₦airaland Forum

drizzygee:
You are saying rubbish u don't know yoruba Christian's are slightly more than the Muslims
It can be 50;50 talk with facts

False.

TimeMachine2:
Now, can you call me a prophet? He he he he h

This is February.

Why was he hooded?

He most likely went to steal the rods. As for the security operatives, shame on them for killing him.

Flangelo12:
Trump, Vance married foreign women.

Usha Vance is not a foreign woman. She's an American.

nairalanda1:
Best ways to Japa to USA

1. Graduate from their colleges with high grade qualifications that would attract companies that will sponsor your hb1a visa(modified...preferably in STEM courses...so don't go reading things like history, Literature or fine arts, please!..unless you are the next Chiamanda Adiche, and have a novel written up by your 19th birthday!)

2. Be in medicine and pass the certification exams (USMLE for docs , NCLEX for nurses)

3. Write GRE and get into a masters program and do so brilliantly there that they will retain you for work.(again preferrably in STEM)

Though Trump is making immigration harder ( except for medical people)

Crap, do you know what is history and literature?

Kingpele:
Trump should just deport the guy to Zimbabwe, since he doesn't want to have sense..the werey want people to donate money for him to complete school...

He's a born American, he can't be deported.

Jagaban is Nupe.

Goodlyhrt:
Lol at the quoted. You’re using the internet, a phone, or a laptop 😀 tools your shallow mind couldn’t even conceive of if you were given a billion years.😁

For your information: all cultures have mixed and many have been erased entirely. The Anglo-Saxons were absorbed by the Normans. Gaul was swallowed by the Romans and eventually became France. The Arabian Peninsula saw countless local cultures wiped out and replaced with Islamic culture. This is not unique to Africa, that's how history works.

Africa’s tragedy is that we were isolated for much of history. While other continents were exchanging ideas, technologies, and institutions, raising the collective “technological floor”.. large parts of Africa were cut off by geography, thick forests, and poor navigable connections. Yes, we had great empires: Mali, Songhai, Benin, Aksum.. but make no mistake, we were no match for the great empires of other continents by the time we made contact with the west. The gap wasn’t racial it was a result of our consequences living in thick, inpenentrable enclaves.

Also cultural contact, even assimilation, isn’t inherently bad. The bad part is that we, as blacks, are too lazy and too distracted (distracted by crying and irrelevance) to use the leverage we have now, leverage our ancestors never dreamed of. The internet. Free access to global knowledge. Technology and education the world shares far more openly than in the past.

The Chinese were colonized, carved up, and humiliated, yet they rose by using the tools available to them. The Japanese were obliterated by two atomic bombs, but they didn’t waste decades hating the West..no, they rebuilt and now sit as equals at the table of power.

I implore my fellow blacks to start our own Renaissance, lets fast-track ourselves into that precarious committee of nations as equals, not as perpetual beggars for arms and aid. The constant ritual of blaming whites for how we failed is humiliating, self-defeating, and beneath the dignity of any people who claim they want respect.

Mali, Songhai etc were made possible by Arabs. Is Musa an African name? Mansa Musa.

Lie. It's an Indonesian hat, you illiterate. The people in the North have been wearing it for ages, being Muslims (Indonesia has the world's largest Muslim population) Obi is not even a Muslim.

.

Fake Life. Where's the receipt?


000000 00000 000000

A Pan-African bond was supposed to unite African nations in brotherhood – a principle Nigeria has upheld passionately since independence. Yet today, Nigerians suffer harrowing mistreatment in countries like Ghana and South Africa, where xenophobic fervor and narrow nationalism have erased memories of Nigeria’s past sacrifices. A recent video circulating on social media shows protesters in Accra clamoring for Nigerians to be sent away, accusing them of stealing jobs and committing crimes. In South Africa, periodic riots see black migrants – especially Nigerians – macheted in the streets of Johannesburg, Pretoria, and Durban. The bitter irony is that Nigeria, driven by leaders like Nnamdi Azikiwe and following Kwame Nkrumah’s Pan-African ideals, invested blood and treasure to uplift these very countries. This essay presents a fiery exposé of these betrayals, tracing the historical arcs of Nigeria-Ghana and Nigeria-South Africa relations. It blends historical exposition with hard-hitting commentary, ultimately arguing that Nigeria must adopt a tougher “Nigeria First” policy – “no help without tangible benefits”. It is high time Nigeria demand respect and reciprocity from supposed African “brothers” who have repaid goodwill with hostility.

In 1960, newly independent Nigeria eagerly embraced Pan-Africanism, taking inspiration from Ghana’s own founding president, Kwame Nkrumah. Nkrumah championed African unity and invited fellow Africans to invest and settle in Ghana as partners in development. Under Nkrumah’s pan-African welcome, Nigerian migrants flocked to Ghana, becoming pillars of Ghana’s economy in the mid-20th century. By the early 1960s, Nigerians constituted the largest immigrant group in Ghana – over 191,000 Nigerians by 1963 – and had “contributed immensely to the socio-economic development of Ghana” as traders, cocoa farmers, transporters, and artisans. This was African cooperation at its finest: Nigerians toiling on Ghanaian cocoa farms, running transport businesses, and helping fuel Ghana’s post-colonial economy.

All that promise evaporated after 1966, when a military coup led by Gen. Emmanuel Kotoka toppled Nkrumah. Ghana’s new rulers swiftly abandoned Nkrumah’s pan-African policies. Economic hard times hit, and migrants became scapegoats. The climax came in November 1969, under the civilian Prime Minister Kofi Busia, who promulgated the infamous Aliens Compliance Order. This edict ordered all undocumented foreigners – mostly other Africans – to leave Ghana within just two weeks. In effect, Busia’s Ghana turned its anger on Nigerians, blaming them (and other West African immigrants) for unemployment and crime. Ghanaian authorities gave Nigerians practically no time to prepare – just days to pack up lives built over decades. According to historical accounts, banks were instructed to impose absurd limits on withdrawals for departing migrants (reportedly no more than £200, regardless of one’s balance), effectively confiscating Nigerians’ life savings. Ordinary Ghanaians and even state agents seized homes, shops, farms and assets left behind by fleeing Nigerians. The Nigerian press at the time carried “horror stories” of Ghanaians literally fighting over properties of expelled foreigners. Families who had lived in Ghana for generations were reduced to destitute refugees overnight.

Ghanaians rejoiced as Nigerians were forced out. Busia’s expulsion order was wildly popular on the Ghanaian street – hailed as a “patriotic move to garner jobs for Ghanaians and rid the country of crime,” as one account notes. Crowds reportedly cheered while Nigerians, including those who had called Ghana home for decades, trudged to the ports and borders with whatever belongings they could carry. But Ghana’s triumphalism was painfully short-lived. In driving away Nigerians, Ghana shot itself in the foot. Nigerians had dominated key sectors; once they were gone, Ghana’s economy swiftly crumbled. Cocoa production, the backbone of Ghana’s export economy, “dropped” precipitously after 1969 due to the exodus of Nigerian farmers. Transportation services, largely run by enterprising Nigerians, ground to a halt – domestic and regional transport collapsed, stranding commerce. Within a few years, Ghana’s once-envied economy lay in tatters, a casualty of xenophobic policy.

Ghana soon realized the folly of killing the goose that laid the golden eggs. By the late 1970s, Ghana was in such economic despair that hundreds of thousands of Ghanaians fled to Nigeria, seeking the very livelihood their country had denied Nigerians. During Ghana’s hard times under military ruler Jerry Rawlings, and later under President Hilla Limann, Nigeria became a lifeline for desperate Ghanaian migrants. By 1980, roughly one million Ghanaians resided in Nigeria – a dramatic reversal of the migration flow. Nigerians, remembering 1969, wryly dubbed the influx “Ghana Must Go” – a phrase that would soon take on a sharper edge.
In 1983, Nigeria suffered its own economic downturn (after an oil boom went bust) and, facing public pressure, President Shehu Shagari enacted a retaliatory mass expulsion. Over 1 million undocumented immigrants – the majority Ghanaians – were deported from Nigeria in early 1983. It was a harsh measure, driven partly by the same ugly scapegoating logic that Busia had used: Shagari’s government absurdly claimed that Ghanaian migrants were stealing Nigerian jobs and worsening Nigeria’s economic woes. Hundreds of thousands of Ghanaians, many penniless, had to trek back to Ghana, famously carrying their belongings in checkered plastic bags that Nigerians nicknamed “Ghana Must Go” bags. Tit-for-tat had come full circle. The mutual mass expulsions of 1969 and 1983 remain a tragic chapter in West African history, souring relations between two erstwhile allies. It took years for trust and “mutual respect to be reinstalled” between Nigeria and Ghana.

Nigeria’s Lifeline to a Sinking Ghana

After the turmoil of the 1980s, cooler heads eventually prevailed. Subsequent Ghanaian leaders – from Jerry Rawlings to John Kufuor – recognized that mending fences with Nigeria was both economically and diplomatically essential. Nigeria’s sheer size and oil wealth made it West Africa’s regional powerhouse, and Ghana’s collapsing economy needed a boost that only Nigerian cooperation could provide. Thus, Ghana’s presidents effectively made pilgrimages to Abuja, beseeching Nigeria for help in rebuilding Ghana’s shattered economy and restoring friendly relations. In the 1990s and 2000s, Nigeria responded magnanimously – arguably too magnanimously – in forgiving past transgressions and extending a helping hand to Ghana.

A turning point came in the early 2000s under Nigeria’s President Olusegun Obasanjo. By then, Ghana (under President Kufuor) was facing chronic energy and fuel crises. In a candid recollection, former Ghanaian President John Kufuor described how dire the situation was when he assumed office in 2001: Ghana was suffering “biting” fuel shortages, with endless queues at filling stations. Kufuor flew to Abuja to plead with Obasanjo for a lifeline. At first, Obasanjo hesitated – Ghana already owed Nigeria money for previous oil deliveries – but Kufuor persisted. Finally, “Nigeria obliged us,” Kufuor recounted gratefully. Obasanjo approved a generous deal: 30,000 barrels of crude oil per day to Ghana on a deferred payment basis – essentially oil on credit for 90 days. This Nigerian lifeline immediately eased Ghana’s fuel crisis; as Kufuor pointed out proudly to Ghanaians, once the deal kicked in, the debilitating petrol queues “disappeared”.

Nigeria did not stop at short-term relief. Obasanjo’s government went further, stepping in to support Ghana’s long-term energy infrastructure. When Ghana was struggling to finance its share of the ambitious West African Gas Pipeline project, President Obasanjo personally intervened. He instructed his finance minister (then Ms. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala) to arrange an $80 million support for Ghana’s stake in the project, on the spot, during a meeting with Kufuor. In Kufuor’s words, “the deal was struck” thanks to Obasanjo’s fraternal assistance. Such gestures – ad hoc bailout funds, oil on easy credit – became hallmarks of Nigeria-Ghana relations during the 2000s. Even after Obasanjo, subsequent Nigerian administrations continued supplying Ghana with crude oil and refined products on lenient terms. In 2009, for instance, Ghana’s President Atta Mills secured an extension of Nigeria’s oil credit line from 90 days to payment terms of 180 days, with Nigeria doubling the supply to up to 60,000 barrels per day. Basically, Nigeria kept Ghana’s lights on and cars running, while allowing Ghana to defer payment for months. At times, Ghana fell behind on payments or defaulted on debts for these supplies, yet Nigeria did not bully or sanction its smaller neighbor – the oil kept flowing, a testament to Nigeria’s generous spirit.

Beyond energy, Nigeria assisted Ghana in other critical areas. During Ghana’s lean years, Nigeria provided direct budgetary support to keep essential services afloat. It is often noted that Nigeria quietly shouldered some costs of Ghana’s security sector in the 1980s, helping pay salaries of Ghanaian military and police at a time when Ghana’s government could barely make payroll. Nigeria also invested in Ghana’s infrastructure: constructing and rehabilitating major roads and facilities as part of regional cooperation initiatives. In Accra, one major arterial road was rebuilt with Nigerian funding and was subsequently named Olusegun Obasanjo Way in honor of the Nigerian president’s contributions. (Ghana, it must be said, has not gone much further than such token gestures – a road named after Obasanjo – in acknowledging the scale of Nigeria’s help.)

By the mid-2000s, thanks in part to Nigeria’s aid, Ghana’s economy had stabilized and begun growing again. Nigerian investors were also returning to Ghana, opening businesses and bolstering Ghana’s banking, telecom, and service sectors. Nigeria forgave past animosities for the sake of African brotherhood. The only “thank you” Ghana offered, as some Nigerian observers have caustically noted, was that Obasanjo road in Accra – after Nigeria literally built or financed many of the roads in Accra – and a perfunctory debt of gratitude expressed in speeches. Nigeria did not demand reparations for the losses Nigerians suffered in 1969, nor interest on the help extended afterward. The imbalance in the relationship was stark: Nigeria gave, Ghana took.

Yet incredibly, this pattern of ingratitude persists. Even today, when Nigerians in Ghana contribute significantly to Ghana’s economy, they face resentment and hostility. Thousands of Nigerian students pay hefty tuition fees to Ghanaian universities, Nigerian entrepreneurs create jobs, and Nigerian traders energize markets in Accra and Kumasi. These Nigerians abroad are “making significant contributions to the host country’s economy,” as one analyst noted, from paying millions in education fees to investing in businesses. How has Ghana responded? In recent years, rather than gratitude, we’ve seen a resurgence of xenophobic rhetoric and policies targeting Nigerians. Ghana’s government imposed regulations effectively locking Nigerian traders out of certain markets (for example, a law requiring foreign retailers to have $1 million in capital – aimed squarely at Nigerian shop-owners). Nigerian-owned shops have been forcibly closed. In 2019, news broke that Ghana had deported 723 Nigerians, often inhumanely – ostensibly for offences like cybercrime or prostitution, but with reports of mistreatment and torture of those detained. The Ghana Immigration Service’s heavy-handed deportations, skirting ECOWAS protocols on free movement, caused a diplomatic rift. Nigerian officials quietly seethed at the hypocrisy: Ghana, of all countries, expelling Nigerians without due process, despite all Nigeria had done to keep Ghana afloat. Public sentiment in Nigeria began to turn, with calls that if Ghana does not cease such behavior, Nigeria might return the favor by expelling the over 500,000 Ghanaians living in Nigeria (nearly half of whom may be undocumented).

In Ghana’s streets and media, dangerous stereotypes are spreading – painting Nigerians as criminals and job-snatchers. The viral video of Ghanaians protesting to “send Nigerians away”, accusing Nigerians of everything from armed robbery to taking over local jobs, is a chilling reminder of 1969. It seems some Ghanaians have forgotten the cost of xenophobia to their own country. As one Nigerian commentator lamented in response to Ghana’s recent deportations: “If Africans do not treat each other with respect and dignity, how can the continent expect the rest of the world to respect Africans?”. Indeed, what example is Ghana setting? These actions undermine West African unity and give a green light to Europe and America to treat African immigrants with similar contempt – an ugly irony noted by observers who warn, “We cannot be hypocritical” by condemning Western xenophobia while practicing it at home.

South Africa: Freedom Won with Nigeria’s Blood and Gold

If Ghana’s ingratitude stings, South Africa’s feels like a stab in the back. Few bilateral relationships in Africa carry as much historical weight as Nigeria and South Africa. During the dark decades of apartheid, Nigeria was nowhere near Southern Africa geographically, yet it stood out as one of the apartheid regime’s most unyielding enemies. From the early 1960s, Nigeria put principle above profit, dedicating its foreign policy to the liberation of Black South Africans. This was not a token effort – it was a massive, costly commitment sustained over 30 years. History records that Nigeria gave more financial and material support to the anti-apartheid struggle than perhaps any other nation on earth.

The facts speak for themselves. As early as 1960, Nigeria established the National Committee Against Apartheid (NACAP) – the only country in the world to have such an official body at the time. Nigerian Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa in 1961 led the charge to expel South Africa from the British Commonwealth after the Sharpeville Massacre. He also provided the first direct funding to the exiled African National Congress (ANC). In the 1970s, under military and civilian governments alike, Nigeria maintained that commitment: it gave $5 million annually to the ANC and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), a huge sum in those days. At the height of the liberation struggle, Nigeria helped sustain the fight when many others wavered.

In 1976, following the Soweto uprising, Nigeria created the Southern Africa Relief Fund (SARF) (also called the Southern Africa Relief Fund, SAFR). This fund provided humanitarian relief and education to apartheid’s victims – effectively a means to support Black South African refugees and students. To finance it, ordinary Nigerians literally fed South Africa from their own pockets. The military head of state, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, kick-started the fund with a $3.7 million contribution from Nigeria’s government. Obasanjo himself donated $3,000 of his personal money, and each of his ministers gave $1,500 – a gesture of true brotherhood. Then came the Nigerian people: every civil servant had 2% of their salary docked as a mandatory contribution to the apartheid freedom fund. This was nicknamed the “Mandela Tax” in Nigeria – a badge of honor worn with pride. School children and university students even skipped meals to save money, which they donated toward South Africa’s liberation. In just six months of 1977, popular donations to the fund reached $10.5 million. Imagine that: Nigerians going hungry for the sake of South African freedom.

By the 1980s, Nigeria’s support had scaled to extraordinary levels. An article by the South African Institute of International Affairs later estimated that Nigeria’s total contributions to the anti-apartheid effort exceeded $60 billion between 1960 and 1995. This figure includes the economic sacrifices Nigeria made by enforcing oil sanctions. Nigeria is an oil-producing nation, and selling oil is its main income – yet Nigeria unilaterally refused to sell a drop of oil to apartheid South Africa, despite lucrative opportunities. For decades, successive Nigerian governments upheld this oil embargo as moral duty. The cost to Nigeria was enormous: by one estimate, Nigeria lost around $41–45 billion in potential oil revenues by boycotting trade with South Africa. No other nation made such a costly sacrifice to isolate the apartheid regime. In fact, Nigeria championed international sanctions at every turn – pushing for sports boycotts, cultural boycotts, UN sanctions – often when many Western powers were still doing business with Pretoria. Nigeria even barred aircraft: during apartheid, any South African government aircraft or airline was prohibited from Nigerian airspace or airports (Nigerian officials urged all African countries to similarly deny overflight and landing rights to South African planes).

Not only did Nigeria give money and impose sanctions, it also gave hope and refuge to South African freedom fighters. The Lagos government routinely issued hundreds of Nigerian passports to South African activists and exiles who could not travel on apartheid passports. Top ANC officials like Thabo Mbeki lived in Nigeria for years – Mbeki spent seven years in Nigeria (1977–1984) under Nigeria’s protection. Nelson Mandela himself, shortly before his 1962 arrest, visited Nigeria to seek support. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, scores of Black South African students were admitted to Nigerian universities – completely free of charge. Nigeria covered their tuition, living expenses, and even stipends for their families back home. By 1976, the first batch of 86 South African students arrived in Nigeria; over the years, hundreds benefited from these scholarship programs. In Nigerian schools, anti-apartheid clubs and student movements sprouted, mobilizing youth support for South African freedom. Nigerian musicians and artists also joined the fight – famous singers like Sonny Okosun and Majek Fashek wrote hit songs (“Fire in Soweto”, “Free Mandela”) rallying public opinion against apartheid. Popular culture and media in Nigeria were harnessed to raise awareness; one could not walk through a Nigerian city in the 1980s without seeing posters screaming “Apartheid is a Crime Against Humanity” – because the Nigerian government made sure of it. For over 30 years, Nigeria chaired the UN Special Committee Against Apartheid, using that platform to doggedly lobby world opinion against Pretoria. From high diplomacy to grassroots education, Nigeria threw its weight fully into South Africa’s liberation

— Dr Bukola Oyeniyi writes from Missouri, United States.

I love his articles. Go read the full one.

Essays
Politics
Economy
Lies and Hubris: A Caustic Critique of Farooq Kperogi and Moses Ochonu
Africa African Affairs Education Essays Government International International International Affairs Opinion Politics
55 ViewsBukola Oyeniyi July 24, 2025Africa African Affairs Education Essays Government International International International Affairs Opinion Politics




PDFPRINT
What do you get when a journalism professor abandons truth for clickbait, and a history professor trades collegiality for condescension? You get the toxic tag-team of Farooq Kperogi and Moses Ochonu – two self-styled public intellectuals whose antics have poisoned public discourse. In this polemical piece, we take off the gloves to decry the nefarious claims and behavior of the likes of Kperogi and Moses. One is a serial peddler of falsehoods; the other, a sneering diasporan academic who derides his home-based colleagues. Both deserve a searing spotlight on their hypocrisy and harm. Strap in for a dose of scathing truth-telling, laced with sarcastic humor, as we expose Kperogi’s lies and Moses’s hubris in equal measure.

Farooq Kperogi: Professor of Falsehoods

Farooq Kperogi – “Dr.” Kperogi as he loves to be known – has fashioned himself a champion of the downtrodden and a fierce critic of Nigeria’s leadership. But scratch the surface of his verbose columns and Facebook posts, and you find a professor of perfidy, a man disturbingly comfortable with fake news and baseless claims. As Adamu Tilde once put it, “Kperogi is a purveyor and enabler of fake news” who has a “consistent, recurring and habitual attitude” of concocting stories. Indeed, Kperogi’s relationship with facts is about as solid as quicksand – whenever reality doesn’t suit his narrative, he simply fabricates a new one. Below are just a few of Kperogi’s most infamous lies (drawn from documented instances) that illustrate his slippery grasp on truth:

The Budget Lie (2016): Kperogi claimed, via an “impeccable source,” that the Aso Villa Clinic’s budget exceeded the combined budgets of all 16 Nigerian teaching hospitals. It was flat-out false – yet when corrected, Kperogi didn’t humbly retract. Instead, he doubled down and insulted those pointing out his error, even smearing the President’s spokesman (who happened to be his former teacher) as “incapable”. So much for respecting facts or mentors.
£6 Million Ear Infection (2016): Not long after, Kperogi peddled a ridiculous rumor that President Buhari spent a whopping £6 million on treating an ear infection in London – a tale that was promptly debunked as a “barefaced lie.” Despite official clarification, the professor refused to recant or provide evidence. Apparently, no conspiracy theory was too absurd if it tarnished Buhari; truth be damned.
Self-Made “Assassination” Scare (2019): In one of his more bizarre moves, Kperogi literally manufactured a threat against himself. He wrote a WhatsApp message to himself, then published it, claiming an unnamed security friend warned of a government “plot to assassinate” him. Of course, being safely ensconced in the U.S., Kperogi never bothered to report this supposed plot to the FBI – a hint that even he didn’t believe his own melodrama. The only thing in danger was his credibility (and that was long gone).
Fake Videos and Blaming “Ignorance” (2019): Kperogi’s propensity for spreading unverified garbage hit a low during the 2019 elections. Caught twice sharing fake videos as “evidence” of electoral rigging, he was named and shamed by an investigative fact-check report. A normal journalist might apologize – but not Kperogi. Instead, he lashed out at the fact-checkers, deriding their work as “a tendentious, poorly written, inaccurate screed” filled with “malicious ignorance”. In other words, confronted with impeccable evidence of his falsehoods, Kperogi defaulted to insults and bluster. (Incredible! If Dr. Kperogi isn’t a purveyor of fake news, I don’t know who is.)
This pattern of sensational misinformation has defined Farooq Kperogi’s career. He revels in outrageous claims and toxic innuendo under the guise of “commentary.” Even when he ostensibly debunks a wild conspiracy, he cannot resist adding a poisonous twist. For example, during the absurd 2018 “Jibril from Sudan” rumor (which alleged Buhari died and was replaced by a double), Kperogi correctly called it “implausible absurdity” – but, in the same breath, sneered that Buhari “isn’t a clone, but a clown.” He blended fact with ridicule, turning a debunking into yet another jab. This has long been Kperogi’s style: any chance to mock or vilify, decency and decorum be damned.

Kperogi’s most recent and perhaps cruelest hoax came in 2025, proving that even out of office, Buhari couldn’t escape Kperogi’s obsession. On July 16, 2025, Kperogi broadcast a salacious claim that First Lady Aisha Buhari had been secretly divorced from President Buhari “before his death,” insinuating marital strife at the funeral. He cited no official source – only a vague anonymous tip and flimsy circumstantial “evidence” (e.g. travel timing). In reality, this was a hurtful fabrication against a grieving widow. Aisha Buhari publicly debunked the lie, affirming she remained married to Buhari till his final breath. Faced with public outrage – and the prospect of legal libel for defaming the former First Lady – Kperogi finally issued an apology for what he admitted was “one of the worst and cruelest lapses of judgment I have ever committed.” But note: this contrition came only after he was thoroughly called out. Until then, he was in attack mode, ridiculing critics who questioned his story and insisting they “didn’t pay attention” to his oh-so-brilliant scoop. In other words, he showed arrogance until accountability cornered him. As one commentator observed, Kperogi chose “sensationalism over integrity,” and his actions were “not just unethical – they were inhumane.”

Farooq Kperogi styles himself as a truth-teller speaking truth to power, but time and again he has only proven adept at speaking lies to the powerless, all while basking in the adulation of his social media echo chamber. He utterly failed the basic tenets of honesty and ethics that one would expect from a journalism professor – accuracy, verification, fairness – instead prioritizing his vendettas and ego. Little wonder that many Nigerians now ridicule and vilify him in return, having lost all respect for a man who so cavalierly flings falsehoods. Kperogi hates President Buhari – that much is obvious. But in giving free rein to his hate, he has sacrificed any claim to credibility or virtue. He has become the very thing he professes to despise: a merchant of misinformation, a peddler of toxic narratives that add no value to public discourse. Until Kperogi learns humility and embraces a “duty to the truth” – by ceasing his bogus claims and apologizing for the damage done – he will remain a tarnished figure, a cautionary tale of how hate and hubris can rot away one’s integrity.

— Dr. Bukola Adeyemi Oyeniyi of Missouri, United States.

The usual people. I knew before opening it.

kurupt007:
Kidwaya is supposed to be on the list na....even Davido too, I think he too is qualified to be on the list

Are you kidding yourself? Who's Davido near Seyi Tinubu? Is Davido's father a dollar billionaire?

everything north is evil north nigeria
Northern mali
Northern sudan
Northern kenya
North africa
North korea
North west

North America?
Northern Europe?

Glimpsetv:
A Ghanaian working in the United States as an Amazon delivery driver has shared a video showing the condition of a rural road in the US — sparking widespread discussion on X.

The post attracted mixed reactions. Some users explained that this is typical of rural areas, noting that such roads are often quiet, with few residents, as they mostly lead to farmlands.

Others pointed out that roads like this can even be found in urban areas of some African countries — especially in Ghana, the driver's home country.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I-ahGZP9pvs?si=sNUvEYJxy5Iiv3KH

Watch the video and share your thoughts in the comments!

This is a lie. I live in Texas, and I have never come across such in my life. I have been to multiple states also. This stupid guy did not mention which state, which county, which village. Because he's lying and he knows that the internet is full of stupid people like himself who will believe him. That video is somewhere in Africa, particularly Ghana.

Did you just say Buhari is 6'4? WTF...You should be arrested for making such a blantant lie!If you don't know anything about height, shut the effing up. Do you know what 6'4 is? You are taking about Kanu Nwankwo, Zlatan Ibrahimović e.t.c.

I'm a Height analyst. Buhari is not tall as most think. He may look tall in the eyes of most Nigerians where the average male height is 5'8...President Jonathan's height! Buhari is only 5'10 or 5'11 with very slim build which gives that illusion of being tall. David Cameron is 6'1 ft tall and appears at least 2-3 inches taller than Buhari with Buhari wearing a hat; I'm being conservative...see picture below. Obama is 6'1 and also taller than Buhari. The tallest president/prime minister in that photoshoot is Prime Minister Stephen Harper of Canada who is 6'2...the guy far left in the front. So Stop this deception!

Can't you see Buhari was wearing a flat shoe, and Obama, a heel? That's if you're still alive.

It's Japa, not "jakpa"

So no Kenyan medics in the US?

Trash. UNICEF didn't do this shit. Stop lying.

Biafran man

silibaba:
Aside banana island, no area can still stand festac town.

MD man

Omoawoke:
If you meet a fellow nigerian in an interview in a foreign soil, that may be the end of the road for you.

Nigerians are so evil to one another. This is from personal experiences and experiences of many others that I know personally

Nigerians!! Why??

The same whites that we say are racists are the ones that are best to meet at interviews, but meeting a fellow Nigerian, that particular Nigerian would be the one to stress you all out the most among the people in the panel



Please we aren’t talking of yahoo boys here…
We are talking of real professionals, with PhD, MBAs, Masters from Ivy League schools in the Us

And the job we are taking about ain’t freelancers oo. We are talking of high profile jobs that before you even get to interview, it means you are among the best..

Please update your perspectives please, not everyone is a low life



You are probably supervising construction workers or Food vendors…
We are talking of multinational organizations here.. companies on 500 Forbes

The UK is not the US. Follow the topic, stop pretending. Leave us out of the discussion.

Esthered:
I saw white people in a Toyota Hiace bus belonging to the NCS at Doyin Orile yesterday evening and they drove without an escort vehicle but with a police officer sitting in front.

If they're the people sentenced as they looked like people of Asian origin, is there a correctional facility along the Lagos-Badagry expressway?

Filipinos are not white.

A Dayveylopa.

Dayveylopas.

kettykin:
This is commendable and a good thing , i wish Ekiti , Ogun, Lagos Osun or Ondo will beat this record with a 1200M Flagpole , the tallest in Africa

What's special about those states? Are they more Yoruba than Kwara is?