders of betraying the interests of the constituency at a difficult time marked by insecurity, poverty, and political tension.
The aspirant maintained that the “Ohimini mandate” would not be surrendered through intimidation or political manipulation.

He also called on security agencies to investigate and prosecute Adah Nart over allegations that fabricated election results were announced from polls that never held.

Abu further appealed to Bola Ahmed Tinubu to ensure fairness within the APC and safeguard the integrity of the party’s internal democratic process.

Despite the controversy, the APC aspirant urged his supporters to remain peaceful and law-abiding, insisting that the struggle for justice was ongoing.

“No intimidation, no manipulation, and no kangaroo arrangement can suppress the voice of a determined people,” he stated.

Tension Rocks Benue APC Primaries as Factions Battle for Control


The ongoing All Progressives Congress (APC) National Assembly primaries in Benue State have been overshadowed by tension, internal party rivalry, and growing fears of a deepening political crisis within the ruling party.

Reports from several federal constituencies on Saturday indicated confusion over delegate accreditation, delayed arrival of electoral materials, and disagreements over alleged attempts to impose preferred candidates.

The exercise, which is expected to determine APC candidates for the 2027 National Assembly elections, has exposed the widening crack between loyalists of Benue State Governor Hyacinth Alia and supporters of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume.

In some constituencies, party members reportedly resisted consensus arrangements, insisting on direct voting processes in line with APC guidelines.

The development led to heated confrontations among supporters of various aspirants.

Benue Politics and the Question of Equity: The Debate Around Ohimini’s Turn


In every democracy, representation is not only about winning elections; it is also about maintaining fairness, balance, and a sense of belonging among different communities.

Across Nigeria, especially in states with diverse ethnic and clan structures, informal political arrangements have often been used to preserve peace and inclusion. Benue State is no exception.

The ongoing debate surrounding the House of Representatives seat involving the Idoma political bloc and the people of Ohimini once again raises an important national question: should political power remain permanently in the hands of established political figures, or should communities respect rotation to strengthen unity and trust?

For many stakeholders in the constituency, the argument is not necessarily against the individual lawmaker contesting again.

Rather, it is about whether political equity is being respected after multiple terms held by the same Idoma political circle. Those advocating for Ohimini believe that after more than three terms under one bloc, fairness demands that another section of the constituency should be allowed to produce the next representative.

Their position is rooted in political inclusion. In multi-ethnic constituencies, zoning and gentleman agreements are often designed to prevent feelings of exclusion. When one group dominates representation for too long, smaller communities may begin to feel politically invisible, regardless of the performance of the incumbent.


On the other hand, supporters of the returning lawmaker may argue that democracy should prioritize competence, experience, and electoral popularity over rotation. They may insist that if the people still support the lawmaker at the polls, then denying him the opportunity to contest would itself be undemocratic. This argument is also valid within the principles of open democracy.

However, the challenge with that position is that Nigerian politics does not operate in a purely ideal democratic environment. Political structures, incumbency advantages, financial influence, and control of party mechanisms often make it difficult for emerging communities or new candidates to compete fairly against long-established political actors.

That is why zoning continues to survive as an unofficial balancing mechanism across the country.
The Ohimini agitation therefore reflects a wider concern seen across Nigeria — the fear that political power can gradually become concentrated within a few dominant networks while other communities remain spectators in their own constituencies.
For Benue politics, this moment should not become a source of division between the Idoma bloc and Ohimini people. Instead, it should spark deeper conversations about sustainable political inclusion.

Democracies become stronger when all communities believe they have a realistic chance of participating in leadership, not just during campaigns, but in actual representation.

Ultimately, the issue goes beyond one election cycle or one candidate. It is about whether political agreements and community understandings still carry moral weight in Nigeria’s democracy. If political rotation is constantly ignored whenever incumbents become powerful, then public trust in those arrangements will continue to decline.

Benue State has long been known for its politically conscious population. The true test now is whether its leaders can balance democratic freedom with political fairness in a way that strengthens unity rather than deepening resentment.

Selective Prosecution, Judicial Perception, and the Erosion of Public Confidence in Nigeria’s Democratic Order

BY: Abiodun Taiwo

In every constitutional democracy, the legitimacy of the state rests not merely on the existence of laws, but on the public’s belief that those laws are applied fairly, consistently, and without political prejudice. Nigeria’s current political climate is increasingly testing that belief. A growing perception, particularly among politically aware segments of the population, is that the machinery of justice is being deployed unevenly, with harsher scrutiny directed at opposition figures while politically aligned actors appear to benefit from restraint, delay, or institutional caution. Whether fully substantiated or not, this perception is taking root, and its implications for the judiciary are profound.

The trajectory of high-profile political scrutiny in recent years has drawn attention to figures such as Abubakar Malami, Nasir El-Rufai, Mele Kyari, Godwin Emefiele, Sadiya Umar Farouq and Senator Aminu Tambuwal, individuals who, at different moments, have found themselves subject to investigation, legal pressure, or sustained public allegations following shifts in political alignment or exit from office. In principle, such scrutiny is consistent with democratic accountability. However, accountability loses its moral force when it appears selective.

The contrast often drawn in public discourse involves the treatment of politically connected figures within the ruling establishment. Allegations and controversies associated with individuals such as former APC Chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje, the former head of NIRSAL, AbdulHamid Zango, Betta Edu, a former Minister and former Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello have not always generated the same visible prosecutorial urgency or sustained legal momentum. While legal complexities, evidentiary thresholds, and procedural safeguards may explain differences in case progression, the absence of transparent communication around these disparities fuels suspicion. In politics, perception is not a peripheral concern—it is central to legitimacy.

At the institutional level, agencies such as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission are constitutionally and statutorily mandated to operate without fear or favor. Yet, their actions are interpreted within a broader political context. When investigations appear to cluster around opposition figures, particularly during politically sensitive periods such as electoral cycles or moments of intra-elite contestation, the line between lawful enforcement and political strategy becomes blurred in the public imagination.

It is at this point that the judiciary, though structurally independent, becomes entangled in the consequences of executive and prosecutorial conduct. Under Section 6 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), judicial powers are vested in the courts, while Section 36 guarantees the right to fair hearing. These provisions establish the judiciary as the ultimate arbiter of justice and the final safeguard against abuse. However, the judiciary does not operate in a vacuum; it receives cases shaped by investigative priorities, prosecutorial discretion, and political timing.

When citizens observe a pattern in which opposition figures are rapidly arraigned, subjected to intensive legal processes, or publicly scrutinized, while cases involving ruling party actors appear slower, less aggressive, or inconclusive, the distinction between different arms of government collapses in public perception. The courts, by virtue of their visibility in the adjudicative process, become associated with outcomes they did not originate. Thus emerges a credibility paradox: regardless of the legal merits of individual cases, the judiciary risks being perceived as either complicit in selective justice or ineffective in resisting it.

This perception is further complicated by the procedural realities of the Nigerian legal system. Adjournments, interlocutory appeals, evidentiary disputes, and jurisdictional challenges are inherent features of due process. Yet, when these procedural tools appear to benefit one category of political actors more than another, they are no longer viewed as neutral safeguards but as instruments of delay or protection. Consequently, what is legally routine becomes politically suspect.

Under the administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the consolidation of political power has coincided with heightened sensitivity to issues of opposition space and institutional neutrality. Critics argue that a pattern is emerging in which investigative bodies, media narratives, and judicial processes appear aligned in ways that disadvantage opposition figures. Whether this alignment is deliberate or incidental is, in some respects, less important than its cumulative effect: a gradual erosion of trust in the impartiality of the justice system.

The danger here is not abstract. Judicial legitimacy is the cornerstone of democratic dispute resolution. When political actors lose confidence in the courts, they are less likely to seek legal remedies and more likely to resort to alternative, potentially destabilizing methods of contestation. Similarly, when the public begins to believe that judicial outcomes are influenced by political considerations, compliance with court decisions weakens, and the moral authority of the law diminishes.

Nigeria’s democratic history underscores the importance of judicial resilience. During periods of military rule and constitutional uncertainty, the judiciary often served as a critical, if imperfect, check on executive excess. That legacy has imbued the courts with symbolic significance as guardians of justice. However, symbolism alone cannot sustain legitimacy. It must be reinforced by consistent, transparent, and demonstrably impartial conduct across all politically sensitive cases.

A more precise and defensible characterization of the current moment, therefore, is not that Nigeria is experiencing an excess of prosecution, but that it is grappling with the perception, and possibly the reality, of selective enforcement. This distinction is crucial. It acknowledges the necessity of holding public officials accountable while simultaneously questioning whether such accountability is being applied evenly.

The long-term implications of this trajectory are significant. If the perception of selective justice hardens into public consensus, the judiciary will face a crisis of confidence that cannot be easily reversed. Restoring trust would then require not only institutional reform but also a sustained demonstration of independence across multiple high-profile cases, irrespective of political affiliation.

In conclusion, the issue confronting Nigeria is not simply one of political rivalry or legal contestation; it is a deeper question about the integrity of State institutions and the sustainability of democratic governance. The judiciary, though not the architect of prosecutorial decisions, stands at the center of this unfolding challenge. Its ability to maintain public confidence will depend not only on adherence to legal principles but also on its capacity to be seen, clearly and consistently, as an impartial arbiter in a highly polarized political environment. Without that confidence, the very foundation of Nigeria’s constitutional order risks gradual but profound erosion.

Ibadan Declaration: A Necessary Line in the Sand for Nigeria’s Democracy


On April 25, 2026, opposition political parties gathered in Ibadan to issue what has now become known as the Ibadan Declaration. At first glance, it reads like a familiar political communiqué, strong words, bold resolutions, and pointed accusations. But beneath the rhetoric lies a deeper truth: Nigeria’s democratic trajectory is at a fragile moment, and the concerns raised cannot be dismissed as mere opposition theatrics.

Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, inaugurated in 1999, has survived multiple transitions of power, including the historic 2015 transfer from the People’s Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress. That moment was widely celebrated as evidence that democratic competition was alive. However, sustaining democracy requires more than periodic elections, it depends on credible institutions, a level playing field, and public confidence in the process. These are precisely the pillars the Ibadan Declaration argues are now under strain.

The fear of a creeping one-party state, as articulated in the communiqué, is not entirely unfounded. Comparative political studies across Africa and beyond show that dominant-party systems often emerge not through outright bans on opposition, but through gradual institutional capture, control of electoral bodies, strategic use of State resources, and legal frameworks that tilt the playing field. Nigeria itself experienced shades of this during the long dominance of the PDP between 1999 and 2015, when it was frequently described as the “largest party in Africa.” What changed that trajectory was not goodwill, but coordinated opposition strategy culminating in the merger that produced the APC.

The Ibadan Declaration’s call for opposition unity, particularly the proposal to field a single presidential candidate in 2027, draws directly from that precedent. The APC’s own formation in 2013 was a coalition of major opposition blocs, including the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), and factions of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP). That coalition succeeded not because it eliminated ideological differences, but because it recognized a structural imbalance that required consolidation. If today’s opposition parties are contemplating a similar path, they are responding to a proven political reality: fragmented opposition rarely defeats an incumbent with institutional advantage.

Equally significant is the communiqué’s focus on electoral integrity. Allegations of bias against the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, Prof. Joash Ojo Amupitan, strike at the heart of democratic legitimacy. Whether or not one agrees with the demand for his removal, the principle at stake is clear: public trust in the electoral umpire is non-negotiable. Nigeria’s recent electoral cycles have already faced scrutiny over logistics failures, delayed result transmissions, and legal disputes. In such an environment, even the perception of partisanship can be as damaging as actual bias, fueling voter apathy or, worse, post-election unrest.

The call to review the Electoral Act, 2026, also deserves serious attention. Electoral laws are not static; they evolve to address emerging challenges. If provisions within the current framework are widely perceived to undermine transparency or constitutional safeguards, then legislative review is not a concession to opposition pressure, it is a democratic necessity. Mature democracies routinely amend electoral laws to close loopholes and strengthen oversight mechanisms. Nigeria should be no exception.

Another critical dimension raised in the declaration is the issue of political space and civil liberties. The demand for the release of politicians detained on bailable offenses touches on a broader concern: the shrinking of democratic space through legal and administrative means. Across democracies, the line between lawful prosecution and political intimidation must be carefully guarded. When opposition figures face disproportionate legal pressure, it risks creating an uneven political field and eroding the principle of inclusivity that democracy depends on.

The communiqué also highlights concerns about timelines set by INEC for party primaries. Election administration requires deadlines, but those deadlines must balance order with fairness. If stakeholders perceive timelines as restrictive or strategically disadvantageous, it becomes essential for the electoral body to engage transparently and, where necessary, adjust. Flexibility in such matters is not weakness; it is responsiveness to the democratic ecosystem.

Perhaps the most compelling aspect of the Ibadan Declaration is its closing note, its appeal to Nigerians themselves. Democracy ultimately rests not in communiqués or institutions, but in the collective will of the people. Nigeria’s population, now exceeding 200 million, is young, politically aware, and increasingly vocal. Public engagement, voter turnout, and civic vigilance will determine whether the concerns raised in Ibadan translate into meaningful reform or fade into political noise.

Still, a reality check is necessary. Opposition unity, while powerful in theory, is notoriously difficult in practice. Personal ambitions, regional considerations, and ideological differences often derail coalition efforts. The Ibadan Declaration sets an ambitious goal; achieving it will require discipline, compromise, and a level of strategic maturity that Nigerian opposition politics has not always demonstrated.

In the final analysis, the Ibadan Declaration should not be read simply as an attack on the ruling party or an expression of political frustration. It is, more importantly, a warning signal, one that points to underlying tensions within Nigeria’s democratic framework. Ignoring such signals has historically led to instability in many nations. Engaging with them, however critically, offers a path toward strengthening democratic institutions.

The choices made in the lead-up to 2027, by the ruling party, the opposition, and the institutions in between, will shape not just our election, but the credibility of the democratic system itself. The Ibadan Declaration, in that sense, is less about politics and more about the future of governance in Africa’s most populous nation.

To:
His Excellency, The President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
The National Chairman, All Progressives Congress (APC)
The Executive Governor of Benue State
The Chairman, APC Benue State Chapter
All APC Leaders and Stakeholders in Benue State

Urgent Appeal for Justice, Equity, and Respect for the Rotational Agreement in Otukpo/Ohimini Federal Constituency

Your Excellencies, Distinguished Leaders, and Esteemed Party Stakeholders,

We, the people of Ohimini Local Government, Benue State, write this letter with a deep sense of urgency and concern over the looming political injustice that threatens to undermine the long-standing rotational agreement governing the Otukpo/Ohimini Federal Constituency. Since the return of democracy in 1999, this constituency has upheld an unwritten but sacred tradition of power rotation between Otukpo and Ohimini, a tradition rooted in fairness, equity, and mutual respect.

Historical Context: The Foundation of Rotational Politics
The Otukpo/Ohimini Federal Constituency has been a shining example of political maturity and democratic fairness in Nigeria. The rotational system was not imposed by any law but was born out of the collective wisdom of the people to ensure that no part of the constituency is marginalized. Below is a historical breakdown of how this agreement has been honoured:

1999–2003: The people overwhelmingly elected Late Hon. Ohepo Adah Ejiga (from Adoka, Otukpo LGA) as their representative in the House of Representatives. At this time, no candidate of Ohimini extension contested under any party, all candidates of all the parties that contested are from Otukpo division. Hon. Ohepo Adah Ejiga's tenure was marked by service and dedication, and the people respected the one-term norm.

2003–2007: In the spirit of fairness, stakeholders agreed that since Senator David Mark (from Otukpo) was in the Senate, the House of Representatives seat should shift to Ohimini. All parties that participated in the election featured candidates from Ohimini Local Government area in respect to the mutual agreement. Hon. Agbo Ogah (from Ochobo, Ohimini LGA) won under the United Nigeria Peoples Party (UNPP), defeating the PDP candidate who is also from Ohimini local government, a clear demonstration of the people’s commitment to rotational justice.

2007–2011: The people upheld the rotational principle by electing Hon. Nelson Alapa (Otukpo) of the ANPP, despite Hon. Agbo Ogah’s performance. This was not a rejection of competence but a reaffirmation of the people’s belief in rotational equity.

2011–2019: After extensive consultations, stakeholders agreed to extend the tenure to two terms (eight years) to ensure stability. Hon. Ezekiel Adaji (from Oglewu, Ohimini LGA) became the first beneficiary, serving two terms with the full support of both Otukpo and Ohimini.

2019–Present: Hon. Blessing Onu (Otukpo) was elected under the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and later joined the APC. She is currently serving her second term, which, by the rotational agreement, must end in 2027, after which the seat must return to Ohimini.

The Impending Injustice and Its Consequences
Recent developments suggest that the incumbent, Hon. Blessing Onu, may seek to extend her tenure beyond the agreed rotational framework, allegedly leveraging high-level political connections. If this happens, it will:

Violate the People’s Trust: The rotational agreement is an unwritten pact sealed in mutual and communal philosophy between Otukpo/Ohimini. Breaching it will amount to a betrayal of the people’s collective will.

Undermine APC’s Credibility Can Provoke Electoral Backlash:
The APC prides itself on fairness and internal democracy. Disregarding this agreement will erode the party’s support in one of Benue’s most politically conscious constituencies.
The people of Otukpo/Ohimini are politically aware and have a history of enforcing justice through the ballot. Any attempt to impose a candidate against the rotational principle will be met with massive resistance.

Our Firm Demands
In light of the above, we respectfully but firmly demand that the APC leadership at all levels:

Publicly Affirm the Rotational Agreement : The party must officially recognize and uphold the Otukpo/Ohimini rotational arrangement to prevent any form of imposition.

Ensure Only an Ohimini Candidate Flies the APC Flag in 2027
Any deviation from this will be seen as a direct attack on the political rights of Ohimini people. Other parties such as ADC, PDP, LP etc, in the spirit of this mutual agreement, have zoned the 2027, House of Representative mandate to Ohimini, why not the ruling party APC?

Reject Any Attempt to Extend Tenure Beyond the Agreed Term:
The incumbent has had her two terms, and the next representative must come from Ohimini.

Engage in Immediate Consultations with Stakeholders:
The party must convene a meeting with Otukpo/Ohimini leaders to reaffirm this agreement and prevent a crisis.

Final Warning
Let it be known that if the APC fields a non-Ohimini candidate in 2027, the party should forget winning the Otukpo/Ohimini Federal Constituency in that election and beyond. Our people have a history of resisting injustice, and we will not hesitate to use our votes to defend our political heritage.

We trust that you will act wisely to preserve the APC’s integrity, uphold democratic principles, and respect the will of the people.

Yours in the pursuit of justice and equity,

Concerned Citizens and Stakeholders of Ohimini Local Government
Benue State, Nigeria
April 14, 2026

An Open Letter to His Excellency, Rev. Fr. Hyacinth Iormem Alia.
Executive Governor of Benue State.

Your Excellency, let us speak plainly: Benue did not elect you so you could become a conduit for Abuja’s whims. You were sent to Government House by the same Otukpo/Ohimini people whose political destiny you are now being pressured to trade. The farmers in Ohimini, the traders in Otukpo main market, and the displaced families across Zone C did not queue under the sun for Vice President Kashim Shettima, Hon. James Faleke, or the First Lady of the Federation. They voted for you, Rev. Fr. Alia, because you promised to be different. The moment you abandon that promise, the covenant is broken.

Sir, the word on the street is loud: pressure is mounting for you to hand the Otukpo/Ohimini House of Representatives ticket to Lady Blessing Onyeche Onuh. If you succumb — if you sacrifice the will of the people to please Shettima, Faleke, or the First Lady — then understand what you are doing. You are telling Otukpo/Ohimini that their votes are worthless, that their aspirations can be auctioned in Abuja boardrooms. That decision will not be seen as loyalty to the party. It will be seen as a betrayal of Benue. And betrayal has a price.

Do not deceive yourself with the cheers of those who cannot deliver a single polling unit here. The real election is already happening in the anger of our youth, in the frustration of our women, and in the silence of our elders who are watching you. If you impose a candidate against the people’s will, you are putting your own second term on the ballot in 2027. Benue people are not political cattle. We revolt with our votes, and we have long memories. The same hunger that swept the last administration away will sweep you away if you prove to be its echo. Otukpo/Ohimini is not for sale, and your office is not insulated from consequence.

You wore a cassock to campaign and preached hope, truth, and justice. Now is the time to live it. Stand with Otukpo/Ohimini and let them choose their own representative in a free, fair process. Resist the pressure, no matter whose name is attached to it. If you stand with the people, the people will stand with you against any cabal. But if you trade our House of Reps ticket for political safety, be ready to meet the same people at the ballot box. The Mark of Hope you promised will become the mark of judgement if you fail. The choice is still yours, Your Excellency — but not for long.

Yours Faithfully,
Concerned Otukpo/Ohimini Constituents.

Atiku–Obi: The Only Ticket That Can Seriously Challenge Tinubu in 2027


Nigerian elections are not won by noise, online enthusiasm, or moral arguments alone. They are won through structure, reach, negotiation, timing, and a practical understanding of how power works in a complex federation.

Any serious discussion about 2027 must begin from this reality, not from sentiment. When the emotions are stripped away, a presidential ticket pairing Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi remains the most realistic opposition option capable of mounting a national challenge.

This is not an argument rooted in personality worship or nostalgia. It is grounded in political arithmetic. Elections in Nigeria are decided by spread, coalition-building, party machinery, and election-day coordination.

Popularity can attract attention, but structure delivers victory. An opposition that truly seeks power must prioritise what works over what merely inspires.


Atiku Abubakar brings decades of nationwide political experience. He has contested presidential elections, built alliances across regions, religions, and interests, and understands the internal mechanics of parties and power blocs.


Few opposition figures possess his reach within Nigeria’s political establishment or his familiarity with the country’s electoral terrain. Whether admired or criticised, Atiku understands how to negotiate interests, assemble coalitions, and sustain a truly national campaign.
Peter Obi represents a different but equally important strength.

He commands credibility among urban voters, young Nigerians, professionals, and citizens disillusioned with wasteful governance. His emphasis on prudence, accountability, and competence resonates with a generation seeking measurable results rather than rhetoric. Obi also enjoys strong goodwill internationally and among investors who want Nigeria to project seriousness and stability.


However, elections are not won on goodwill alone. Obi’s challenge has never been integrity or vision, but the absence of a deeply entrenched nationwide political machine capable of matching the ruling party’s reach. This is not a personal failing; it is simply political reality. Crowds, social media energy, and moral clarity do not automatically translate into dominance across 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory. Atiku’s strength lies precisely in this missing link—party structures, elite networks, and election logistics.


Alternative combinations often suggested, such as Obi–Kwankwaso or Kwankwaso–Obi, face structural limitations. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is a formidable political force, particularly within his region, but presidential elections require more than regional influence.

They demand national spread and the ability to build consensus across Nigeria’s diverse power centres. Pairing two strong personalities without a unifying national structure risks rivalry rather than synergy.

Winning tickets are built on complementary strengths, not overlapping ambitions.
The logic of an Atiku–Obi partnership lies in balance. One understands the system deeply; the other challenges it credibly. One commands legacy political networks; the other energises a new political class. One brings execution; the other brings trust. That combination offers the opposition its clearest path to blending moral legitimacy with electoral viability.


There is also a need for honesty about what it takes to win power in Nigeria. There is a clear difference between running for president and running to win.

Politics rewards those who understand compromise, alliance-building, timing, and sacrifice. Moral clarity is essential, but purity without power rarely delivers reform. Those serious about 2027 must stop confusing symbolic victories with actual electoral success.


That said, realism demands acknowledging the current balance of power. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu enters any 2027 contest with significant advantages. Incumbency, control of party machinery, entrenched alliances, and deep-rooted networks across Nigeria’s political and economic centres all work in his favour. Any opposition hoping to defeat such a force must come with unity, discipline, strategy, and a sober understanding of how power operates.


Elections are not poetry contests. They are strategic contests. They are won not only by those who speak well, but by those who organise effectively and negotiate intelligently. If the opposition is serious about presenting a credible national challenge in 2027, it must prioritise strategy over sentiment and structure over symbolism. In that context, an Atiku–Obi ticket remains the most realistic option for those who seek not just to participate in the election, but to win it.


Yusuff A. Yusuff is a media owner and strategist with expertise in climate-smart agriculture and sustainable housing solutions. He writes from Abuja.

Fox Capital Investment, a small real estate firm in Lagos State founded by Adewale Oshinaike, has refunded N1,495,000 to a United Kingdom-based customer who asked to be identified by Ajayi, her surname.

On July 29, FIJ reported how the company resorted to lies to cover up for its failure to uphold a land sale agreement with the Ajayi. When Ajayi requested a refund, the company said it was subject to its refund policy, a policy that was not explained to the customer at any point.

Ajayi received the partial refund of N1.49 million on September 15 without any communication from Fox Capital Investment about when the balance of N1,042,000 would be paid.

“Wale [the CEO] paid me part of the money last week Wednesday,” Ajayi told FIJ on Monday evening.

“I have not heard when the balance will be paid. As soon as I get the balance, I will notify you.”

The receipt of the partial refund.
The receipt of the partial refund.
A Deed of Assignment executed by both parties had Fox Capital Investment as “assignor” and Ajayi as “assignee”. But subsequent documents and communication exchanges from the firm to her bore CountryHill Luxury Homes.

Ajayi received the partial refund from CountryHill Luxury Homes. She told FIJ that she would send an email to the firm to know when the balance would be paid.

The firm claimed it owned a particular Wondaland Estate located on Ikasi Family Land, Omu Village, in the Epe area of the state, where some plots were available for sale.


Ajayi had paid N2,537,500 for a plot intended to be a gift on the occasion of her 40th birthday. Despite meeting up with the two-year payment plan agreed with the company, the company only allocated the land, marked Block A, Plot 16, to her on paper.

All her requests for physical allocation and possession yielded no fruit. This effectively marred her birthday plan.

FIJ contacted the company twice for comment on the previous story. It responded to the first email but when follow-up questions were asked, the company promised to respond. It never did.

TED2025: Africa’s Green Energy Moment
to Shape the Future of Business, Technology & Society in Abuja


Young Innovators of Nigeria (YIN), in partnership with the Rural Electrification Agency (REA) and the National Assembly Committee on Renewable Energy, announces the 3rd Edition of the Technology Ecosystem Dialogue (TED 2025), scheduled for September 26, 2025, at the NAF Conference Centre, Abuja.

Themed “Green Tech & Energy Revolution: Transforming Businesses and Societies in Nigeria”, TED 2025 will convene innovators, policymakers, investors, and thought leaders to accelerate Africa’s transition to a sustainable energy future.

Why It Matters
Africa’s renewable energy potential—solar, wind, and hydro—can power inclusive growth, create millions of jobs, and position the continent as a global climate leader. For Nigerian youth, the green economy is a gateway to innovation, startups, agritech, digital infrastructure, and energy access.

Speaking ahead of the summit, Abu Andrew, Founder of YIN, stated:
“TED 2025 is more than a conference; it’s a rallying call for young Africans to seize the green energy revolution as a generational opportunity. Green Tech is about jobs, resilient businesses, and securing Africa’s place in the sustainable digital economy.”



Event Highlights
Innovation Panels & Policy Dialogues on energy access, AI & blockchain in energy, and youth-driven green innovation.

National Innovation Hackathon 2025, co-hosted with REA & NASENI.

Submission Deadline: September 23, 2025

Final Showcase: September 26, 2025


TED3 Awards, honoring leaders in Youth Climate Innovation, Policy Leadership, and Women in Green Tech.

🔗 Register Now: yinigeria.com.ng/teds

📧 Feedback/Enquiries: teds@yinigeria.com.ng
📞 Hotlines: +234 816 443 0384 | +234 806 455 2331 | +234 703 679 6313

The Youth for Bola Tinubu Continuity (YBTC27) warmly congratulate HE Hajia Ummusalma Isiyaku Rabiu on her appointment as Executive Commissioner for Corporate Services at the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC), as approved by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Her appointment, the group said, reflects a new era of youth-inclusive governance and offers an opportunity to strengthen consumer rights, promote fair competition, and align corporate services with the aspirations of a new generation.

We see in Hajia Ummusalma Rabiu a symbol of continuity, inclusivity, and progress, Her leadership is an opportunity to embed youth voices, innovation, and accountability into national development.

The movement urged Hajia Rabiu to:

1. Establish Youth Advisory Councils to ensure authentic engagement across the six geopolitical zones.
2. Roll out a Digital Consumer Protection Policy to safeguard young Nigerians against online scams, data misuse, and predatory lending apps.
3. Launch a “Know Your Rights” mobile app to simplify complaints, educate consumers, and publish live FCCPC actions.
4. Create a Young Women in Consumer Rights Fellowship to mentor emerging female leaders in governance and fair business practices.
5. Partner with youth-led SMEs and startups, introducing an annual Youth Fair Business Award to celebrate integrity in enterprise.
6. The Youth for Bola Tinubu Continuity reaffirmed their readiness to collaborate with FCCPC through awareness campaigns, civic education, and mentorship platforms, ensuring that youth innovation directly strengthens consumer protection and fair competition in Nigeria.

“This is more than continuity—it is an opportunity to deliver,” Princess Ajibola emphasized. “We are confident that Hajia Rabiu’s tenure will mark a new chapter of visionary, youth-powered leadership at FCCPC.”


Signed:
Princess Mariyam Ajibola
National Spokesperson
The Youth for Bola Tinubu Continuity
Founder, MASLI Initiative

Empowering Rural Women in Northern Nigeria: A National Imperative

By Hon. Sadiya Umar Farouk, CON


Northern Nigeria, with its vast expanse of rural communities and over 120 million residents, is home to millions of women who face some of the most severe forms of economic hardship and social marginalization in the country. These women—daughters, mothers, farmers, and traders—represent untapped potential, but they are trapped by structural barriers that deny them access to education, healthcare, income, and voice in decision-making. The time to change this narrative is now.

The rural woman in Northern Nigeria is largely invisible in policy and practice. Nearly two-thirds of girls and young women between 15 and 24 have never completed primary school. In some states, less than one in three can read a basic sentence. The result is a cycle of dependency that starts in childhood and continues throughout their lives.

Teenage fertility is exceptionally high in this region, with girls having an average of 6.7 children. In states like Bauchi, only 20% of women give birth in healthcare facilities, and fewer than half receive basic antenatal care. Nationally, maternal mortality stands at 1,047 deaths per 100,000 live births—one of the highest in the world, and worse in the northern states.

According to recent data, over 75% of rural Nigerian women live in multidimensional poverty, lacking not just money but also education, health services, clean water, and social protection. The facts are undeniable—Northern women endure intersecting vulnerabilities that require urgent, sustained, and strategic intervention.

Livelihoods Undermined
Women form the backbone of Northern Nigeria’s agricultural labor force, contributing close to 70% of on-farm work. Yet they face significant constraints. On average, women farmers produce 24%–32% less than their male counterparts due to poor access to land, lack of inputs like fertilizer and modern tools, and exclusion from extension services.
Even in the livestock sector—which accounts for about 6% of Nigeria’s GDP—women are largely unsupported. Around 70% of rural women engaged in dairy and poultry production lack access to veterinary care or insurance, leaving their livelihoods vulnerable to disease and loss.
As inflation and insecurity surge, many women have resorted to street hawking or micro-trading to survive. Some even report paying criminal gangs as much as ₦100,000 per harvest just to avoid having their crops stolen or fields burned.

The economic exclusion of Northern women is compounded by social norms that restrict their autonomy. In many rural areas, women lack legal recourse against violence, with nearly 30% of women aged 15–49 having experienced physical violence. Cultural practices such as early marriage, polygyny, and male-dominated decision-making systems further disempower women and girls.
In Bauchi State, for instance, less than 20% of women participate in household financial decisions, and over half of married women report emotional or physical abuse. These conditions prevent women from fully contributing to the community and economy.

What Must Be Done:

A Strategic Response
Empowering the rural woman in Northern Nigeria requires a multi-pronged strategy that addresses her reality across five pillars:
1.
Health Access and Maternal Services
We must scale up the Midwives Service Scheme (MSS) across rural Northern LGAs to ensure that every woman has access to skilled birth attendants. In Bauchi, evidence shows that community-based home visits—especially when they include male partners—have significantly improved maternal and newborn health outcomes.

2.
Education and Digital Inclusion
Reviving traditional models like the Yan Taru learning circles—female-led networks of religious and literacy education—can foster community support for girls’ and women’s learning. These can be updated with digital literacy programs, creating a bridge between heritage and modern opportunity. Partnerships with NGOs like Tech Herfrica are already demonstrating how mobile phones, e-commerce tools, and digital training can raise women’s incomes by 50% or more.

3.
Economic Empowerment and Access to Finance
Rural women need land, training, and capital. Expanding micro-lending models like Project Rebirth, which provides soft loans to small-scale female entrepreneurs, can go a long way in jumpstarting rural business activity. Insurance schemes tailored to female livestock keepers can safeguard investments and improve production. In Jigawa State, TechnoServe’s Business Women Connect program trained 3,000 women, providing not only finance and skills, but also leadership opportunities—dramatically boosting both income and confidence.

4.
Strengthening Governance and Social Protection
We must ensure that women are not only beneficiaries but leaders. Mandating at least 30% female representation in Local Government Councils can give women a stronger voice in budgeting and policymaking. Local gender champions and crisis response committees—modeled after successful projects like WUEE—can help break down community resistance to change.
At the same time, social protection programs like GEEP and Conditional Cash Transfers (CCTs) should be refocused to directly target rural women with vocational training and safety nets that help lift them out of poverty.

5.
Monitoring and Policy Alignment
Tracking progress is key. We need to use indicators like female literacy rates, healthcare access, livestock productivity, and incidents of gender-based violence to measure whether we are making a difference. Aligning our efforts with the National Gender Policy and the Social Investment Programs will ensure sustainability.
Conclusion: It’s Time
Empowering rural women in Northern Nigeria is not a luxury—it is a necessity. These women are not asking for charity. They are asking for the tools to contribute meaningfully to their families, their communities, and their country. Education, healthcare, finance, and a voice in governance are not privileges—they are rights.
As someone who has served at the intersection of humanitarian affairs and social development, I call upon the federal, state, and local governments to act decisively. The private sector, development partners, traditional rulers, and civil society must all come together to change the story of the Northern rural woman.
Her strength is undeniable. Her voice is emerging. Let us give her the platform, the support, and the dignity she deserves. Nigeria’s progress depends on it.

Hon. Sadiya Umar Farouk, CON
Former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development

The ProjectPreneur Announces Third Edition of Career Connect – Empowering Young Professionals with the Unspoken Rules of Career Success

The ProjectPreneur is set to host the third edition of its transformative career mentorship series, Career Connect, on Saturday, 9th August 2025, at Apa Suites, Eko Hotel, Victoria Island, Lagos.

This edition, themed “The Hidden Curriculum: Unspoken Rules of Career Success”, will unpack the often-overlooked, yet critical, principles that shape professional growth and career advancement. The session will feature in-depth discussions, practical strategies, and mentorship from accomplished industry leaders, aimed at equipping participants with tools to navigate the realities of the workplace with confidence and clarity.

The event will be hosted by Oluwabusayo Adegoke, Convener of Career Connect and Founder of The ProjectPreneur, alongside Kehinde Aworo, Vice President, Organizational Development at Purelife Pharmacy, who will serve as Guest Mentor.

Speaking on the upcoming edition, Oluwabusayo Adegoke shared:
“Career Connect is not just another career talk session; it is a movement to bridge the gap between potential and opportunity. In this third edition, we want participants to walk away not just inspired, but equipped to apply the unspoken rules that accelerate success in any industry.”

Since its inception, Career Connect has impacted hundreds of young professionals, providing mentorship, networking opportunities, and direct access to job and internship pathways. Attendance remains free, but registration is compulsory via
https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfBlyOr33kVOHNZ91O2NXX9bOdGG9k5ddIN6WJajZtcUJ9nlw/viewform

The Projectpreneur gratefully acknowledges the generous support of Justfoods West Africa, Mc Coy Clothings, Sniper Ajix, Switch, and JCI Lagos Metropolitan, whose contributions continue to make this impactful platform possible.

Event Details:
📍 Venue: Apa Suites, Eko Hotel, Victoria Island, Lagos
📅 Date: Saturday, 9th August 2025
⏰ Time: 10:00 AM
💻 Registration: /CareerConnect25

About Career Connect with The ProjectPreneur
Career Connect is a free quarterly mentorship and networking platform committed to empowering young professionals with clarity, confidence, and community. Through curated sessions, expert mentorship, and actionable insights, it equips attendees with the knowledge and access needed to thrive in today’s competitive career landscape.

Media & Partnership Enquiries:
Email: oluwabusayo.adegoke@gmail.com
Phone: +2348179815759
Instagram: @theprojectpreneur

A Tribute to His Excellency, President Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR

By Honorable Sadiya Umar Farouq, CON
Former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development and
Former Commissioner, Nigerian Refugees and Migrants Commission

A Journey Rooted in Conviction and Nationhood

As I reflect on the life and legacy of His Excellency, President Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR, I do so with immense gratitude, humility, and a sense of patriotic pride. My first encounter with him was not in a political meeting room, but rather in the modest surroundings of our secondary school. He had come to visit his daughter, who happened to be my classmate in secondary school. Even at that time, he carried himself with a quiet dignity that left a lasting impression on me as a young girl.

Years later, as the country’s political climate evolved, so did my path. I became actively involved in The Buhari Organization (TBO), a grassroots platform dedicated to amplifying the values and leadership ethos of General Buhari. The TBO would later merge into the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), and eventually the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), the political party that carried his reformist vision into national prominence.

Through all these phases, President Buhari remained consistent—a symbol of integrity, discipline, and national commitment. In those early CPC days, he was not just a party leader; he was a mentor who believed in cultivating future leaders based on merit and patriotism. His presence was never overbearing, but always inspiring. He listened more than he spoke and acted only after deliberate reflection. In him, I found a moral compass, a teacher, and a steady hand in times of uncertainty in the trenches of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), a political movement born out of the yearning for a more transparent, just, and people-driven Nigeria. Back then, General Buhari—as we all knew him—was not just a political leader; he was a moral compass and a symbol of resistance against impunity.

President Buhari’s call to national service was never about self-interest. It was about a deep and abiding love for Nigeria. I saw firsthand how he embodied discipline, integrity, and frugality—values that became the foundation of the TBO, the CPC and later, the All Progressives Congress (APC). His presence in our meetings was never overbearing, but always decisive. He listened more than he spoke and acted only after deliberate consultation. In him, I found a mentor, a statesman, and a leader who never wavered in the face of adversity.

Leadership Through Principles

Serving under President Buhari was not just a political appointment—it was a national duty and a personal honor. As Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development, I was entrusted with the weighty responsibility of managing crises in some of Nigeria’s most vulnerable communities. That trust was born not from convenience but from decades of mutual respect and aligned vision. He believed in competence, not noise; in results, not rhetoric.

President Buhari’s vision for a Nigeria that prioritized the poor and the vulnerable was resolute. Under his administration, we launched the largest social protection intervention in sub-Saharan Africa. The National Social Investment Program (NSIP), which included N-Power, Conditional Cash Transfer, Government Enterprise and Empowerment Program (GEEP), and the National Home-Grown School Feeding Program, impacted millions of households. These policies did not just emerge from Abuja boardrooms; they were rooted in President Buhari’s lived experiences growing up in Daura—he understood poverty not as a theory, but as a lived reality.

He was never one to be moved by fanfare or self-glorification. His instructions were often simple but profound: “Make sure the people see the impact.” That clarity of purpose made it possible for us to prioritize transparency, accountability, and scale.

In Times of Crisis, A President of Resolve

President Buhari’s tenure was not without trials—from security challenges in the North-East, the COVID-19 pandemic, to economic shocks caused by global oil fluctuations. Yet, in all these, he remained a leader of calm resolve. I remember vividly during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, the late-night strategy sessions, the anxious data reviews, and the urgent mobilizations to reach the most affected communities.

His support for the establishment and independence of the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs was a testament to his foresight. He knew that Nigeria needed institutional preparedness and resilience in an age of compounding humanitarian crises. He never interfered for political expedience, and he gave me and my team the political backing to do what was right, even when it was not popular.

He carried Nigeria’s burdens with quiet dignity and an unwavering belief in the capacity of our people. Many will not know that even in his quietest moments, he asked detailed questions about displaced persons, orphans, widows, and returnees. He never stopped thinking about how the government could do better.

A Personal Reflection: Father, Mentor, Statesman

On a personal note, President Muhammadu Buhari was more than a political leader. To me, he was a father figure. His guidance throughout my career was rooted in genuine mentorship. He believed in the capacity of women and young people. At a time when cynicism and tokenism clouded opportunities for women in politics, he gave me a platform to serve and grow.

His trust was never transactional. He never required sycophancy or blind loyalty. What he demanded was competence, truthfulness, and a commitment to service. For that, I remain eternally grateful.

He taught many of us that power is transient, and that leadership is not about the title you bear but the legacy you leave. His austere lifestyle, even as president, was a lesson in humility. His detachment from materialism and obsession with legacy projects like the Second Niger Bridge, railways, and agriculture reforms remind us that governance should outlive the officeholder.

Legacy of a Patriot

President Buhari may no longer be in office, but his legacy is deeply etched in the soul of Nigeria. His contribution to the fight against corruption, infrastructure renewal, social protection, and electoral reforms cannot be wished away, no matter how history is interpreted. He was a steward, not a conqueror of Nigeria’s resources. He governed with restraint and uncommon integrity.

For me, Sadiya Umar Farouq, his former student in the political journey of service and sacrifice, I will continue to be guided by the ideals he stood for: justice, service, and patriotism. I will tell the next generation that I served under a president who led by example, who put the people before politics, and who walked away from power with the same simplicity with which he entered it.

To His Excellency, President Muhammadu Buhari, thank you—for your leadership, for your mentorship, for your sacrifice. May history be kind to you. And may generations unborn learn that once in the life of this nation, a Honorable man came and lived for Nigeria.

Allahu ya gafarta maka da Rahama, Ameen summa Ameen.

Signed:
Honorable Sadiya Umar Farouq, CON
Former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development
Former Honorable Commissioner, Nigerian Refugees and Migrants Commission

OT’ OLE BI Movement Launches Transformative Agenda to Empower Idoma Nation

Non-Partisan Initiative Focuses on Poverty Alleviation, Youth Empowerment, and Community Development

Benue State, Nigeria – The OT’ OLE BI MOVEMENT (“Building Stronger Families, Securing Our Future”) today announced its
comprehensive socio-political and development agenda to address systemic challenges and empower communities across the Idoma Nation. Founded on principles of unity, progress, and accountability, the movement seeks to transcend political divides by mobilizing farmers, youths, and families to drive sustainable development.

A Call to Action for Transformational Leadership

Led by Andrew Agbo Abu, a visionary advocate for Idoma progress, the movement unites citizens to tackle insecurity, poverty, healthcare gaps, educational inequity, and unemployment. “Our strength lies in our people—hardworking farmers, creative youths, and resilient families,” said Abu.
“Through collective action, we will bridge divides, advocate for justice, and build a thriving Idoma Nation where opportunity is accessible to all.”

Six-Point Agenda for Holistic Development

The OT’ OLE BI MOVEMENT unveiled its 6-Point Transformation Agenda (ALO J’OLE G’ICHO TOHA), a roadmap to uplift communities:

1. Empowering Families & Poverty Alleviation

• Establish a Family Economic Support Fund to provide grants and soft loans for small businesses.
• Launch direct social welfare programs, including conditional cash transfers and food security initiatives.
• Invest in community infrastructure: clean water, electrification, and road networks.

2. Agriculture & Rural Economy Revival

• Subsidize farm inputs (fertilizers, seeds) and modernize equipment access.
• Develop agro-processing hubs and farm-to-market roads to boost farmer incomes.

3. Education & Youth Empowerment

• Expand scholarships, school feeding programs, and vocational training in ICT, agribusiness, and entrepreneurship.
• Support creative industries to harness local talent in music, design, and digital content.

4. Primary Healthcare & Community Wellness

• Rehabilitate rural clinics and expand health insurance access for low-income families.
• Recruit and train medical personnel to address staffing shortages.

5. Sports & Creative Economy for Unity

• Revitalize grassroots sports programs and upgrade sporting facilities.
• Establish a Creative Talent Fund and annual cultural festivals to promote tourism and investment.

6. Good Governance & Accountability

• Host quarterly town halls and deploy a Citizen Feedback Platform to ensure transparent governance.

A Unified Vision for Prosperity
“Our mission is clear: to lift families from poverty, equip youths with skills, and ensure every child has a future,” Abu emphasized. The movement will leverage technology, sports, and creative industries to foster job creation, economic growth, and social cohesion.

Join the Movement

The OT’ OLE BI MOVEMENT calls on Idoma citizens, civil society organizations, and development partners to collaborate in driving lasting change. Together, we can amplify voices, promote unity, and secure a prosperous future for generations to come.

About OT’ OLE BI MOVEMENT

The OT’ OLE BI MOVEMENT is a non-partisan socio-political and development initiative dedicated to empowering the Idoma Nation through inclusive policies, community engagement, and transformational leadership. By uniting farmers, youths, and families, the movement strives to eradicate poverty, improve healthcare and education, and foster economic prosperity.

The 10th anniversary of Young Innovators of Nigeria (YIN) is a significant milestone for Nigeria's tech industry.

Hosted by Young Innovators of Nigeria (YIN) and the Network of Incubators and Innovators in Nigeria (NIINE) to celebrate the heroes,

The second Technology Ecosystem Dialogue Summit Series TEDS 2024 is set to drive critical conversations on leveraging digital technology to boost Nigeria's revenue management and energy security.

The Technology Ecosystem Dialogue aims to bring together key stakeholders from the tech industry, government, academia, finance and investment experts within the private and public sector to discuss and explore the pivotal role of digital technology in today's society. This event aligns with national priorities and global best practices, aiming to integrate innovative technological solutions into Nigeria’s revenue management framework, promoting sustainable economic development and fiscal governance and stability.

By fostering collaboration between public and private sectors, the TED Series seeks to drive digital transformation and strengthen Nigeria’s economic resilience


Features:
1. Summit Focus: TEDS 2024 will explore the integration of innovative technologies into Nigeria's revenue systems, addressing issues like digital transformation in revenue collection, combating oil theft, and improving cybersecurity.
2. Awards and Recognition: The event will honor outstanding contributions, including prizes for Hackathon winners, who will develop solutions for clean energy and climate change during the summit.
3. Networking Opportunities: Attendees will have the chance to connect with key stakeholders from the tech industry, government, and academia, fostering public-private partnerships crucial for economic resilience.
4. Launch of "Tech Republic”: The summit will unveil "Tech Republic," a comprehensive book documenting a decade of technological advancements in Nigeria, offering a roadmap for the future of tech in the country and Africa.
5. Hackathon: Young innovators of Nigeria beacons on all innovators across Nigeria to conceive, develop and present innovative products along clean energy and climate change solutions, with the Idea Submission Deadline being September 30th, 2024
6. Dinner: The YIN at 10 dinner will be a special celebration of a decade of innovation to honor key contributors to Nigeria’s tech ecosystem. Attendees will include top leaders from government, tech, and private sectors, offering exclusive networking opportunities. It's a chance to engage with industry pioneers in a relaxed setting.


Sub Themes
i) Digital Transformation in Revenue Collection ii) Data Analytics and Revenue Leakages iii) Leveraging Technology to Combat Oil Theft and Boost Government Revenue in Nigeria(Tokenization of Nigeria Natural Resources) iv) Oil and Gas Stakeholders engagement in Investment initiatives (Role of PIA as a catalyst for tax and fiscal policy) v) Unlocking Funding for Carbon Reduction Initiatives vi) Data Protection & Cybersecurity in Revenue Systems vii) E-Government Solutions for Revenue Efficiency viii) Public-Private Partnerships in Revenue Technology.


Important dates:
Idea Submission Deadline: September 30th, 2024
Notification to selected Teams 8th October, 2024
Hackathon Event: 16th October, 2024


Event Details:
- Venue: PTDF Towers and Conference, #1 Memoria Drive, Central Business District, Abuja.
- Date: October 16-17, 2024
The summit promises to be a landmark event, pushing the boundaries of Nigeria’s digital landscape and setting the stage for future innovations.

Call to Action:
Join the dialogue, be part of the hackathon, and contribute to shaping Nigeria’s tech-driven future. Register now and become a catalyst for change in the nation’s economic and technological landscape.
The Best three products from the hackathon will be showcased at the TEDS. Industry partners are allowed to choose any product within or outside the best three for funding or sponsorship/co-ownership. Click here to apply https://yinigeria.com.ng/hackathon/
TEDS 2024 represents a crucial step towards integrating technological innovation into Nigeria's economic framework, driving digital transformation, and strengthening the nation’s economic resilience.
For more information, visit (https://yinigeria.com.ng/teds ).
#YIN@10
#TEDS2024
#TEDSERIES

SALIHU LUKMAN's COMBATIVE POLITICS BY MUSA ILALLAH

A former National Vice Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, Salihu Lukman's allegation that the APC and the duo of former President Muhammadu Buhari and incumbent President Bola Tinubu ruined the country, is not only uncharitable but also an insincere and malicious assessment of the successes recorded in the country since 2015.

It is very sad that Lukman, in a statement recently in Abuja, further said: The hard truth is that both former President Buhari and President Tinubu have turned out to be self-centred and unable to produce the needed leadership to pull the country out of its current challenges".

Going by the antecedents of Lukman as a students union leader and a trade unionist in 2011 and 2015 when he listed an ambition to represent Kaduna State in the red chamber and woefully lost the Kaduna APC governorship primaries to Nasir el Rufai respectively, he has remained as stubborn as he was in the days of his excessive exuberance by seeing nothing good in others.

Indeed, Lukman's leadership and political style has been combative and confrontational. His negative activism knows no bounds in his attempts to empower and make himself the centre of attention.

As Director General of Nigeria Governors Forum, NGF, Lukman had a series of battles with Adams Oshiomole the then National Chairman of APC. Lukman accused the former NLC president of turning other members of the NWC into mere observers.

Yobe Governor Mai Mala Buni's tenure as acting National Chairman also didn't escape Lukman's sledgehammer.

His sojourn at the Nigeria Governors Forum as its Director General where he fought the governors as a one-man riot squad and also fought the former National Chairman of the party, Senator Abdullahi Adamu and former National Secretary, Senator Iyiola Omisore, to a standstill. He accused them of managing the party's finances without the knowledge of other NWC members.

Lukman also expressed strong reservations about the emergence of the immediate past governor of Kano state, Dr. Abdulahi Ganduje, as the successor to Abdullahi Adamu.

Going by some of the attributes of Lukman as stated above one can confidently say that it is not surprising that he has now gone further to cast aspersions on the former and current Presidents of the country along with the APC that brought him to the limelight.

Lukman has been a thorn in the flesh of every APC member until his shameless exit last year.

Undoubtedly, facts and figures show that since President Buhari came on board in 2015 up to May last year, the country has recorded giant strides in his 3 thematic areas of improving the economy, improving the nation's security and also taming corruption.

For former President Buhari and most Nigerians, despite what naysayers like Lukman say, PMB has given his best to the country and we all feel contented and comforted about his selfless and patriotic stewardship of the country for 8 solid years.

Without mincing words, i strongly believe that PMB's 8 years of leadership of the country was a rare display of commitment to integrity, discipline, and patriotism.

Former President Muhammadu Buhari has paid his dues to Nigeria.

The countless legacies left behind by former President Buhari in infrastructural development, economy, security and taming corruption are unprecedented. Saliu Lukman must have been blinded by his negativity to have seen former president Muhammadu Buhari's giant strides.



I would like to end by saying that given Lukman's antecedents, it is clear that he is an extremist and a non-conformist who cannot work with anyone.

The reason for this is not far-fetched. He suffers from what they call the "supremo syndrome," that aura of invincibility.

His political witch-hunt of everyone he encounters on his political journey is a product of intoxication with hate politics and this aura of invincibility.

He goes to egregious lengths to discredit and destroy just about everything and everyone he comes into contact with, not for anything but to display their supremacist impulses.

The advice I have for him is that he might have a sword in his hands but the lesson he fails to take home from each of the frequent fights he engaged in -and lost- is that in all democracies characterized by periodic elections around the globe, the voter is the ultimate king. Buhari won in 2015 and got reelected in 2019 because the voter, not the political buccaneers decided those outcomes.

In addition to this, President Buhari had the honour and distinction of handing over to a fellow APC winner, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the end of his two terms



Lukman and his co- travellers must show respect to deserving leaders and withdraw from their aura of invincibility, arrogance and undignified campaign if they want people to take them seriously.

Call For Applications: Young Innovators Of Nigeria National Innovation Hackathon

Brief: 
Young innovators of Nigeria beacons on all innovators across Nigeria to conceive, develop and present innovative products along clean energy and climate change solutions.
Individuals with innovative ideas should build an MVP prototype of the idea ready for presentation and will be required to fill a Pitch Deck Form where you put the image of the product.

The Best three products will be showcased at the TEDS. Industry partners are allowed to choose any product within or outside the best three for funding or sponsorship/co-ownership.

Deadline:
Idea Submission Deadline: September 30th, 2024
Notification to selected Teams 8th October, 2024
 Hackathon Event: 16th October, 2024
Venue: Cosmopolitan University Abuja (#432 Yakubu James Pam, Ali Muhammad Zarah St, opposite National Hospital, Central Business District, FCT Abuja) 


Click here to apply https://yinigeria.com.ng/hackathon/

Abati’s slip of the on fuel subsidy

Dr. Reuben Abati’s recent commentary on the saga of renewed fuel queues that were largely absent in most of President Buhari’s two-term tenure, and Buhari’s refusal to remove fuel subsidy towards the end of his tenure, contained a major slip of the pen.


The main deficiency in the article, which somehow dimmed its value, was his failed attempt to suggest that a fuel subsidy booby trap was planted by the Buhari administration against his successor in office, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.


In Abati's imagination President Buhari’s refusal to remove the subsidy in line with assumed or real pressure from external sources and despite the provision of Section 205 (1) of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), is akin to leaving “a booby trap for Bola Ahmed Tinubu.”


This booby trap theory is absolutely unfounded because there is no iota of evidence to support it. It is totally speculative. A conjecture, the worst type based on unworthy hearsay. Or it is just a slip of Dr. Reuben Abati’s pen, which recurs regularly in his analysis of major national events.


Dr. Reuben Abati and many Nigerians can recall that Buhari’s spokesperson, Malam Garba Shehu, in a June 2023 statement saying that removing the fuel subsidy close to the general election could have been detrimental to the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC).


“The Buhari administration in its last days could not have gone the whole way because the APC had an election to win. And that would have been the case with any other political party that was seeking election for another term.”


Malam Garba added, “Poll after polls showed that the party would have been thrown out of office if the decision as envisaged by the new Petroleum Industry Act was made.”

But even a greater reason for the refusal of the Buhari administration to end the subsidy on fuel was to save Nigerians from the harsh outcome it could have on their well-being and the destructive effects it could have on the economy.

The Minister for finance in the Buhari administration, Zainab Ahmed Shamsuna and other administration spokespersons said before fuel subsidy is removed, the government must have provisions to cushion its potential disruptive effects on the population.


Indeed, the Minister listed certain policy measures that would be in place before the Buhari administration contemplates subsidy removal: Availability of autogas (LPG) as option or an alternative to petrol as fuel for vehicles; provision of effective and reliable transit systems to reduce use personal vehicles by as many Nigerians as possible


Other measures according to her were the introduction of monthly transport grant for poor citizens; enhanced domestic petroleum refining toward which the Buhari administration awarded contracts for the rejuvenation of the refineries in Kaduna, Port Harcourt and Warri and, economic diversification through agriculture, manufacturing and other viable economic activities.


Going by the authoritative explanations from Malam Garba Shehu and past Minister for finance Zainab Ahmed, it was obvious that President Buhari’s decision not to remove the subsidy was, in a way, a strategic move to help Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the APC presidential candidate to win the election. So this fact alone has logically debunked Dr. Abati's booby trap speculation.


Dr. Reuben Abati has by hinself given more reasons which did not support his slip of the pen supposition on a booby trap in his article.

“The Buhari administration played smart by stating that the removal of fuel subsidy could result in social upheaval, and that the timing would be problematic,” he penned.


And in an instance of his often combative and less than circumspect style, Dr. Reuben Abati wrote, “on May 29, 2023, at his inauguration as President of Nigeria, Tinubu allowed his emotions to get the better part of him when he suddenly announced in his inaugural speech that fuel subsidy is gone.”. Past Buhari had no hand in this.


In another cancelation of his own booby trap slip of the pen, the former presidential spokesperson wrote in his opinion article that, “There may have also been persons around President Tinubu who told him to take a step that would please the IMF and the World Bank, both of which had always argued that Nigeria could not sustain its subsidy regime.”


The former editor of the Guardian newspaper regarded the President’s decision to announce the removal of fuel subsidy as “an impulsive policy making decision to please the Western crowd.”


He further destroyed his booby trap slip of the pen and false allegation against past President Muhammadu Buhari by linking President Tinubu’s decision on removing the fuel subsidy to “Tinubu’s populism, over-excitement and lack of caution.”


Dr. Reuben Abati once again exonerated past President Buhari from his unsubstantiated booby trap slip of the pen by saying this in his article, “Tinubu created a perfect storm by removing fuel subsidy and also abolishing the dual foreign exchange rate at the same time. It is simple common sense. Both moves were populist but the timing and the combination were wrong. “


S it is obvious that past President Buhari did not plant a fuel subsidy booby trap for President Tinubu, Dr. Reuben Abati should apologise to Nigerians for the big slip of his pen.


By Salisu Na'inna Dambatta
Maitama Abuja
rabotati002@gmail.com

After weeks of anticipation, the pictures of the new presidential jet as presented in the media when President Tinubu was leaving Abuja for his visit to France on Monday, the 19th of August was a disappointing climax. It shows that some people somewhere are either not doing enough thinking about the image they are presenting of the country and its current government. or are detached from the citizens as some people claim.

Years back when I worked around one of the big airports in the United Kingdom that normally hosted aircrafts from our presidential fleet, it was always a thing of pride for Nigerians around the airport when we spotted aircrafts from our presidential fleet, with the bold seal of The President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, or Nigeria Air Force and the distinctive green-white-green stripe. they served as a rallying call of pride and national unity.

Therefore, being the biggest aircraft so far to be used as NGR001, you can understand why I was looking forward to the projection of our national colours on the new acquisition.




However, the decision to leave the blue, brown and gold stripe on the recently purchased Airbus A330 with registration 5N-FGA, instead of the traditional green and white stripes associated with Nigeria, and the small writings and equally small size of the seal of the president on the aircraft is a missed opportunity to reaffirm the country’s identity on the global stage. Making the aircraft look inconsequential like many of the wet leased aircraft that dot airports around the world, instead of projecting the might of Nigeria, is a faux pas as unthinkable and possibly on the same level as making a pink coloured Cadillac the presidential limousine.

The Importance of National Branding in Presidential Aircraft

Branding is more than just colours or logos; it’s about the story you tell and the identity you convey. For nations, especially those with a rich heritage and vibrant culture, the branding of assets such as presidential aircraft plays a crucial role in expressing national identity and pride. One of the most iconic examples of effective national branding is the United States’ Air Force One. The blue, white, and gold design of Air Force One is instantly recognisable worldwide, symbolising American power, pride, and tradition. This iconic livery, designed during the Kennedy administration, isn’t just about aesthetics; it reinforces the image of the United States as a strong, unified nation.


Similarly, other countries have used their presidential aircraft as a means of projecting their national identity. Japan’s Air Force One, with its red and white colors reflecting the country’s flag, and France’s blue, white, and red design, showcase how national symbols and colours play a critical role in aircraft branding. These designs are not arbitrary— they are deliberate choices that remind the world of the country the aircraft represents.

For Nigeria, the green and white colours are more than just hues, they are symbolic of the nation’s agricultural wealth and desire for peace. The green represents the country’s rich natural resources, while white symbolises peace and unity. These colours are widely recognised and resonate with both citizens and the international community as a representation of the Nigerian identity.

Presidential aircraft, such as Nigeria’s, serve as flying embassies. They carry the nation’s image wherever they go, whether it’s to international summits, state visits, or global events. A plane bearing Nigeria’s green and white colours reinforces this identity, acting as a subtle yet powerful assertion of the country’s presence.

The blue, brown, and gold stripe currently adorning the Airbus A330, while elegant, doesn’t resonate with Nigeria’s national symbolism. It appears generic and lacks the visual connection to the nation’s colours and values. For an asset as significant as a presidential aircraft, this is a missed chance to proudly display Nigeria’s identity.


Countries that invest in the branding of their presidential fleets understand that these aircrafts are more than just tools of transportation. They are symbols of national pride and identity. By leaving the blue and gold stripe, Nigeria misses out on an opportunity to leverage this aircraft as a branding tool that celebrates its culture, history, and aspirations.

When considering the role of a national fleet in shaping international perception, it’s important to note how other countries integrate their cultural and national symbols into their branding:

1. United States (Air Force One): The distinct blue, white, and gold design of Air Force One is a deliberate statement of American strength, dignity, and history. The design is so effective that it is immediately recognised globally.
2. France: The French presidential aircraft features the blue, white, and red of the national flag, reinforcing France’s identity and history every time it lands in a foreign country.
3. India: The Indian presidential aircraft, with its saffron, white, and green colours, stays true to the national flag, reinforcing the country’s values of courage, peace, and faith.

In each of these examples, the aircraft is a canvas that proudly displays national values and identity. It’s not just a matter of visual appeal but of strategic branding that aligns with the nation’s image.

The current branding of the Airbus A330 (5N-FGA) misses the mark in aligning with Nigeria’s visual identity. A redesign incorporating the green and white stripes would not only correct this but also elevate the aircraft’s symbolic value. By doing so, Nigeria can take pride in projecting its values and aspirations wherever this aircraft flies.

In a world where national symbols are more important than ever, it is imperative that the branding of assets like presidential aircraft aligns with the values and identity of the country they represent. For Nigeria, ensuring the green and white colours are prominently displayed on this aircraft would be a step in the right direction, turning it into a powerful symbol of national pride, unity, and strength for a lot of Nigerians whose only association with the aircraft will be our national colours and the seal of the presidency displayed on it for us to see.

Adebayo is a strategic communications consultant. He writes from Abuja and can be reached via xseye1@gmail.com

OBLA: GRANDSTANDING OF A FUGITIVE IN PURPORTED FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION.


_
*“A lot of ppl are circulating the fantastical nonsense from Okoi @ObonoObla. As a fact, I don't & can't hold brief for @MBuhari or anything in his regime but we need to be careful abt confering credulity upon the claims of a manifest fantasist or fabulist.”



Renowned human rights lawyer, Professor Chidi Odinkalu on “X” expressing concern over what he called “delusional nonsense_* .”







We are witnessing a season in which some shameless public officials who were in the previous government and enthusiastically took part in its decisions and actions who now are turning round to disown and castigate their past. One of them is Mr. Okoi Obono-Obla.



Prio to his appointment, Obla was a lawyer in the office of A.A Malami, SAN where he practiced law as the Head of Chamber. He was also a member of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC).

After the success of the APC in the 2015 presidential election and the subsequent appointment of Malami as the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, the minister nominated Obla for appointment as a Special Adviser to serve in the office of the Attorney General on matters of prosecution, given his background as a lawyer.

He continued in that role until his appointment by the then Acting President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo SAN in August, 2017, as the chairman of the Presidential Investigation Panel for the Recovery of federal government property. He was at a point rejected by the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as a board member of the National Communications Commission.

For clarity, this Panel was constituted on the authority of the recovery of Public Property Act of 1984 and intended to enhance the anti-corruption initiatives of the administration.

The Acting President who appointed Obla made clear what the panel was meant to address in line with its enabling law.

However, as will be seen later in this write-up, Obla’s hunger for power and intoxication with it soon surfaced as he began to carry out activities using the instrumentality of the panel that are ultra vires the mandate he was entrusted with. He began to see himself beyond the adhoc nature of the powers of the panel and usurping the mandate of substantive government agencies with adequate processes, protocol and man-power to conduct investigation and properly carry out prosecution. He single-handedly designed the structure of the panel and culled personnel from the police, creating offices such as director of operations similar to what obtained in the EFCC, and even to the extent of having a cell to confine arrested individuals. He created and attached himself and office directly to the presidency as evident on a letter headed paper he had printed for his new office without any administrative approval.

It was these and other procedural excesses of his that caught the attention of the office of the vice president, his appointor to write series of letters drawing his attention and cautioning his activities. It is noteworthy that Obla disregarded these letters and refused to heed the calls contained in them.

It was clear to the office of the vice president that Obla at this juncture did not only derail from the mandate for which the panel was set-up but also constituted himself as unruly and insubordinate of the appointing authority.

Several correspondences from the Deputy Chief of Staff, DCOS drawing Obla’s attention to the mandate of this panel and how far from it he had derailed were not addressed or were just disregarded. Obla continued to carry out his duties in violation of his statutory mandate and in disregard to several warnings.

Premium Times had reported these matters in detail as follow:

‘However, just two months into its establishment, the panel was deemed to have derailed and hence, was cautioned.

On October 20, 2017, Ade Ipaye, the Deputy Chief of Staff to the President, wrote the Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, directing him to “please inform Chief Okoi Obono-Obla, in strict compliance with Section (1) 1 of the recovery of Public Properties Act, he should refrain from carrying out any activities as Chairman of the Special Presidential Investigation Panel on Recovery of Public Property (SPIP), until his Excellency, the Vice President so instructs.’

“As envisaged by this section, it is for the President to specify the purpose or mandate of the panel. It, therefore, came as a surprise that Chief Okoi Obono-Obla had issued notices to several judges to declare their assets without receiving any specific mandate in that regard,” the letter further reads.

Apparently, due to a disregard of the first letter, the Vice President wrote to the AGF again as a reminder on November 17, 2017. The reminder came with specifics.

The VP asked the panel to remove ‘Presidency’ from its letterhead and remain ‘Special Investigation Panel on Recovery of Public Property,’ as provided by its enabling statute and not ‘Special Presidential Investigation Panel on Recovery of Public Property.’

The letter also directed the SPIP boss to refer all cases of asset recovery to the AGF after investigation, adhere to the approved budget and due process in its dealings and warned that the panel ‘cannot arrest and detain suspects, but must refer them to relevant law enforcement agencies when necessary.’

In addition to these, the presidency expects the panel to regularly give updates of its activities and recoveries.

Obla replied the first in a letter addressed to the vice president on November 10, 2017, wherein he stated that none of his actions was intended to disrespect the vice president’s authority:

“I also understand and align with your directives that the panel can only act on a written mandate received from the Presidency, and will seek authorisation from the presidency to undertake fresh mandates in accordance with extant laws of the federation,” the letter reads.

“But despite his reply,” the newspaper continued, “PREMIUM TIMES’ sources say the SPIP boss continues to run the panel without recourse to the presidency. This development forced the AGF to again write the vice president. The letter dated March 16, 2018, noted that Mr Obono-Obla was still operating in contravention of the vice president’s orders. “The AGF said his office had received at least five petitions against him. Issues raised in the petitions were part of the activities the panel carried out without taking directives from the Presidency, even after warnings.

“The Vice President’s office responded by directing the AGF to request Mr Obono-Obla to respond to the issues raised in the petition, explain why he disobeyed the vice president’s order and submit a detailed report of activities of the panel since inception.” (read Kemi Busari March 18, 2019 on Premium Times).



It is important to state here that some of these petitions received against Obla said he did not only stop at his procedural contraventions, but also talking about his use of the panel as a channel of settling scores and vendetta. It was complained that in several instances while carrying his illegal raids of residences, he looted valuables and carted them away without records. Such incidence was reported by General Martin Agwai among other victims. This was so disturbing that even while he was suspended and the matters were being transferred to relevant federal government agencies to look into and address in accordance with their respective mandates, no records of most of these items were found.

It was as a result of these dirty deals that he was finally suspended and the ICPC asked to investigate these petitions and address them accordingly on the 25th of January 2019 via a letter from the Deputy Chief of Staff. The letter partly reads:

“Despite the foregoing, the office of the Vice President has been inundated with complaints from various sources, including members of the panel, regarding allegations of unauthorised and illegal activities of the Special Investigation Panel on Recovery of Public Property,”

“In consideration of the forgoing, I am directed by His Excellency, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, SAN, Vice President, Federal Republic of Nigeria, to instruct you to immediately cease all activities, pending an ongoing review of the SIP mandate and further directives of His Excellency.”

Premium Times also reported his disregard once again to this instruction and suspension and that “he has continued to investigate unmandated cases,” a source who does not want to be named told this newspaper. “He has continued to give instructions as if nothing happened, as if there was no directive. Recently, he sent some operatives outside Abuja to seize some properties.”

Apart from ignoring the vice president’s directives, Mr Obono-Obla has continued to work without recourse to superior authorities, another source said.

“For instance, if there is a case of litigation, the panel is supposed to seek guidance from the AGF but he doesn’t do that before acting,”

He continued to disregard all warnings and suspension until the panel was eventually dissolved by the president.



Matters however came to a head when the other four members of the 5-man Panel wrote a petition against Obla, asking for urgent action to curtail the "several identified unlawful conducts of the Chairman of the Panel.”



According to the Panel members, while two cases involving NEXIM Bank and CBN, Finance Ministry, Nigeran Ports Authority were referred to the Panel, the Chairman single-handedly took on over 50 cases outside the mandate of the panel.



They also stated that "contrary to the fact that the Panel is an investigative panel by its enabling law, which lacks prosecutorial powers, Mr. Obla had unlawfully engaged lawyers to file charges against suspects without recourse to the Attorney-General's office."



They alleged that “the man had been busy extorting money from suspects and engaged in excessive behaviour towards individuals, government agencies, private companies and even foreign missions in Nigeria.”



In fact the matter of the madate of the Panel became an issue of judicial interpretation at the Appeal Court in the case of TIJJANI MUSA TUMSAH V. FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA. In that case, the Appeal Court held that the Panel headed by Obla lacks prosecutorial powers and cannot seize properties belonging to anyone or obtain forfeiture orders against any public official. The Court also held that the duty of the Panel upon conclusion of an investigation is to submit its report to the President and that the Panel, as against the conduct of the Chairman, cannot act outside its enabling Statute, the Recovery of Public Property Special Provisions Act.



Actually, once when confronted with some of his alleged misconduct and other allegations, Obono-Obla pleaded and was made to sign an undertaking to mend his ways, but no sooner had he signed did he abandon the undertaking and continued violating the law and regulations in place in the conduct of the work of the panel.

In the light of the above facts, there are certain questions that need answers from Obla in order to prove the corrupt allegations he alleges vide an interview he granted Channels TV need to be analyzed with critical mind:


1. Gold bars? What is the value, who assessed the value? Who took over custody from him? Where is the existence of correspondence relating to them? Are the declared bars in his custody? Or in whose custody?

2. ⁠”Patrick Aziza’s” Billion Dollars. Where is the evidence of tracing? Which account and what efforts has he made in recovering them in line with his mandate? Is there evidence that he was stopped? By who? Where is the evidence of correspondence?

3. ⁠Stamp duty trillions? Where are the details of the funds? Where is the money lodged? Who stole the money and why is he shielding the beneficiaries?

4. ⁠The armoured vehicles over which an interim order of attachment was purportedly obtained by him. Why didn’t he pursue the case to conclusion? Who stopped him from proceeding to obtain final orders of forfeiture?

To say that he has no single record of recovery to his credit throughout his tenure in office but has multiple records of compromises including allegations of certificate forgery and disappearance of funds recovered through illegitimate invasion of the privacy of individual premises is indeed an understatement.

Huge amount of money taken from general Martin Luther Agwai ‘s house on his instructions were never accounted for and no charges were brought against the General by Obla.

The Buhari Government had a track record of giving Ministries, department and agencies of government free hand to operate in fighting corruption. Those that were serious minded had succeeded in making massive recoveries of looted assets and prosecuting those involved.

Those that were grandstanding ended up making noises with nothing tangible on the ground to show.

The EFCC and the ICPC pursued genuine causes and recovered trillions and secured unprecedented high profile convictions. The administration was internationally acknowledged to have done effectively well by institutions of repute inclusive of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Corruption, UNODC. Buhari was acknowledged as the Champion of Anti-Corruption by the African Union.

The office of the Attorney General recovered more than two billion dollars ($2bn).

Obla has no ONE DOLLAR ($1) recovered to his credit. The purported cases handled by him inclusive of 80 armored vehicles, USD 89 billion Aziza’s recovery, gold bars were all inherently compromised along the line by his undoing. Interim orders pursued through judicial processes were not pursued to final forfeitures having been abandoned along the lines by SPIP for reasons best known to him. Whistleblowers cases lodged with the panel were not professionally pursued to conclusion.

The panel lost its track and allowed itself to be used as a political instrument for settling scores at the whims of politicians.

Cases abound in that respect inclusive of the political roles he played in Imo and Rivers at the instance of political gladiators.

He is an empty vessel making the most noise when it comes to the fight against corruption.

Well meaning people should ignore him.



SIGNED:

Oluseye Adebayo,

General Manager,

Buhari Media Organisation, BMO,
Utako, Abuja.
buharimediaorg@gmail.com

BREAKING: OAU Lion Kills Staff

Continue reading at https://ybtcnews.ng/breaking-oau-lion-kills-staff/ | YBTC NEWS

PHOTOS: Former Imo state governor and Deputy Speaker of the House of representatives attends Dr. Paul Ibe's Mother's burial


Rt Hon. Emeka Ihedioha (middle) flanked to the left by Nze Paul Ibe, the Media Adviser to H.E Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President of Nigeria (1999-2007) and his wife, Mrs Dorothy Awashima Ibe to the left.

By Aileru Olamilekan Mukail

In Nigeria, drug abuse stands as a formidable public health and societal challenge, casting a long shadow over the development of the nation’s youth. Recent estimates from the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) suggest that over 14 million Nigerians engage in drug use, with more than 3 million wrestling with drug use disorders. Thus, this issue demands our utmost attention.

A closer examination reveals the consequences that drug abuse weaves into the lives of young people, reaching far beyond the individual. These implications span various aspects of their lives, including physical and mental health, educational achievements, and prospects for the future.

For many young people, drug abuse becomes an insurmountable barrier to academic success. The demands of drugs often interfere with their ability to concentrate and learn effectively, leading to absenteeism and, tragically, dropout rates that hinder their educational journey.

Additionally, the link between drug use and criminal activities is concerning. Young drug users are often compelled to commit crimes, either to sustain their addiction or secure the means to purchase drugs. This not only jeopardises their own lives but also contributes to an environment of increased crime and violence, affecting the broader community.

Moreover, drug abuse exposes young individuals to severe health risks, including mental illnesses, HIV/AIDS, and the spread of infectious diseases. It evolves into a pressing public health crisis that demands attention.

Social isolation and fractured relationships are yet another consequence of drug addiction among the youth. The pursuit of drugs frequently leads to a withdrawal from social activities and personal relationships. Loneliness and isolation become companions, further entrenching the cycle of drug abuse and damaging relationships with family and friends.

Furthermore, drug abuse can severely limit opportunities for education and employment among young people. Completing their education or finding stable employment becomes a daunting task, depriving them of avenues for personal growth and undermining the nation’s development.

In essence, drug abuse stands as a significant impediment to Nigeria’s progress. The youth, who represent the nation’s future, find their development thwarted by this. Their prosperity is intrinsically linked to economic growth and social advancement, and drug abuse threatens to truncate their potential.

At this critical time and considering the rate at which drug use is increasing among youths in Nigeria, the Ministry of Youth Development should assume a pivotal role in the battle against drug abuse in the country. They can achieve this through various means.

The ministry can initiate educational programs within schools, foster youth clubs, and lead community-based initiatives to educate young people about the perils of drug abuse and advocate for a drug-free lifestyle.

Furthermore, proactive programs aimed at preventing the initiation of drug use among young people should be championed. These initiatives can cultivate positive life skills, such as decision-making and problem-solving abilities.

Supporting the establishment and execution of comprehensive treatment and rehabilitation programs for young individuals ensnared by drug addiction is imperative. These programs should encompass counselling, medical care, and vocational training to facilitate recovery.

In practical terms, the Ministry of Youth Development can engage in partnerships with educational institutions to devise and implement drug prevention programs. These programs should empower students with knowledge about the hazards of drug abuse and equip them with strategies to resist peer pressure.

Furthermore, collaboration with youth organisations can provide spaces for positive activities and life skills development. Initiatives such as sports teams, arts and crafts clubs, and leadership programs can offer healthy alternatives to drug abuse.

The ministry can act as a strong advocate for policies that foster youth development and drug prevention. It can lobby for measures that enhance education, employment prospects, and healthcare access.

By embracing these proactive measures, the ministry will be leading the battle against drug abuse. It has the potential to ensure that young people are equipped with the opportunities they need to realise their full potential, thus securing the nation’s brighter future.

The newly appointed Minister for Youth Development, Dr. Jemila Bio is by qualification a medical doctor and also an SDG advocate. Having held the capacity of being the Senior Special Assistant to the Governor of Kwara State on SDG, I’m confident that her qualification and experience will really be impactful in the ministry’s fight against the epidemic of drug abuse amongst the young population in Nigeria.

Aileru Olamilekan Mukail is a United States Trained Narcotic Officer. He can be reached via mukaileru@gmail.com

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#BreakingNow : Ministerial Nominee Slums

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